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Journal articles on the topic 'Sovereignty – Kosovo'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Salihu, Salihe. "The Post-Communist State Era and Its Impact on Sovereignty: A Case Study of Kosovo." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 26, no. 1 (2022): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.1.2022.8.

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Many theoretical perspectives have touched on the concept of sovereignty, but the need for more sovereignty-based discussion in relation to the postcommunist era still exists. The question of sovereignty and its survival in the post-communist era touches on some general features such as the attributes, signs, properties, and conditions of the concept of sovereignty that have evolved. In the case of Kosovo, the issue of sovereignty can be linked to two distinct features, namely democracy and human rights. For Kosovo to be a sovereign state, it had a mandatory prerequisite to fulfil these two fe

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2

Pavlović, Aleksandar, Gazela Pudar Draško, and Jelena Lončar. "A Battle for Sovereignty." Southeastern Europe 45, no. 3 (2021): 361–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-45030005.

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Abstract This article examines the role, status and perceptions of the Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo from both Kosovo Albanian and Serbian perspectives. The analysis focuses on two cases, which attracted particular resistance on each of the two sides: the passing of legislation in the Kosovar parliament in 2012 that aimed to protect Serbian cultural heritage and the 2015 unsuccessful Kosovo bid for unesco membership. Both moments demonstrate how cultural heritage is primarily approached from the statehood perspective and used to additionally deepen inter-ethnic distances. The authors she

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Ceriman, Jelena, and Aleksandar Pavlovic. "Beyond the territory principle: Non-territorial approach to the Kosovo question(s)." Filozofija i drustvo 31, no. 3 (2020): 340–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2003340c.

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This article presents an attempt to approach the dispute over Kosovo between Serbs and Albanians from a non-territorial perspective, with particular focus on the preservation of the Serbian cultural and religious heritage. First, we argue that the Kosovo issue is at present commonly understood as an either-or territorial dispute over sovereignty and recognition between Serbian and Kosovo Albanian politicians. However, we claim that a lasting resolution to the Kosovo issue actually needs to account for at least three separate aspects: 1) status of Northern Kosovo which is ethnically Serbian and

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Bell, Coral. "East Timor, Kosovo, Norms and Sovereignty." AQ: Australian Quarterly 72, no. 1 (2000): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20637875.

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Otília Kiss, Krisztina. "Reopening the Upper Airspace over Kosovo for Civil Air Traffic: The Road Thereto." Air and Space Law 46, Issue 4/5 (2021): 603–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2021034.

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Over twenty years have passed since the insurrection in Kosovo which ended with the introduction of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), in June 1999. The establishment of the State of Kosovo has raised multiple questions and challenged public international law doctrines in different ways. The validity of unilateral State succession in the post-colonial era, the international legal personality of international intergovernmental organizations, and the exercise of sovereign rights by other entities than States are among the questions that the international community has had to contend

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Hasani, Enver, and Getoar Mjeku. "International(ized) Constitutional Court: Kosovo’s Transfer of Judicial Sovereignty." ICL Journal 13, no. 4 (2020): 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2019-0016.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the transfer of judicial sovereignty in Kosovo from a comparative perspective. In particular, it addresses the transfer of constitutional jurisdiction to the Special Court of Kosovo. This court was formed as a result of Kosovo’s commitment to address allegations made by the Council of Europe in a document known as the Dick Marty report. The report alleges that war crimes and crimes against humanity and international law were committed during and in the aftermath of the Kosovo war (1998–1999). It took several years for the Court to be formed as constitutional amendm

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Recaj, Krenare. "Sovereignty Sensitivities and the Kosovo Crisis: The Impact of Domestic Considerations on Canada’s Foreign Policy." Canadian Journal of History 56, no. 2 (2021): 136–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-56-2-2020-0076.

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In 1999, Canada participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force, a seventy- eight-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia meant to end the ethnic cleansing of Kosovar Albanians. Officially, Canada’s interests in developing its foreign policy toward Kosovo were humanitarian and regional stability considerations. These were shared with the rest of its NATO allies. Thus, on the surface, it would seem that Canada and its NATO allies had similar concerns during the decision-making process around Kosovo. Digging deeper, an analysis of the primary sources available suggests that Canada did, in fact, ha

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Silander, Daniel, and John Janzekovitz. "State-Building and Democracy: Prosperity, Representation and Security in Kosovo." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 14, no. 1 (2012): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10223-012-0053-1.

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The traditional assumption of the state sovereignty norm has been that an international society of states will structure the international order to safeguard the interests of the state. The end of the Cold War era transformed international relations and led to a discussion on how states interacted with their populations. From the early 1990s, research on international relations, war and peace, and security studies identified the growing problem of failing states. Such states are increasingly unable to implement the core functions that define the sovereignty norms. This article explores the sta

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Barbarić, Dražen, Ana-Mari Bošnjak, and Domagoj Galić. "Borrowed sovereignty and its institutional effects in deeply divided societies." Distinctio 3, no. 2 (2025): 95–118. https://doi.org/10.56550/d.3.2.4.

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The main goal of this paper is to evaluate international community approaches towards resolving institutional problems in deeply divided societies that have experienced the trauma of civil war in their recent past. International actors decided to “borrow sovereignty” to these countries through different international interventions. With temporal distance, we can now conclude that the cases of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo are proof that similar intervention arrangements can have completely different outcomes. The main problem in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is that the Office o

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Hebda, Wiktor. "KOSOVO STATUS ACCORDING TO STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ZAGREB AND THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, no. 1/2020 (2020): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.9.

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Kosovo independence still remains a key issue on a global scale. In simple terms, there are two contradictory stands on the sovereignty of Kosovo. According to the first one, Kosovo declaration of independence is illegal due to the breach of international law and the constitution of the Republic of Serbia of 2006. Meanwhile the second stand proves that unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence was legal since Kosovo Albanians are fully entitled to the right of self-determination. The following paper presents an opinion on Kosovo independence expressed by the students of the Faculty of Poli

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11

Suny, Ronald Grigor, and Vicken Cheterian. "Making states and breaking states: Kosovo and the Caucasus in 2008: Introduction." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (2012): 657–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.707461.

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Two events in 2008 shaped the political map of the Caucasus: the West's decision on the independence of Kosovo and the Russo-Georgian War. First, on 17 February, Kosovo authorities unilaterally declared the independence of what was at the time a UN protectorate. This declaration enjoyed much support in the West, including near-immediate recognition by key states such as the US, Germany, France, the UK, and a dozen others. But it also faced strong opposition from Serbia and Russia and strong skepticism from prowestern countries such as Georgia. Russia opposed not only the Kosovo declaration its

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12

Bellamy, Alex J. "Kosovo and the Advent of Sovereignty as Responsibility." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 3, no. 2 (2009): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970902829952.

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Brajshori, Muhamet. "Performing Sovereignty." European Review of International Studies 12, no. 1 (2025): 34–67. https://doi.org/10.1163/21967415-12010002.

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Abstract This paper explores Kosovo’s path toward international integration as a state with limited recognition, focusing on the strategies it has employed to secure membership in international organisations. It argues that Kosovo’s accession process has been influenced not only by the geopolitics of recognition and non-recognition, but also by the strategic diplomacy and institutional flexibility employed by Kosovo and its allies. Through an examination of Kosovo’s membership in financial, cultural, regional, and legal bodies this study demonstrates how institutional design, geopolitical nego

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14

Muharremi, Robert. "Kosovo's Declaration of Independence: Self-Determination and Sovereignty Revisited." Review of Central and East European Law 33, no. 4 (2008): 401–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157303508x339689.

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Abstract In this article, the author analyzes the implications of Kosovo's declaration of independence on state sovereignty and the principle of self-determination of peoples. He begins with an outline of the political process leading to the declaration of independence and the reactions of the international community thereto in which he also presents the various legal arguments raised for and against the lawfulness of Kosovo's secession from Serbia. The author continues with a discussion of whether the principle of self-determination of peoples does apply in the Kosovo case and whether the ope

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R. Copley, Gregory. "MEETING THE BURDEN OF STATEHOOD: IS KOSOVO READY?" POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 1, no. 1 (2007): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj010125c.

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There is ample evidence that Kosovo has no legitimacy in the normal sense of a sovereign state, and that, if it was to be recognized as such, it would further erode the credibility of the international system. Kosovo does not meet any historical standards for sovereignty. For Kosovo to be recognized as a legitimate sovereign state, the international community must violate the sovereignty of another recognized state, the Republic of Serbia. One should also take to consideration that Kosovo is already a territory run as a criminal enterprise, with links into jihadist movements. Already Kosovo is

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Gruda, Përparim. "European Integration of Kosovo: Analysis of the Kosova Constitutional Provisions that Require Harmonization with EU Law." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 16, no. 2 (2024): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2023-0014.

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Abstract This paper investigates the constitutional adjustments Kosovo should make in the EU accession process. Because European integration may necessitate fundamental changes in the constitutional principles, the paper will address them by offering concrete solutions to issues such as the primacy of EU law and the transfer of sovereignty. Issues related to human rights, such as the right to vote and to stand as a candidate at municipal elections and the right to freedom of movement. The path followed by other countries in the process of adapting their constitutions to EU law represents a ver

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17

Zani, Orges. "The Role of Symbols in Social Movements." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 8, no. 1 (2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v8i1.p67-72.

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This paper analyzes the birth of VETVENDOSJE as a social movement through different symbolic representations. Based on the theoretical model of symbolic interaction the study will analyse how the Network Action for Kosovo, created as a counter response against the Serbian dictatorship in Kosovo, continued its actions by creating the slogan “NO NEGOTIATION- VETVENDOSJE”, collecting signatures by the citizens and requiring to UNMIK, to investigate on the destiny of numerous Albania disappeared during the war by the Serbian Army. UNMIK did not take into consideration the petition because it was m

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BUDUROI, Ioan-Sebastian. "Precedentul Kosovo – efecte similare asupra altor state. Studiu de caz: Georgia şi Ucraina." Gândirea Militară Românească 2024, no. 4 (2024): 462–81. https://doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2024.4.29.

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Kosovo, the battlefield of the last major conflict in the Yugoslav Wars, has undergone radical ethnic changes over the centuries, resulting in inter-ethnic tensions that are still felt today. A region rich in culture, history and minerals, whose hilly configuration forms a logistically defensible border for southern Serbia, Kosovo finds itself in a diplomatic stalemate over the non-recognition of the full independence declared by the Albanian majority in the Republic of Kosovo. Using the Kosovo precedent, Russia is trying to legitimise its own actions that violate the sovereignty and territori

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BUDUROI, Ioan-Sebastian. "The Kosovo Precedent – Similar Effects on Other States. Case Study: Georgia and Ukraine." Romanian Military Thinking 2024, no. 4 (2024): 460–79. https://doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2024.4.30.

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Kosovo, the battlefield of the last major conflict in the Yugoslav Wars, has undergone radical ethnic changes over the centuries, resulting in inter-ethnic tensions that are still felt today. A region rich in culture, history and minerals, whose hilly configuration forms a logistically defensible border for southern Serbia, Kosovo finds itself in a diplomatic stalemate over the non-recognition of the full independence declared by the Albanian majority in the Republic of Kosovo. Using the Kosovo precedent, Russia is trying to legitimise its own actions that violate the sovereignty and territori

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20

Dimitrijevic, Dusko, Ivona Ladjevac, and Mihajlo Vucic. "The analysis of un activities in resolving the issue of Kosovo and Metohija." Medjunarodni problemi 64, no. 4 (2012): 442–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1204442d.

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After the Security Council had established the international administration in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional Framework for

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21

Bojanic, Bojan, and Zaklina Spalevic. "ONE DRAFT OF A POSSIBLE CONSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENT FOR KOSOVO AND METOHIJA." Srpska politička misao 70, no. 4/2020 (2021): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.7042020.12.

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The authors will point out some possible models for solving an extremely complex problem, which for decades has been an open issue for which, without much success, a mutually acceptable solution is being sought – Kosovo and Metohija. The paper analyzes three possible options, with different intensity of relations between the Republic of Serbia and so called Kosovo. In the first case, which implies the strongest relationship between Serbia and Kosovo and Metohija, this issue could be resolved by passing a law on substantial autonomy (with changes to certain constitutional provisions) which woul

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22

Surlić, Stefan, and Andrijana Lazarević. "Principle of territorial integrity: Political consequences of the search for the final status of Kosovo and Metohija." Srpska politička misao 80, no. 2 (2023): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm80-44429.

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The paper analyzes the principle of territorial integrity in the context of the dispute over the final status of Kosovo and Metohija. Without taking a position on the legal disputes, the authors provide an overview of the theoretical debate on territorial integrity and define the political consequences for Serbia's territorial integrity since Kosovo's* unilateral declaration of independence in 2008. Despite the constant mention of integrity as inseparable from sovereignty, the paper highlights the political practice in which Serbia's "territorial integrity" has been turned into an appeal to ot

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Puspitaningrum, Dinda, and Yuniarti Yuniarti. "Faktor-Faktor di Balik Penangguhan Aksesi Kosovo ke Uni Eropa: Perspektif Keputusan Kolektif." Transformasi Global 11, no. 2 (2024): 170–84. https://doi.org/10.21776/ub.jtg.011.02.4.

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The opportunity for membership expansion and the economic and political integration that was offered by the EU, Kosovo decided to join the EU. However, Kosovo's integration process into the European Union is still suspended due to several factors. Therefore, this research aims to explain the reason of the European Union has suspended Kosovo's membership application. This research uses an explanatory method with primary and secondary data. The data analysis technique used in this research is qualitative. This research uses the Decision-Making theory of Richard C. Snyder, H. W. Bruck and Burton

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Milano, Enrico. "The Security Council and Territorial Sovereignty: The Case of Kosovo." International Community Law Review 12, no. 2 (2010): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197310x498589.

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AbstractMore than ten years since NATO intervened militarily to stop the violence and to create the conditions for a new regime of international administration, Kosovo remains at the top on the agenda of international actors and institutions. The present contribution examines the nature and scope of the Security Council’s action (and inaction) with regard to the political crisis and ensuing conflict emerged in Kosovo starting from the late 1990s and how that practice has shaped notions of territorial sovereignty. It analyses the different forms of international intervention in the four phases

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Caplan, Richard. "Humanitarian Intervention: Which Way Forward?" Ethics & International Affairs 14 (March 2000): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2000.tb00051.x.

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States have long taken exception to the notion of humanitarian intervention because it threatens to undermine a bedrock principle of international order: national sovereignty. In the case of Kosovo, however, NATO's nineteen member states chose not only to put aside their concerns for national sovereignty in favor of humanitarian considerations, but also to act without UN authorization. This essay examines the ways in which states – European states in particular – are rethinking historic prohibitions against humanitarian intervention in the wake of the Kosovo war. It focuses on two approaches:E

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Cerkrezi, Albana, Reina Zelenaj Shehi, and Festina Kabashi. "The Elusive Relationship of State Power and Societal Peace: Reflections on the Case of Kosovo." Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia 67, no. 2 (2022): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/subbs-2022-0008.

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Abstract Twenty years ago, NATO’s intervention against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), taking place without the approval of the UN Security Council (UNSC), challenged the sovereignty and non-interference norms the UN had perceived as international peace and order, until that moment. While the military action served to question existing principles, it simultaneously examined the effectiveness of non-authorization. Moreover, the Kosovo case stimulated one of the most important UN reforms that transformed the concept of sovereignty from right to responsibility. Conceptually, the Respons

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Imeri, Dorajet, and Bujar Dugolli. "Endless Negotiations Between Kosovo and Serbia: Normalization, Mutual Recognition, or Status Quo?" Eminak, no. 4(48) (January 10, 2025): 243–59. https://doi.org/10.33782/eminak2024.4(48).762.

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The purpose of the research paper is to examine the process of recognizing Kosovo’s independence, which has faced numerous obstacles since its inception. These challenges have divided states into two groups: those that recognize Kosovo and support its sovereignty, and those that do not recognize it and actively oppose its legitimacy. The prospects for a resolution have been limited; however, current expectations are tied to the potential for a comprehensive agreement between Kosovo and Serbia. The scientific novelty to lies in its focus on the geopolitical dimensions of the issue, shifting the

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Austin, Robert C. "A Word on Kosovo’s First Ten Years." Südosteuropa 66, no. 2 (2018): 272–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0019.

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Abstract Kosovo celebrated ten years of fraught independence in February. While there were some good reasons to celebrate, Kosovo still hovers between a failed and a functioning state. Its main economic indicators are extremely bad with no signs of improving. Unemployment, particularly among its youth, is feeding an ongoing brain drain. The legacy of the United Nations Mission (UNMIK) and now the European Union Mission (EULEX) is mixed, but neither was successful in creating the conditions for Kosovo to function as a normal state. Agreements between Belgrade and Prishtina to provide more right

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Dimitrijevic, Dejan. "Kosovo: A New Model of the State with Limited Sovereignty [Kosovo: sovremennaia model’ gosudarstva s ogranichennym suverenitetom]." Etnograficheskoe obozrenie, no. 2 (April 2021): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086954150014795-4.

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Richmond, Oliver P. "A genealogy of mediation in international relations: From ‘analogue’ to ‘digital’ forms of global justice or managed war?" Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 3 (2018): 301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717750198.

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What does it mean to mediate in the contemporary world? During the Cold War, and since, various forms of international intervention have maintained a fragile strategic and territorially sovereign balance between states and their elite leaders, as in Cyprus or the Middle East, or built new states and inculcated new norms. In the post-Cold War era intervention and mediation shifted beyond the balance of power and towards the liberal peace, as in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Timor Leste. In the case of Northern Ireland, identity, territorial sovereignty, and the nature of governance also began

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Berg, Eiki. "Re-Examining Sovereignty Claims in Changing Territorialities: Reflections from ‘Kosovo Syndrome’." Geopolitics 14, no. 2 (2009): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040802693473.

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Kallis, Aristotle A. "Eliminationist crimes, state sovereignty and international intervention: The case of Kosovo." Journal of Genocide Research 1, no. 3 (1999): 417–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623529908413970.

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Richter, Solveig, and Uwe Halbach. "A dangerous precedent? The political implications of Kosovo's independence on ethnic conflicts in South-Eastern Europe and the CIS." Security and Human Rights 20, no. 3 (2009): 223–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502309789192496.

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AbstractKosovo's declaration of independence on 17 February 2008 has re-ignited debates about the interaction among the fundamental international legal principles of self-determination, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The question of conformity with international law was interrelated to scenarios on the political implications of secession. After more than one year the following article elaborates if the unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo had a precedent-setting impact for long-standing autonomist and secessionist conflicts in South-Eastern Europe and in CIS. The Kosovo-pre

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Mitić, Aleksandar. "The position of the people's Republic of China on Kosovo and Metohija in the context of the defence of international law and the expansion of the interest frontiers." Vojno delo 74, no. 3 (2022): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203017m.

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Despite the geopolitical challenges in the immediate environment in Central Asia and the Pacific, the People's Republic of China plays an increasingly active diplomatic role in the Balkans, primarily by providing unconditional support to Belgrade regarding Kosovo and Metohija. Is it an isolated step forward or a tactical move that is in line with the new strategic foreign policy thinking? In search for an answer, the paper considers the evolution of the principle of non-interference in China's foreign policy, its re-evaluation and adaptation in the context of the transition to a multipolar wor

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Mladenovich, M., and M. Tomic. "The unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo and Metohija is a precedent in international politics." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, no. 1 (2023): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.1.10.

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The attempt to secede from Kosovo, which began in the nineties of the twentieth century, ended with NATO’s aggression against Yugoslavia, which formally usurped the southern Serbian province by the most powerful Western countries. The threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia by the armed aggression of the NATO Pact is a unique example of the violation of all existing international legal norms prohibiting aggression against a sovereign and independent state. It is emphasized that even with the introduction of the Interim International Administration (UNMIK), the security situat

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Wajahat, Johar, Dr Mohammad Jan, and Dr Rafia Naz Ali. "nternational Law and Sovereignty: Between Legal Obligation and Political Will." Advance Social Science Archive Journal 4, no. 1 (2025): 1145–56. https://doi.org/10.55966/assaj.2025.4.1.071.

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This article explores the enduring tension between legal obligation and political will within the framework of international law and state sovereignty. Tracing the historical evolution of sovereignty from the Westphalian model to its modern-day reinterpretation in an era of globalization, human rights, and supranational governance, the study examines how international legal norms often clash with the strategicinterests of sovereign states. Theoretical perspectives including natural law, legal positivism, realism, liberalism, and Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) are employed

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Zobeniak, Marta. "Kosowo - koniec Europy?" Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 1 (October 31, 2018): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2010.1.8.

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Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, once said that Kosovo’s independence could be the beginning of the end for Europe, and that official recognition of its sovereignty would threaten global security. It was feared that Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence, and its recognition by European countries in particular, would open up a Pandora’s Box. In fact, as it is claimed in this article, Kosovo may be treated a precedent by other separatist republics and autonomous regions, which might one day demand similar recognition and the same rights that the Kosovars can now possibly enjoy

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HAY, EMILY. "International(ized) Constitutions and Peacebuilding." Leiden Journal of International Law 27, no. 1 (2014): 141–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156513000678.

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AbstractThis article concerns the concept and practice of international(ized) constitutions, which have become characteristic of situations where there is deep international involvement in peacebuilding efforts. The process and nature of internationalized constitutions challenge traditional ideas about sovereignty, self-determination, and constitutions. While they reinforce the importance of constitutional documents themselves as an indicator of sovereignty, internationalized constitutions simultaneously legitimize a high degree of external influence in the creation and even implementation of

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Sokolova, P. "The current state of the Kosovo status issue: normalization of relations without conflict resolution?" Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2023): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-167-182.

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The article analyzes the dynamics of the new escalation in the Kosovo conflict, including the agenda for dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina and the agreements achieved in 2023. The impact of the European security crisis and Russia’s confrontation with the West on the Kosovo negotiation process is evaluated. It is concluded that escalation of the crisis in the early 2020s is linked to attempts undertaken by the Pristina authorities, with the support from the European Union and the United States, to finalize the statehood of the partially recognized republic and to establish Pristina’s sover

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Milosavljevic Stevic, Milena. "NATION BUILDING AT THE SUB-STATE LEVEL." SCIENCE International Journal 3, no. 3 (2024): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/sciencej0303001m.

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The process of nation-building at the sub-state or sub-state level is a difficult and complicated process that, in addition to members of minority groups, includes a number of actors such as political elites, the home state and international organizations. The comprehensiveness and diversity of the actors involved in this process are not a guarantee of its success. Nation-building at the sub-state level should be seen in the context of the majority nation-building process, because it arises as a reaction to it. The dialectic of majority building and sub-state building of the nation coincides i

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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, and MSc Nehat Demiri. "Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 1 (2015): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.

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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Par

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Tsagourias, Nicholas. "Humanitarian Intervention After Kosovo and Legal Discourse: Self-Deception or Self-Consciousness?" Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 1 (2000): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000029.

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NATO's operation in Kosovo provoked diverse legal propositions. The operation was hailed as a humanitarian action stemming from a sense of human solidarity for the victims of the atrocities. On the other hand, it was vilified as a flagrant violation of fundamental principles of international law such as that of state sovereignty and non-intervention. Consequently, legal discourse is moulded by these antithetical ideological forces which epitomise the legal culture of medievalism and modernity. It thus resorts to reformulations and recombinations in order to achieve justifiable results. However

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Kabashi, Haki. "Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 2 (2016): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p161-169.

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The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo

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Kabashi, Haki. "Kosovo – Unique Case of the Parallel Justice System." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (2016): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i2.p161-169.

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The end of the 1998/1999 war with Serbia, found Kosovo with two governments, which, UNIMK replaced conform the 1244 Resolution of the SC. UNMIK’s operation was based in four pillars and 14 departments. The Department of Justice was a department that operated with obstacles as a result of the organized Serbian parallel system in Kosovo’s territory. Which unfortunately transformed into a phenomenon that was allowed silently by UNMIK’s administration. The functioning of such an operation damages the interests of Kosovan citizens, who are trialed twice for the same case. Double sentences of Kosovo

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Dorda, Etlent, Reina Zenelaj Shehi, and Ada Cara. "ASSESSING THE CONFLICT RESOLUTION POTENTIAL OF NEGOTIATIONS IN THE KOSOVO SERBIA CONFLICT." Annals of the „Ovidius” University of Constanta – Political Science Series 2024, no. 13 (2024): 41–68. https://doi.org/10.61801/auoc-sp.2024.02.

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This paper focuses on the analysis of the role of the negotiation process towards the conflict resolution between Kosovo and Serbia after Kosovo’s proclamation of independence. The main research question it addresses is: “To what extent has the negotiation process made an impact and offered an official solution to the conflict between Kosovo and Serbia?” The documents consulted for all rounds of negotiations completed from 2011 until the end of 2020 show that both countries have discussed mostly tangible and technical issues like free movement, economic development, minority rights, and politi

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Beqaj, Besnik, and Iliriana Islami. "Constitutional Reform and Reconciliation." Balkans Legal, Economic and Social Studies 1, no. 1 (2024): 22–35. https://doi.org/10.14232/bless.2024.1.22-35.

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This paper examines the role of constitutional reform in promoting reconciliation in post-conflict societies, focusing on Kosovo, North Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These countries, shaped by the violent breakup of Yugoslavia, serve as critical case studies on how constitutional frameworks can either foster peace or perpetuate division. In Kosovo, the 2008 constitution aimed to establish sovereignty while protecting minority rights, particularly for the Serb population. North Macedonia's Ohrid Framework Agreement introduced power-sharing mechanisms that prevented civil war and improv

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Johnson, Carter. "Partitioning to Peace: Sovereignty, Demography, and Ethnic Civil Wars." International Security 32, no. 4 (2008): 140–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.32.4.140.

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Some scholars have proposed partition as a way to solve ethnic civil wars. Partition theorists advocate the demographic separation of ethnic groups into different states, arguing that this is the best chance for an enduring peace. Opponents argue that partition is costly in terms of its human toll and that its advocates have yet to demonstrate its effectiveness beyond a limited number of self-selected case studies. This analysis systematically examines the outcome of partition, highlighting the centrality of demography by introducing an index that measures the degree to which a partition separ

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Rudaku, Avni, and Selim Daku. "Effects of Covid-19 on cultural relativism and state sovereignty." Eastern Journal of European Studies 14, no. 1 (2023): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/ejes-2023-0111.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has generally affected the attitudes, behaviors, and lifestyles of people and states. Although there is still no definitive position on the causes of the new species from the coronavirus family, there have been articles and discussions leading to the blaming of Chinese cultural tradition of eating the meat of bats - mammals which were also considered by scientists as potential transmitters of SARS-CoV-2. To measure the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the changing attitudes towards the doctrine of cultural relativism, in anthropological and sociological terms and state

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Haziri, Blerim, and Berat Dërmaku. "THE RISE OF A MULTIPOLAR WORLD AND ITS ROLE IN INFLUENCING THE POSITION OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO IN INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS." KNOWLEDGE - International Journal 58, no. 1 (2023): 193–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij5801193h.

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The purpose of this study is how the creation of a multipolar world is affecting the position of the Republic of Kosovo in international organizations. In recent years, the world has shifted toward a multipolar global order, where power is distributed among multiple nations and regions rather than a unipolar world dominated by a single superpower. The establishment of a multipolar world has had a significant impact on the position of the Republic of Kosovo in international organizations. Kosovo, a partially recognized country in Southeast Europe, declared independence from Serbia in 2008, but

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D. Bhuvaneswari. "The Limits of Sovereignty: Ethical Justifications for International Intervention in the 21st Century." Journal of Information Systems Engineering and Management 10, no. 3 (2025): 1852–63. https://doi.org/10.52783/jisem.v10i3.8751.

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Introduction: The evolving nature of sovereignty challenges its absolute status, particularly in humanitarian crises. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine seeks to balance state sovereignty with ethical intervention, yet its selective application and political misuse raise concerns about legitimacy and effectiveness. This study examines the ethical justifications and consequences of international intervention. Methodology: A mixed-method approach is used, integrating qualitative case studies (Kosovo, Iraq, Libya, Syria) with quantitative analysis of intervention success rates. Thematic

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