Academic literature on the topic 'Sovereigns and princes'
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Journal articles on the topic "Sovereigns and princes"
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Marey, A. V. "ABOUT PRINCES AND SOVEREIGNS." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 90, no. 3 (2018): 50–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2018-90-3-50-73.
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Demidov, Alexander N. "The “Edelevsky” list of the “protective memory” of Tsar Ivan Vasilyevich to the Mordovian Princes and Murzes in 1572." Finno-Ugric World 12, no. 1 (May 18, 2020): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2076-2577.012.2020.01.029-041.
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Introduction. The article considers the publication of a unique source for the history of the Mordovian people, the “protective memory” dated by 1572 addressed to the princes and Murzes of Mordovia. The “protective memory” is considered in comparison with the “romadanovsky” list belonging to the descendants of the Mordovian prince Romadan, seeking the return of the nobility, the non-criminal record of the Temnik-Kadom Mordva, published in the XVIII century, similar to the records of Tatar Sovereigns to the Temnik-Kadom Mordva. Materials and methods. The author focused on studying the content of the source, revealing the identities of the recipients, analyzing the composition of the princes and Murz of Mordovian records, spelling of the names, origin, and family ties. The genealogy of the princes Edelevs is being reconstructed, the history of their kind is described together with the history of Mordovian Murzas and their representatives in the context of social and historical ties. Results and discussion. The article describes the social situation of Princes Edelevs, the features of land ownership, land use, property and ownership of serfs. The article discusses the history of the discovery and use of the source in the clerical work of the aristocratic deputies’ assemblies and the Governing Senate at the request of the descendants of Mordovian princes and Muzes from the Edelev family to restore the rights of the noble state. It poses the problem of studying the social stratification in Mordovian society, the typology and origin of the Mordovian aristocracy, the peculiarities of the titling and inheritance of power, its role in the historical and social development of the Mordovian people, as well as its legal status in the Russian Empire. It compares the situation of the Temnikov-Kadom Mordovian Tarkhans, Cossacks, White Field and Alatyr princes and Mordovian Murzes, serving Mordovians and Tatars. Conclusion. “Protective memory” indicates that in the XVI century there was a national Mordovian aristocracy, collaborating with Moscow and being in the service of Great Sovereigns, and subsequently becoming part of the nobility and other classes of Russian society. The choice of Mordovian princes ensured the relatively peaceful entry of Mordovian lands into the Russian Empire.
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Попович, Терезія. "Проблематика обов’язків у політико-правовій думці епохи відродження." Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie 36, no. 4 (2022): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ksm20220402.
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The article is devoted to understanding the category of obligation in the political and legal thought of the Renaissance. The study analyzes the works of F. Bacon, N. Machiavelli, J. Bodin and J. Althusius. Considering the views of F. Bacon, the author concludes that Bacon’s understanding of obligations is based on the established commandment of love, which should be guided by man in his actions and deeds. Thus, Bacon, above all, speaks of obligations in the Christian sense as manifestations of love of neighbor. In “Discourses on the First decade of Titus Livius”, N. Machiavelli outlines a kind of “obligation” of the republic and the prince to refrain from insulting citizens. He also formulates the obligation that a virtuous citizen should follow – to forget about the insults caused to him out of love for the homeland. The main obligation of the prince, based on the work of the “The Prince”, is the art of war. In addition to the above, it is also the obligation of the princes to try to retain power, to win, regardless of the means they use to do so. Regarding the people, the prince has such obligations as: to reward gifted citizens, to persuade them to quietly engage in crafts and trade, to arrange their possessions, but also to engage citizens in celebrations and spectacles at the right time. The author concludes that the issue of obligations in Machiavelli is wrapped up in political goals, which are ultimately aimed at preserving, strengthening the state, cohesion of the people. In Boden’s political and legal conception, it is the category of obligation (obligation between subject and sovereign) that forms citizenship, underlies the understanding of the law (as the sovereign’s order to exercise its power), and is associated with the first attribute of sovereignty. In this case, the sovereign and the citizen are bound by mutual obligations – the sovereign provides protection of the citizens and his property, and the citizens – obeys the will of the sovereign and shows faith and obedience to authority. Views on the obligations of the German thinker J. Althusius are set out in his work “Politica”, analyzing which, the author concludes that the whole system of obligations of J. Althusius is based on God’s commandments, the commandments of love of neighbor. Regarding the sovereigns, they should take care of the soul and body of their citizens, especially in the direction of their noesis of God’s laws and their protection.
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HUGHES, JULIE E. "Royal Tigers and Ruling Princes: Wilderness and wildlife management in the Indian princely states." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (January 16, 2015): 1210–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1300070x.
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AbstractIn the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Indian princes correlated the preservation and use of well-maintained hunting grounds rich in desirable flora and fauna with the enjoyment of higher status, stronger defences against foreign interference, and more compliant subjects. As a result, they carefully managed wilderness and wildlife in their territories. Major past impacts on environments and biodiversity, with ongoing relevance to the ways in which wildlife and wilderness are perceived in the subcontinent today, emerged from the widespread conviction of these rulers that their attempts to govern ecosystems and wildlife demographics were natural and necessary functions of the state. Evidence drawn from hunting memoirs, shooting diaries, photographs, paintings, archival records, and administration reports from a selection of North Indian states calls into question exactly how, and even if, wildlife or wilderness existed in separation from people and the realm of civilization. The intimate relationship between Indian sovereigns, wilderness, and wildlife, therefore, informs new understandings of princely identity, South Asian environmental history, and elite Indian receptions of European and colonial science and managerial practice relating to forests and wild animals in the era of British paramountcy.
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Lockey, Brian C. "Philip Sidney and Edmund Spenser on Transnational Governance and the Future of Christendom." Renaissance Quarterly 74, no. 2 (2021): 369–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2021.1.
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This article considers the writings of Philip Sidney and Edmund Spenser within the context of European religious conflicts between Protestants and Catholics, amid the perceived Ottoman threat to Christendom. In their fictional works, these authors imagine an overarching authority that might replace the traditional papal power of oversight and deposing in order to regulate temporal sovereigns and foster a unity of Christian princes within Europe. Even as they can be read as reimagining Christendom, their fictional works reflect what Charles Taylor has called the “disenchantment” of sacred spaces within his philosophical history of the emergence of secularity within European cultures.
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Nubola, Cecilia. "Supplications between Politics and Justice: The Northern and Central Italian States in the Early Modern Age." International Review of Social History 46, S9 (December 2001): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859001000323.
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“Those who think to do away with petitions would overthrow the entire system of the State”. This remark – taken from an anonymous eighteenth-century account of the political organization of the Duchy of Parma and Piacenza – describes well the importance attributed to complaints in the organization of the state. Through complaints, or petitions, it is generally possible to verify a number of fundamental forms and modes of communication between society and the institutions of the ancien regime, and to reconstruct the procedures of mediation, repression, acceptance, and agreement adopted by princes, sovereigns, or magistracies in response to social demands.
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Spagnoletti, Angelantonio. "Le dinastie italiane e la guerra delle Fiandre." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 125 (December 2009): 423–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2009-125002.
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- In this essay the author deals with the Italian princes and noblemen who took part in the war of the Flanders. In the second half of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth century the nationalist historiography considered them as the only men who were still able to preserve the honour of a nation ruled by the sovereigns who were subject to Spain. Emanuele Filiberto, Alessandro Farnese and Ambrogio Spinola were good examples of an invincible fighting spirit. In fact, the Italians held an important position in the multinational Spanish army; many southern princes and barons often went to the Flanders with their families. In many cases they had received the baptisim of fire under the orders of don Giovanni of Austria, during the historical period starting from the battle of Lepanto to the conquest of Tunis, The author emphasizes that the presence of many foreign princes and noblemen in the military encampments and battlefields of the Flanders forced them to follow precise and codified rules of behaviour belonging to the courtly world. Such rules couldn't be avoided. Moreover, the military experience abroad had a deep effect on their future destiny. The Kings'gratitude towards the Italians who returned from the Flanders was rewarded with public posts and honours, however it was limited due to the fact that those had been foreign battles.
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Shevchenko, Maksim N. "On the formation of the phenomenon of the power of the moscow dynasty through the prism of historical anthropology (late 14th – first half of the 15th centuries)." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University 55, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/21-3/05.
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The article is devoted to the study of the problem of the formation of the ideology of the Moscow principality. The purpose of this study is to identify the ideological origins and features of the formation of the ideology of the rule of the Moscow sovereigns at the end of the XIV the first half of the XV centuries. To achieve this goal, the historian, firstly, draws on a wide range of sources, which will demonstrate the scale of changes in the theoretical foundations and ways of representing the power of the Moscow princes; secondly, the author took the principles of studying the phenomenon of power formulated by representatives of the Russian direction of historical anthropology as the basis for the research program of this article. Using the advantages of the existing approach, the researcher determined which ideas, images, forms and mechanisms were used to consolidate in the minds of contemporaries new ideas about the constantly expanding powers of power of the Moscow princes. The article concludes that the created great-power image of the Moscow rulers laid the ideological foundation for the growth of the political power of the Moscow principality.
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Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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Alekseev, Aleksey I. "On the Unknown Historical Work by Feofan Prokopovich." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 4 (2022): 1350–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.417.
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The article introduces a previously unknown text of the Genealogy of Russian Sovereigns from the collections of the Department of Manuscripts of the Russian National Library, which contains the engraving program of A. F. Zubov’s “Portrait of Catherine I surrounded by medallions with portraits of Russian princes and tsars” of 1725. It also reveals the source of this “Genealogy” in the form of a historical and genealogical introduction to the anonymous “History of Peter the Great”, in which Peter is presented the “fifty-sixth” ruler of Russia descending from Rurik. The process of textological research has enabled to establish a connection between these sources and the “Genealogy of Russian Sovereigns” compiled by Feofan Prokopovich, which contained 34 signature texts for P. Pikart’s engraving “Peter I in the genealogy”. The results of the study allow us to attribute both discovered monuments to Feofan Prokopovich. The research also defines that one of the most important means of legitimizing the power of a female ruler was the likening of Empress Catherine to Grand Duchess Olga. As a result of the study of the anonymous “History of Peter the Great”, a number of works by Feofan Prokopovich have been identified in its text. An examination of the lists of the anonymous history of Peter in the collections of the National Library of Russia as well as comparison between these texts and the works of Feofan Prokopovich enable to substantiate the hypothesis about the authorship of F. Prokopovich regarding this compilation history.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Sovereigns and princes"
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Hodson, Simon D. "Sovereigns and subjects : the princes of Sedan and dukes of Bouillon in early modern France c. 1450-1652." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313576.
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Bhagavan, Manu Belur. "Sovereign spheres : princes, education and empire in colonial India /." New Delhi : Oxford University Press, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb400296194.
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Eccleston, Rachel. "“Princely Feminine Graces”: Virtue and Power in Early Modern English and Spanish Literature." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23134.
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This project analyzes the intersections between representations of female sovereignty used to promote and rethink feminine virtue in both early modern English and Spanish advice literature and literary texts published in the decade after Queen Elizabeth I’s death. I suggest that the question of women’s sovereignty prompted by the rise of ruling queens in Spain and England influences the prominence of regal women as models of feminine virtue in advice literature and reconceptualizes feminine virtue as a political discourse, forming a new category I term “princely feminine virtue.” Scholarship analyzing the relationship between advice literature and literary works has not recognized England and Spain’s shared indebtedness to princely models to advise and represent feminine virtue. By examining the interplay between feminine virtue, tropes of sovereignty, and the advisory mode in both types of texts, this project emphasizes the widespread potential for women’s exemplary virtue across the social spectrum. In addition to recasting feminine virtue through a princely lens, these texts reveal a shared vision of how performances of feminine virtue are invested with agency and power.
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McIntosh, J. L. "Sovereign princesses Mary and Elizabeth Tudor as heads of princely households and the accomplishments of the female succession in Tudor England, 1516-1558 /." Available to US Hopkins community, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/dlnow/3068187.
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Lejeune, Sidonie. "Chypre en transition : les cités chypriotes de la fin des royaumes autonomes à la mise en ordre lagide, IVe-IIIe siècles." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100070.
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À l’heure où Alexandre le Grand se lançait à la conquête de l’Orient, les rois chypriotes jouissaient d’une autonomie certaine au sein de l’empire achéménide. Mais en 332, ils se rangèrent du côté macédonien. À la mort du Conquérant, Chypre se trouva au cœur des luttes entre les Diadoques et fut âprement disputée entre Ptolémée et Antigone. Les rois chypriotes se divisèrent alors et nouèrent des alliances avec l’un ou l’autre des Diadoques. C’est à la faveur de ces affrontements que Ptolémée élimina les royaumes chypriotes, entre 312 et 306. Lorsqu’il reconquit l’île en 295, il instaura durablement son autorité sur un territoire composé de cités dont le nombre s’accrut tout au long du siècle. La thèse porte sur cette transition entre les royaumes chypriotes autonomes et les cités chypriotes d’époque hellénistique. En tentant de cerner les contours de l’organisation politique de Chypre, elle s’attache tout particulièrement au rôle des acteurs politiques de l’île à une époque où elle était soumise à des formes de dominations changeantes. Aussi, les questions de souveraineté et d’autonomie, de domination et d’assujettissement se trouvent-elles au cœur de notre réflexion. Notre étude montre la vitalité des communautés politiques chypriotes pour définir leur place dans une pyramide de dominationBy 332 B.C., the Cypriot kings put an end to about two centuries under Achaemenid rule and rallied Alexander’s campaign. After the Conqueror died, they suffered from the continuous fights between the Diadochoi. Ptolemy finally took the opportunity of eliminating the Cypriot kingdoms. When he established his firm and long-term authority over the island, he was now ruling cypriot poleis, the number of which grew throughout the 3rd cent. B.C. This research deals with the transition from the autonomous kingdoms to the Hellenistic poleis. It describes the political organization of Cyprus throughout this changing period. The political actors in the island are the main concern. We focus on questions such as sovereignty, autonomy, domination and subjection. It shows that Cypriot political communities are particularly dynamic and well involved into the defense of their interests
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Zhekeyeva, Aiman. "La souveraineté et la réalisation de la responsabilité internationale des Etats en droit international public." Phd thesis, Université Paris-Est, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00675942.
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Etant membre de la communauté internationale, l'Etat ne peut pas être irresponsable pour ses actions. De même la spécificité principale de la responsabilité internationale est liée aux particularités du droit international et de ses sujets principaux- Etats souverains. La compréhension du mécanisme de la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité internationale des Etats et de son rapport avec la souveraineté montre la validité et l'efficacité du droit international. La réalisation de la responsabilité en tant que processus est examinée en thèse en tenant compte des différents critères : comme la réalisation des éléments de la responsabilité (application de mesures de contrainte), le processus de l'attribution de la responsabilité (le procès de l'attribution à l'Etat des faits des autres sujets du droit international) et la réalisation des phases de la responsabilité (les questions liées à la procédure judiciaire et à l'exécution des décisions internationales).La corrélation de ces deux notions est conçu en thèse sous deux aspects: à savoir, si l'Etat souverain peut en se couvrant sous la souveraineté tenter d'éviter la responsabilité et quels sont les mécanismes pour l'en empêcher et à contrario, comment la réalisation de la responsabilité peut toucher ou même violer la souveraineté des Etats.
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Ouro-Bodi, Ouro-Gnaou. "Les Etats et la protection internationale de l'environnement : la question du changement climatique." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BORD0228/document.
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Le changement climatique est devenu aujourd’hui le fléau environnemental qui préoccupe etmobilise le plus la communauté internationale. L’aboutissement de cette mobilisation générale reste sansdoute la mise en place du régime international de lutte contre le changement climatique dont la Conventioncadredes Nations Unies sur le changement climatique et le Protocole de Kyoto constituent les basesjuridiques. Ce régime innove en ce qu’il fixe des engagements quantifiés de réduction des émissions de gaz àeffet de serre pour les États pollueurs, mais aussi en ce qu’il instaure des mécanismes dits de « flexibilité »dont la mise en oeuvre est assortie d’un contrôle original basé sur un Comité dit de « l’observance ». Mais, endépit de toute cette production normative, il est regrettable de constater aujourd’hui que le régimeinternational du climat est un véritable échec. En effet, si la mobilisation des États ne fait aucun doute, enrevanche, les mêmes États qui ont volontairement accepté de s’engager refusent délibérément d’honorer leursengagements pour des raisons essentiellement politiques, économiques et stratégiques. Ce travail ambitionnedonc de lever le voile sur les causes de cet échec en dressant un bilan mitigé de la première périoded’engagement de Kyoto qui a pris fin en 2012, et propose des perspectives pour un régime juridique duclimat post-Kyoto efficient et efficace, en mesure d’être à la hauteur des enjeuxClimate change has become the scourge environmental concern and mobilizes more theinternational community. The outcome of this mobilization remains probably the implementation ofinternational climate change regime for which the Climate Convention and the Kyoto Protocol are the legalbases. This system is innovative in that it sets quantified emission reduction commitments for greenhouse gasemissions (GHG) for polluters States, but also in that it establishes mechanisms known as of “flexibility”whose implementation is accompanied by a control based on a Committee known as of “compliance”. Butdespite all this normative production, it is regrettable that today the international climate regime is a realfailure. Indeed, if the mobilization of states is no doubt, however, the same states that have voluntarily agreedto engage deliberately refuse to honour their commitments for essentially political, economic and strategicreasons. This work therefore aims to shed light on the causes of this failure by developing a mixed record ofthe first Kyoto commitment ended period in 2012, and offers prospects for a legal regime of the post-Kyotoclimate and efficient, able to be up to the challenges
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Bhalodia-Dhanani, Aarti. "Princes, diwans and merchants : education and reform in colonial India." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/25108.
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Scholarship on education and social reform has studied how communities with a history of literacy and employment in pre-colonial state administrations adjusted to the new socio-political order brought about by the British Empire in India. My work shifts the attention to the Indian aristocracy and mercantile communities and examines why they promoted modern education. I argue that rulers of Indian states adapted to the colonial environment quite effectively. Instead of a break from the past, traditional ideas of rajadharma (duties of a king) evolved and made room for reformist social and economic policies. This dissertation examines why many Indian princes (kings and queens) adopted liberal policies in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. I argue that English-educated rulers of Indian states became reformers and modernizers to enhance their monarchical authority. The main audience for princes was their own state population, neighboring princes, imperial officials, and Indian journalists and politicians. I have carried out research at government archives and public and private libraries in India and the United Kingdom. Sources used include official records and correspondence, annual administrative reports, newspaper accounts, social reform journals, and weeklies and monthlies dedicated to educational topics. I have also consulted memoirs and biographies of kings, queens, diwans (prime ministers) and merchants. My source material is in English and Gujarati. I draw evidence from princely states across India with a focus on Hindu Rajput and Pathan Muslim states in the Gujarat (specifically Saurashtra) region of western India, neighboring the former Bombay Presidency. Due to Gujarat's strong mercantilist tradition, commercial groups played an influential role in society. I examine how and why merchants in princely states supported their ruler's educational policies. I also discuss how mercantile philanthropy crossed political and religious boundaries with the Gujarati (Hindu, Muslim and Jain) diaspora across India, Africa and Burma supporting educational institutions in Gujarat. My dissertation examines the interactions between the English-educated upper caste Hindus, the Anglicized Rajput rulers and the Gujarati merchants to understand how they all contributed to the shaping of modern Gujarati society.text
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Baumruk, Petra. "The Still evolving Principle of Universal Jurisdiction." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-352952.
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The present study describes the nature, scope and application of universal jurisdiction as an important tool against impunity in international criminal law, in a straight forward manner, where inquiry into the recent developments of universal jurisdiction is undertaken. Forthwith, the formation of the principle of universal jurisdiction - especially its practical application - must be guided by international consensus, not through advocacy action of states with short term and narrow objectives. The thesis seeks to identify and observe how far the law of universal jurisdiction has actually evolved and how far we should expect it to evolve in the near future, considering its restrains and challenges. It is argued that the concept of state sovereignty, which constitutes the greatest impediment on the exercise of universal jurisdiction, has seen various changes to its fundamentals elements in the 21st Century. The aim is to look at the universality principle, not as an isolated part, but as part of a broader framework in modern international law and thus special attention is given to the relationship between universal jurisdiction and the principle of aut dedere aut judicare. These principles are interrelated, yet distinct, parallels in deterring commission of the most heinous offences of international...
Books on the topic "Sovereigns and princes"
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Peter, Cook. Sovereignism: Every one a prince or princes [sic]. Wickliffe, OH: Monetary Science Pub., 1997.
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Copyright Paperback Collection (Library of Congress), ed. Sovereign. New York: DAW Books, 2004.
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Sovereign spheres: Princes, education and empire in colonial India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003.
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Colebrooke, T. E. Sir, 1813-1890., ed. Papers respecting the succession of sovereign princes in India. Jaipur, India: Publication Scheme, 1993.
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Kremli͡a, Gosudarstvennye muzei Moskovskogo, ed. Velikiĭ kni︠a︡zʹ i gosudarʹ vsei︠a︡ Rusi Ivan III: Grand prince Ivan III, sovereign of all Russia. Moskva: Muzei Moskovskogo kremli︠a︡, 2013.
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The prince and the law, 1200-1600: Sovereignty and rights in the western legal tradition. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.
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IV, Société Henri, and Musée d'archéologie nationale de Saint-Germain-en-Laye (France), eds. Hommage à Henri IV: Prince de paix, 1610 & 2010 : catalogue de l'exposition. Biarritz: Atlantica, 2010.
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editor, Milano Alberto, ed. Generali e mendicanti, attori e sovrani: Ritratti nelle stampe a larga diffusione dal XVII al XX secolo = Generals and beggars, actors and sovereigns : portraits in widely circulating prints from XVII to XX century. Bassano del Grappa (VI): Tassotti editore, 2013.
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Schultheiss, Petra. Like an ancient shrine: Mid-19th century architectural theory, the memorial mosaics for Prince Albert and the Queen Victoria's position as female sovereign. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 2018.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Sovereigns and princes"
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Ahnert, Thomas. "The Prince and the Church in the Thought of Christian Thomasius." In Natural Law and Civil Sovereignty, 91–105. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403919533_7.
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Banerjee, Milinda. "Ocular Sovereignty, Acclamatory Rulership and Political Communication: Visits of Princes of Wales to Bengal." In Royal Heirs and the Uses of Soft Power in Nineteenth-Century Europe, 81–100. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59206-4_5.
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Cetro, Rosa. "La normalizzazione del lessico artistico francese: il «dizionario» di Félibien." In Proceedings e report, 59–70. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-364-2.07.
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During the reign of Louis XIV, the figurative arts serve the royal propaganda and glorification of the sovereign. The essay Des Principes de l’Architecture, de la Sculpture et de la Peinture (1676) was written by the historian André Félibien with the aim of describing arts during the Grand Siècle. This essay contains one of the first specialised dictionaries on artistic lexicon. In this article, we aim to analyse the structure and contents of the dictionary (nomenclature, syntactic and semantic categories, definitions, specialised marks). Moreover, we will focus on the preface of the essay, in which the author describes the difficulties encountered in the terminological description of the artistic domain.
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Cetro, Rosa. "La normalizzazione del lessico artistico francese: il «dizionario» di Félibien." In Proceedings e report, 59–70. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-364-2.07.
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During the reign of Louis XIV, the figurative arts serve the royal propaganda and glorification of the sovereign. The essay Des Principes de l’Architecture, de la Sculpture et de la Peinture (1676) was written by the historian André Félibien with the aim of describing arts during the Grand Siècle. This essay contains one of the first specialised dictionaries on artistic lexicon. In this article, we aim to analyse the structure and contents of the dictionary (nomenclature, syntactic and semantic categories, definitions, specialised marks). Moreover, we will focus on the preface of the essay, in which the author describes the difficulties encountered in the terminological description of the artistic domain.
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Lombardi, Marco. "Dal Desdén di Moreto ai Plaisirs di Molière." In Studi e saggi, 59–76. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-150-1.6.
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In 1664 Molière and his troupe played in the gardens of Versailles, in front of the Sun King, La Princesse d'Elide a rewriting of the Desdén con el Desdén by Moreto. As Maria Grazia Profeti pointed out in her writings, Genette's analysis still allows, after some time from the critical works of the critic, to avoid the ever-present and threatening obstacles of moral, formal or aesthetic value judgements accompanied by the more or less declared idea of superiority or inferiority of an author or a culture and dramaturgy. Entering the Molierian laboratory, after having highlighted how much the French hypertext owes to its Spanish hypotext, the essay tries to recontextualize the pièce within the Royal Festivals of the Plaisirs de île enchantée also in the light of the reception of contemporaries: wearing virtually the spectacles of a spectator of the time, and taking into consideration the transvalorizations carried out by the French playwright, he also tries to grasp the meaning that the Molierian play may have assumed for the Sovereign and the public in the context of the political and sentimental biography of the King of France at that chronological height.
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Saksena, Priyasha. "The Controversy Over Divisible Sovereignty." In Sovereignty, International Law, and the Princely States of Colonial South Asia, 83—C4N172. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192866585.003.0004.
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Abstract This chapter charts how British and princely officials used the common vocabulary of divisible sovereignty to construct different political projects in interwar South Asia. British political officers justified the division of sovereign rights based on imperial interests to buttress a laissez-faire attitude towards the states that was necessitated by the need to procure princely support in response to the pressures of anticolonial nationalism. This definition of sovereignty furnished a renewed legal basis for the British to claim the authority to intervene in the internal affairs of the states without being bound by precedent, thereby increasing princely protests about British arbitrariness. Since the princes also faced criticism by anticolonial nationalists, they sought to use their relationship with the British as a defence mechanism. Rulers and princely advisors defined sovereignty as divisible but focused on state consent as the basis to divide sovereign powers. Envisaging sovereignty as divisible enabled the states to claim a semi-international status, in terms of which they asserted a direct relationship with the British Crown through the viceroy while being bound to British India through economic and infrastructural links. They also hoped that the focus on state consent would limit arbitrary British interference into state affairs. The key clash of these two versions of divisible sovereignty came before the Indian States Committee, which was appointed in 1927 to investigate the relationship between the states and the British government, and which ultimately delivered a report favouring the colonial conception of sovereignty as being divided based on imperial interests.
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Saksena, Priyasha. "Jousting Over Jurisdiction." In Sovereignty, International Law, and the Princely States of Colonial South Asia, 47–82. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192866585.003.0003.
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Abstract This chapter examines constructions of sovereignty by the British government and the princely states in the aftermath of the 1857 rebellion. Although late nineteenth-century international lawyers limited the applicability of international law to civilized European states, colonial officials in South Asia blamed the civilizing mission for the uprising and built a mode of governance that capitalized on relationships with local rulers. This chapter outlines how this governance structure was facilitated by Henry Maine’s definition of sovereignty as divisible and a question of fact. British political officials relied on divisible sovereignty to build a system of precedent through which decisions made by the British government in relation to one state were made applicable to all states. The divisibility of sovereignty enabled the British to entrench their supremacy by claiming that the states were both subject to British paramountcy and allies in the imperial project. In two jurisdictional disputes—the attempts by Travancore and Baroda to exercise criminal jurisdiction over European British subjects in the state and over telegraph lines traversing state territory respectively—the princes and their advisors advocated a different version of sovereignty. They claimed that sovereignty was absolute, exclusive, and territorial to argue that the princely state was the sole sovereign authority within its territory. They used this conceptualization of sovereignty to defend the existence of the states against the increasingly intrusive nature of British colonialism and to forge centralized bureaucracies to curb the power of local aristocrats who undercut the authority of the princes within their states.
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Saksena, Priyasha. "Political Negotiations." In Sovereignty, International Law, and the Princely States of Colonial South Asia, 119–60. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192866585.003.0005.
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Abstract This chapter focuses on princely strategies during negotiations over the establishment of a federation of British India and the princely states during the 1930s. Both British and princely officials relied on divisible sovereignty to redraw the boundaries among the domestic, the imperial, and the international spheres. Some British officials considered the division of sovereign powers in a federation to be a means to extend British authority over South Asia while others regarded it as a disastrous policy that would result in the loss of imperial territory. The princes were also divided about federal proposals. Although they considered the divisibility of sovereignty in federal arrangements to be a useful mechanism to allow the states to maintain their autonomy while cultivating relationships with the Crown and with British India, they disagreed on the implications of federation for state sovereignty. The federationists argued that the federal structure would legalize the existing mechanism of paramountcy by minimizing British and nationalist interference in state affairs to issues that were specifically set out in negotiated constitutional documents. The anti-federationists feared being constitutionally united with anticolonial nationalists in British India and instead favoured a looser model of confederation with British India together with the provision of imperial guarantees for the protection of state affairs from nationalist interference. This chapter examines three key moments in the federal debates—the birth of federation, the fracas over federation and confederation, and the final federal offer—to trace the princes’ varied political projects that were supported by articulations of divisible sovereignty.
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Milton, Patrick. "Intervention in Small Principalities." In Intervention and State Sovereignty in Central Europe, 1500-1780, 186—C6.P89. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871183.003.0007.
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Abstract This chapter provides the first detailed case-study of the series of military interventions in the principality of Nassau-Siegen in the early eighteenth century which resulted in the ruling prince being deposed from power, in part for the protection of his subjects. The conflict played out on several levels of the complex hierarchy of the Holy Roman Empire, including local and trans-regional networks of patronage and clientele and the Imperial district (Kreis) at the lower and intermediary levels, and the Emperor at the Imperial judiciary and the party of Protestant princes represented at the Reichstag at the higher level. It was an inner-dynastic conflict of sorts, between the different branches of the princely house of Nassau, and a marital dispute also played a part. It was related to a succession conflict over the Orange inheritance of William III. It was also a ruler-subjects conflict over excessive taxation and violent, arbitrary rule between the prince and his subjects. It was simultaneously a confessional conflict between the local Catholic authorities and the Protestant subjects of Catholic Nassau-Siegen along with their external supporters. Additionally, there was a three-way rivalry over competencies of intervention and capacities of enforced external administration, between the Kreis, the Emperor and the Imperial judiciary, and the Protestant princes of the Reichstag.
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"The Sovereign Prince." In The Principality of Monaco, 69–81. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-693-0_7.
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