Journal articles: 'Soviet-Afghan War'

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Afridi, Manzoor Khan, Muhammad Haroon, and Areeja Syed. "Examining the Implication of the Afghan-Soviet War on Pakistan." Global Foreign Policies Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2022): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2022(v-iv).03.

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The Soviet-Afghan War was a crucial event in the Cold War era that had far-reaching implications on global politics and regional stability. The article explores the history of the conflict, including the political situation in Afghanistan prior to the invasion, Soviet strategies, and the significance of the war. The article also sheds light on the foreign policies of the United States during the Cold War and its role in the Soviet-Afghan conflict. Furthermore, the article delves into the role played by Pakistan in the Soviet- Afghan war and its impact on regional dynamics. The article provides valuable insights into the complex interplay of international and regional factors that shaped the outcome of the Soviet-Afghan War.

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Ivanenko, Aleksey I. "Semiotic Aspects of Afghan Tattoos." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 4 (October 15, 2022): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v192.

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This article presents a semiotic analysis of Afghan tattoos done by Soviet soldiers in memory of their service in Afghanistan, when the Limited Contingent of Soviet Forces was deployed there (1979– 1989). As the material the author used photos of tattoos posted on six thematic websites. These tattoos were compared with similar sailor, prison and foreign military tattoos. The research found an essential difference between Afghan and prison tattoos and a strong influence of Western tattoo art on the former. At the same time, Afghan tattoos have unique forms of visual representation of the Soviet– Afghan War, which consist in using Islamic calendar, Arabic script, images of Soviet military vehicles and numerous Afghan toponyms. Interestingly, Afghan tattoos contain no official Soviet (hammer and sickle) or Eastern Orthodox (cross, angel, church, icon) symbols. Instead, we can see various animalistic images (eagle, tiger, wolf) and regimental identity insignia. Standing out among unofficial Soviet symbols represented in Afghan tattoos is the image of an eternal flame. Additionally, the research identified different modalities of perception of this war in tattoo art and Soviet/Russian cinematography: as a rule, films demonstrate the fatality of the Soviet–Afghan War, while in soldiers’ tattoos we observe a pronounced commemorative aspect and pride in their service in Afghanistan. On the whole, Afghan tattoos are an important cultural projection for understanding Soviet spiritual culture.

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Khan, Muhammad Ahad Yar, Fateh Muhammad Burfat, and Tansif ur Rehman. "SOVIET-AFGHAN WAR AND PAKISTAN’S ROLE." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.3131.

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The Russian invasion of Afghanistan and the consequent USSR-Afghan War provided an opportunity to Pakistan to counter the Indian and Russian influences in the country, and thus Pakistan tried to install a Pak-friendly regime in Afghanistan. Despite the war in Afghanistan was termed as a ‘holy’ war against the ‘Russian infidels’, it helped Pakistan to settle a score with the traditional Afghan regimes who raised the border issues with Pakistan. Thus, the decision of Pakistan to support Afghan Mujahideen was a strategic one, and it raised the status of Pakistan in the global world as a strong and strategic country that was equipped strategically to handle critical global issues capably. Throughout the Soviet-Afghan War, Pakistan fought a proxy war against the USSR by aiding the Afghan Mujahideen fighting against the Russian invaders. Being a close neighbour to Afghanistan, Pakistan’s sovereignty was at stake constantly as an independent country. Pakistan was thus successful in forcing the withdrawal of the so-called superpower from Afghanistan, keeping its sovereignty intact and restoring peace and stability in the region.

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Ishfaq, Uroosa, Kashif Ashfaq, and Nuzhat. "Soviet Afghan War: Challenges for Pakistan." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review IV, no. I (December 30, 2021): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2021(iv-i).04.

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The 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan has affected Pakistan’s foreign policy. Both the states are sharing common border and cultural ties. The attack on Afghanistan soil was a treat for Pakistan’s territorial integrity. Pakistan adopted policy of partnership with US in order to withdraw the Soviet Union from Afghanistan.The paper aims to explore Pakistan’s role in Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. Secondary data has been collected from books, articles and newspapers. The findings of the study suggest that Pakistan faced serious challenges due to its active role in Soviet Afghan war.

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Ishfaq, Uroosa, Kashif Ashfaq, and Nuzhat. "Soviet Afghan War: Challenges for Pakistan." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review IV, no. II (December 30, 2021): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2021(iv-ii).04.

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The 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan has affected Pakistan’s foreign policy. Both the states are sharing common border and cultural ties. The attack on Afghanistan soil was a treat for Pakistan’s territorial integrity. Pakistan adopted policy of partnership with US in order to withdraw the Soviet Union from Afghanistan.The paper aims to explore Pakistan’s role in Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. Secondary data has been collected from books, articles and newspapers. The findings of the study suggest that Pakistan faced serious challenges due to its active role in Soviet Afghan war.

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Secker, Tom. "The Soviet-Afghan War in Fiction." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 76, no. 2 (March 2017): 435–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajes.12182.

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Ali, Mubbshar, Muhammad Imran Ashraf, and Iqra Jathol. "Pakistan – U.S. Relations and its Impact on Afghanistan." Global International Relations Review III, no. I (December 30, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2020(iii-i).01.

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Afghan's invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 created panic worldwide and proved a decisive moment in the international political scenario. Soviet expansionism policy when challenged the security of Pakistan, it appeared as a front - line country and the main route to provide aid for Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has analytically reviews the Pakistan's decision to join 1979 Afghan war and evaluated how it benefited economic and defense conditions of Pakistan. Simultaneously, the article presents how this Afghan war posed grave threats to security (internal as well as external) of the country due to refugees flood that resulted not only in problematic scenario with respect to the economy, politics, and society but also produced ecological difficulties. Moreover, Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, eroded soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.

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Fatima, Noor, Syed Umair Jalal, and Syed Karim Haider. "Impact of Pakistan-Us Relations on Afghan Peace Process." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 30–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).04.

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Afghan's invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 created panic worldwide and proved a decisive moment in the international political scenario. Soviet expansionism policy when challenged the security of Pakistan, it appeared as a front - line country and the main route to provide aid for Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has analytically reviews the Pakistan's decision to join 1979 Afghan war and evaluated how it benefited economic and defense conditions of Pakistan. Simultaneously, the article presents how this Afghan war posed grave threats to security (internal as well as external) of the country due to refugees flood that resulted not only in problematic scenario with respect to the economy, politics, and society but also produced ecological difficulties. Moreover, Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, eroded soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.

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Fatima, Noor, and Iqra Jathol. "Afghanistan Factor in Pak-US Relations." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).05.

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Afghan's interference of the Soviet Union in 1979 made anger worldwide and demonstrated a definitive minute in the universal political situation. Soviet imperialism strategy when tested the security of Pakistan, it showed up as a front - line nation and the primary course to give help to Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has logically surveys the Pakistan's choice to join 1979 Afghan war and assessed how it profited financial and barrier states of Pakistan. All the while, the article exhibits how this Afghan war postured grave dangers to security (inside and additionally outer) of the nation because of outsiders surge that came about not just in complicated situation regarding the economy, governmental issues, and society yet in addition delivered organic challenges. Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, battered soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.

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Pronin, A. А., Y. A. Mahonin, and A. V. Svyatoslavsky. "Transformation of the narrative about the Afgan war in Soviet and Post-Soviet documentaries (1980-2021)." BULLETIN of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Journalism Series 145, no. 4 (2023): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7174-2023-145-4-73-82.

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The article analyzes display of narratives of participants of the Afghan war in documentaries from «perestroika» till early 2020s. The study reveals the differences between expressive means and the narrative strategies, used by documentary filmmakers, and also identifies two types of narratives about the Afghan war of the second half of the 80s: official, corresponding to the «big narrative» of the state, and alternative, based on the personal narratives of participants of war and their relatives. The transformation of narratives is reflected through a comparative analysis of post-Soviet works about the Afghan war and documentaries of the 1980s. Based on the analysis of the films, the authors hypothesize about formation of the «generational» narrative of the «Afghans» and substantiate the factors of its transformation in the context of time.

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Kovalkov, O. "Soviet Aggression in Afghanistan (1979–1989) and American – Pakistan Relanions." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 128–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-6.

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The impact of the Soviet aggression in Afghanistan in 1979–1989 on US–Pakistan relations on the basis of predominantly American-Pakistani documents and memoirs has been examined in the article. Soviet intervention in Afghanistan led to the deterioration of Soviet-American relations, the curtailment of “détente” and the escalation of the Cold War. One manifestation of this was the United States’ full support for the Afghan opposition. The USA needed Pakistan as allies in this policy but it was sandwiched between Soviet-occupied Afghanistan and unfriendly India, so it needed reliable allies. In addition, the Afghan opposition parties’ headquarters, Mujahedeen training camps were located in Pakistan with almost 3 million settled refugees. The USA and Pakistan were mutually interested in close cooperation. The conditionality of changing the format of US-Pakistani relations by the civil war in Afghanistan and the involvement of the USSR on the side of the ruling People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan have been proved. The relations between the USA and Pakistan in the 1980s developed in two directions: official and covert but under the Afghan crisis influence the United States gave in to its principles. Despite the dictatorial regime, violation of the conditions of nuclear non-proliferation the USA has significantly expanded its military-technical and economic assistance to Pakistan. This significantly strengthened the country's defense capabilities and position of M. Ziyaul-Haq’s regime and Pakistan has become in general one of the main allies of the USA in their support of the Afghan crisis opposition. The secret cooperation between the CIA and the Pakistani Interagency Intelligence in financing and supplying military property to the Afghan Mujahedeen, providing them with intelligence, assisting in the production and dissemination of propaganda materials was important. This had a marked effect on the Afghan war outbreak, greatly strengthened the Mujahedeen’s ability to resist Soviet troops, and significantly increased the disastrous consequences of the Afghan adventure for the USSR. After the Soviet troops’ withdrawal from Afghanistan, Pakistan lost strategic importance to the USA, and most programs of US-Pakistani cooperation were curtailed.

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HALLIDAY, FRED. "Soviet foreign policymaking and the Afghanistan war: from ‘second Mongolia’ to ‘bleeding wound’." Review of International Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1999): 675–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210599006750.

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The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, lasting from 1979 to 1989, was one of the major chapters in the Cold War. Analysis of how Soviet policy was made has, hitherto, focused on the decision to intervene, in December 1979. Equally important, however, as an episode in the final stages of the Cold War, and as an example of Soviet policy formulation, was the decision to withdraw. Basing itself on declassified Soviet documents, and on a range of interviews with former Soviet and Afghan officials, this article charts the protracted history of the Soviet decision and sets it in context: as with the decision to invade, the withdrawal reflected assessment of multiple dimensions of policymaking, not only the interests and calculation of Soviet leaders, but also relations within the Afghan communist leadership on the one hand, and strategic negotiation with the West on the other.

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13

Nunan, Timothy. "Under A Red Veil: Staging Afghan Emancipation in Moscow." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38, no. 1 (2011): 30–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633211x564265.

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AbstractThis article explores the Soviet mission to emancipate Afghan women during the Soviet war in Afghanistan through a detailed reading of the stenogram of a 1982 seminar in Moscow designed as an exchange of ideas and experiences between leading members of the Committee for Soviet Women and the Democratic Organization of Women of Afghanistan. Approaching this episode as a moment in the quest to find new forms of modernity – Communist, Islamic, or Western – in Afghanistan, the article shows how Soviet women's representatives repeatedly played up the important of the hujum in 1930s Soviet Central Asia as a model program for Afghan and, to some extent, all Third World societies. At the same time, however, the Afghan women at the conference, while avid Communists, articulated their own vision of women's emancipation for Afghanistan which did not reject the veil, a vision at odds with that articulated by their Soviet 'teachers.'

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Erzikova, Elina, Michel M. Haigh, and Adam Sampiev. "Anti-West frames dominate Afghan war news coverage." Newspaper Research Journal 37, no. 4 (December 2016): 393–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739532916677055.

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A content analysis of war-specific frames used by Soviet mainstream newspapers Izvestia and Komsomolskaya Pravda during the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan revealed that the national political system and foreign policy heavily influenced war reporting in the pre-Gorbachev era. In a censored environment, a highly polarized approach framed the West as the enemy and the USSR as the supporter of the Afghan people.

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Jones, Jeffrey W. "A Cold War Crusader: Andrew Eiva’s Ethnic Anti-Communist Dream." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 50, no. 2 (June 14, 2023): 220–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763324-bja10083.

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Abstract Andrew Eiva, an ardently anti-Soviet, right-wing lobbyist in Washington DC during the Soviet-Afghan War of the 1980s and the final stages of Soviet Lithuania in the early 1990s, was a true believer, a pro-US Cold War crusader. A clear example of an ethnic anti-communist, Eiva’s goal was to free Lithuania from Russian-imposed communist control, and he saw the Soviet-Afghan War as a means to that end. Andrew Eiva represents a strand of thinking (and acting) within US foreign policy circles at odds with (to the right of) official policy, presaging the tensions between the political right in the US and the CIA (especially) and other governmental organizations in recent years. Based on material Eiva wrote as a lobbyist, Western media accounts, and clandestine reports about him in the files of the Lithuanian KGB, this article shows that his ideologically driven lobbying efforts affected foreign policymaking in the US in the last decade of the Cold War as well as how his actions were reported and perceived in the USSR (within the KGB machinery).

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Israeli, Ofer. "The Roundabout Outcomes of the Soviet-Afghan War." Asian Perspective 46, no. 1 (January 2022): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2022.0000.

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Hughes, Geraint. "The Soviet–Afghan War, 1978–1989: An Overview1." Defence Studies 8, no. 3 (September 2008): 326–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702430802252511.

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Panin, Sergei. "“The question of the transfer of Kushka to Afghanistan disappears”: territorial problems in the context of early Soviet-Afghan relations." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 4-2 (April 1, 2023): 04–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202304statyi53.

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The article analyzes Soviet-Afghan relations during the reign of Amir Amaah Khan in Afghanistan, who, after a lost war with the British, was looking for ways to strengthen his power. He tried to make the territorial issue one of the important directions in relations with Soviet Russia (the transfer of Kushka and the Pende oasis to the Afghans), believing that the Soviets were ready to make these concessions in order to strengthen their role in the emirate and joint anti-British actions. The article shows the inconsistency and ambiguity of the Soviet policy, which initially supported the Afghan territorial claims for the sake of a new involvement of Afghanistan in the war with the British, and then refused to fulfill these promises.

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Payind, Alam. "Soviet – Afghan Relations From Cooperation to Occupation." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 1 (February 1989): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380003213x.

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In the field of international relations, the 1979 Soviet occupation of Afghanistan has raised major issues concerning regional security and superpower relations. By introducing Soviet military forces in a traditionally nonaligned country, the Kremlin initiated a more aggressive pattern in its foreign policies. This occupation was the Soviet Union's first territorial expansion by direct use of military power since World War II.

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Zhou, Jiayi. "The Muslim Battalions: Soviet Central Asians in the Soviet-Afghan War." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 25, no. 3 (July 2012): 302–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2012.705567.

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Mehmood, Tahir. "The Role of Pakistan and Pak-US Relations in the Afghan-Soviet War." Human Sciences 6 (June 10, 2021): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33518/hs.6.2.

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Ali, Imran, and Xiaochuan Dong. "The New Battlefield: The Hidden History of U.S Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan." Asian Social Science 12, no. 8 (July 7, 2016): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n8p18.

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The United States foreign policy has been characterized as a long and zigzag history since the beginning of America in the late eighteenth century. This vital study is a part of this long history. During 1979 Soviets invaded Afghanistan and a Soviet-Afghan War was born, American’s major influence was to be towards this region and reforms in their foreign policy to expel the Soviets from Afghanistan. It took place between 1979 and 1989 about a decade. This study seeks to answer the following questions: “Which were the U.S key foreign policy in the context of Afghan-Soviet War during 1979 and 1989 under Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan Presidencies and how these Administrations provoked hard decisions against Soviet Union and established their own doctrines?” “How the U.S got the Afghan Mujahedeen’s confidence and funneled the billions of dollars and global dangerous weapons to them chest through Pakistani ISI to punish the Soviets in Afghanistan?” “How the U.S hidden actor’s played the key role in this war?” Results based on U.S recently declassified material regarding this war from 1979-89 and found that soon after the Soviets intervention of Afghanistan, U.S begun hidden supply to Afghan Mujahedeen chest through Pakistani ISI and both the U.S Presidents, Carter and Reagan, took hard decisions including established their doctrines to protect the Persian Gulf Region and its interests. In this game, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Charlie Wilson, William Casey, Howard Hart and Stansfield M Turner played the hidden role and finally expelled out the Soviets from Afghanistan.

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Hassoon, Salam Fadhil, and Naeem Abed Joudah. "The American role in the Anti-Soviet Afghan War (1977- 1980)." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 5 (September 8, 2021): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.954.

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Purpose of the study: This study aims to discuss the American role in the anti-Soviet Afghan war and disclose the reasons for the Soviet worry about the growth of the fundamentalist terrorist groups inside Afghanistan. Methodology: This is library-based research work. Results: The article has come up with some main points on that severe war. One of these was that the American President Jimmy Carter's Doctrine in 1980. Carter's Doctrine could be considered a sort of policy that allows the use of military force in case American interests are exposed to Soviet threats. As a result, the American administration promised to militarily support the Afghan fighters against the Soviet control in Afghanistan. But, at the same time, the Americans failed to realize the ethnic, ideological, social, lingual, and theological structure of the Afghan society. Application: This study could have many applications in the faculties of politics and the contemporary altogether to teach the ways of public and secret or hidden political relationships between the secular states or so-called superpowers that employed the extremist groups to overwhelm the stable states that do not subdue to the western domination. Novelty: This study explores the incorrect claim of the superpowers in general and of the United States of America in particular of the theory of separation religion and the state, which is often used in the double standard.

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Guseva, Julia. "Soviet and foreign Islamology of the 1980s and the Soviet-Afghan War." Rossiiskaia istoriia, no. 6 (2019): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086956870007391-1.

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Khristoforov, V. S. "«If a screw falls, then another will be screwed» (Review of the book: Memory from the flame of Afghanistan: Interviews with the internationalist soldiers of the Afghan war of 1979–1989. Book 4. Kyrgyzstan. Edited by Elmira Nogoibayeva and Eleri Bitikchi. The methodology of Marlene Laruel, Botagoz Rakisheva, Gulden Ashkenova was used. Bishkek, 2021, 252 p.)." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 27, no. 3 (November 26, 2021): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2021-27-3-143-151.

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The book Memory from the flame of Afghanistan: Interviews with the internationalist soldiers of the Afghan war of 19791989. Book 4. Kyrgyzstan is being reviewed as part of an international scientific project to study the historical memory of Soviet soldiers participants of the Afghan campaign. Presenting to the historian and the reader a complex of 21 in-depth interviews with participants, the book is analyzed from the point of view of its scientific and socio-political potential in the context of preserving historical memory about this war.

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Formoli, Tareq A. "Impacts of the Afghan–Soviet War on Afghanistan's Environment." Environmental Conservation 22, no. 1 (1995): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892900034093.

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Dedushkin, Vitaly S., and Kristaps J. Keggi. "Orthopaedic Aspects of the Afghan War: The Soviet Experience." Techniques in Orthopaedics 10, no. 3 (1995): 225–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00013611-199501030-00013.

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Taisiуa Vladimirovna, Rabush. "The Role of the Afghan Armed Conflict of 1979–1989 in the Radicalization of Islam in Soviet Central Asia." Islamovedenie 14, no. 4 (January 15, 2024): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2023-14-4-5-17.

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The Afghan War of 1979–1989 with the participation of the USSR became one of the significant factors in strengthening the influence of Islam throughout the world. The political leadership of the Soviet Union was concerned about the potential influence of the situation in Afghanistan on the radicalization of Islam in the Soviet Central Asian republics, with three of them having a land border with Afghanistan. Using American declassified documents, the author examines the plans and their execution by the foreign supporters of Afghan anti-government armed organizations regarding the Soviet Central Asian republics, as well as the religious situation in these republics. The author con-cludes that the situation in Afghanistan in the 1980s, although it had little impact on the position of Islam in Soviet Central Asia, created a basis for Islam’s further radicalization as early as in the post-Soviet period.

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DUȚU, Daniel-Mihai. "THE ROLE OF INTELLIGENCE SERVICES IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY. CASE STUDY: THE WAR IN AFGHANISTAN (1979-1989)." Strategic Impact 79, no. 2 (October 7, 2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1841-5784-21-09.

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This paper aims to present the role of intelligence services in the American foreign policy using as a case study the Afghan conflict from 1979-1989. Thus, this paper underlines the actions (or inactions) of the American intelligence services, highlighting their limitations from this period. It is important to describe the context that contributed to the start of the soviet invasion in Afghanistan and the two perspectives (American and Soviet) over the conflict. In this regard, we considered necessary an analysis on the Soviet point of view regarding the conflict and, most importantly, concerning the American involvement, having in mind the purpose of objectiveness while presenting the context and events. Using the relevant documents, testimonies and statements of former CIA officials from that period, the paper underlines the way foreign policy decisions were taken by the Administrations from Washington, during the Soviet-Afghan war, and how American intelligence services influenced the foreign policy decision-making process and the evolution of the conflict.

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Рабуш, Т. В. "“Don't Give, Fatherland, to be Silent”: Books of Memory as a Commemoration form of the Afghan War 1979–1989 in the Post-Soviet Republics." Диалог со временем, no. 79(79) (August 20, 2022): 252–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.79.79.016.

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Участие в афганской войне 1979–1989 гг., продлившейся почти все последнее десятилетие существования СССР, принимали все советские республики. Одна из коммеморативных практик, принятых в память об афганской войне – это издание книг Памяти, посвященных соотечественникам, погибшим в Афганистане. В настоящей статье автор рассмотрит, как эта практика реализуется в государствах постсоветского пространства и является ли она в целом востребованной и распространенной. All Soviet republics took part in the Afghan war 1979–1989, which lasted almost the entire last decade of the existence of the USSR. One of the commemorative practices adopted in memory of the Afghan war is the publication of Books of Memory dedicated to compatriots who died in Afghanistan. In this article, the author will consider how this practice is implemented in the states of the post-Soviet space and whether this practice is in demand and widespread.

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Bazan, Yuliia. "Diplomatic Settlement Projects of the “Afghan Issue” (1980–1981)." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.14.

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The Soviet war in Afghanistan lasted for over nine years, from December 1979 to February 1989. The Afghan conflict became the largest military campaign of the Cold War. The continuing war in Afghanistan actually began to threaten peace and stability not only in Central Asia but in the whole world. It became a dead end for the occupiers, too. The international community perceived Soviet aggression as a significant threat to international peace and security. In the early 1980s the search for a diplomatic settlement to the situation around Afghanistan began. The purpose of the article is to investigate the ways of diplomatic settlement of the “Afghan issue” in 1980—1981 (before the Geneva Peace Talks) on the basis of official documents of the United Nations and the US National Security Archive. At the core of the research methodology there are typological, comparative аnd problem-chronological methods. In 1980–1981 a number of countries and international organizations initiated projects for a diplomatic settlement of the Afghan conflict. These countries were the following: the United States, Great Britain, France, Pakistan and others. The United Kingdom proposed a two-stage international conference to discuss the ending of foreign interference in Afghanistan and withdrawing foreign troops. According to the plan proposed by Pakistan, Soviet troops were to leave the DRA and be replaced by “international peacekeepers”. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (the President of France) proposed to convene an international conference with the participation of countries suspected of interfering in the internal affairs of the DRA in order to develop commitments on non-interference and refusal to supply weapons to Afghanistan. These projects were rejected by the USSR and the DRA. They argued that the official government of Afghanistan had not been invited to the proposed international conferences. The world community did not recognize the official government of Afghanistan. The authority of the USSR in the international arena fell significantly. Thus, the main reason for the delay in the negotiation process was the Soviet leadership’s adherence to the force line of conduct in relation to Afghanistan and the transfer of all responsibility for the Afghan crisis to its ideological opponents in the Cold War.

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Ishaque, Waseem. "Prospects of Enduring Peace in Afghanistan: Avoiding Zero Sum Game in Af-Pak Region." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).09.

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Afghanistan has witnessed a turbulent history of long and devastating war due to Soviet unabated invasion of Afghanistan of ten years producing unbearable losses of life, institutions and society. The United States along-with the support of majority of Muslim countries supported Jihad to defeat communism. This victory was, however, short-lived as infighting among Afghan war lords later entangled the entire country with even graver consequence. The emergence of Taliban and resultant occupation of 70% of Afghanistan had brought some degree of stability by providing good governance and expeditious justice system, but failed to pragmatically adjust to international environment. The unfortunate incidents of 9/11 changed the world for foreseeable time with even harsher fall out for Afghan nation as unleashing of the war of terror destroyed the left over Afghanistan. The instability in Afghanistan has caused negative effects on Pakistan as next door neighbour, which has rendered all sorts of humanitarian, diplomatic and moral support to Afghan cause since Soviet invasion and has also suffered most in the process due to spill-over effects. The democratic government is incharge in Afghanistan after fall of Taliban regime in 2001 and several state institutions are also in place albeit at infancy stage, especially the security institutions, yet the prospects of enduring peace and stability are distant reality. More than three million Afghan refugees are still in Pakistan with very dim prospects of honourable return due to persisting instability. This paper highlights the causes of instability in Afghanistan with spill-over impact on Pakistan and suggests a course of action for enduring stability.

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Krasilnikova, M. V. "AXIOLOGICAL RETHINKING OF THE RESULTS OF THE SOVIET-AFGHAN WAR." Научное мнение, no. 1-2 (2021): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25807/pbh.22224378.2021.1.2.32.38.

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House, Jonathan M. "The Soviet-Afghan War: How a Superpower Fought and Lost." History: Reviews of New Books 30, no. 2 (January 2002): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2002.10526060.

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GRAU, LESTER W. "The Soviet–Afghan War: A Superpower Mired in the Mountains." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 17, no. 1 (March 2004): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040490440692.

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Grau, Lester W. "Securing the Borders of Afghanistan During the Soviet-Afghan War." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 28, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 414–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2015.1030276.

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Isby, David C., Russian General Staff, Lester W. Grau, and Michael A. Gress. "The Soviet-Afghan War: How a Superpower Fought and Lost." Journal of Military History 66, no. 3 (July 2002): 923. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093440.

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Cohen, Eliot A., Lester W. Grau, and Michael A. Gress. "The Soviet-Afghan War: How a Superpower Fought and Lost." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 3 (2002): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033171.

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Meharry, J. Eva. "The archaeology of Afghanistan revisited." Antiquity 94, no. 376 (July 17, 2020): 1084–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2020.96.

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The discipline of archaeology in Afghanistan was at a turning point when the original editions of The archaeology of Afghanistan and the Archaeological gazetteer of Afghanistan were published in 1978 and 1982, respectively. The first three decades of modern archaeological activity in Afghanistan (1920s–1940s) were dominated by French archaeologists who primarily focused on the pre-Islamic past, particularly the Buddhist period. Following the Second World War, however, Afghanistan gradually opened archaeological practice to a more international community. Consequently, the scope of archaeological exploration expanded to include more robust studies of the prehistoric, pre-Islamic and Islamic periods. In the 1960s, the Afghan Institute of Archaeology began conducting its own excavations, and by the late 1970s, national and international excavations were uncovering exciting new discoveries across the country. These archaeological activities largely halted as Afghanistan descended into chaos during the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989) and the Afghan Civil War (1989–2001); the Afghan Institute of Archaeology was the only archaeological institute continuing operations. The original editions of the volumes under review were therefore timely and poignant publications that captured the peak of archaeological activity in twentieth-century Afghanistan and became classic texts on the subject.

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Kovalkov, Oleksandr L. "The Afghan question in the work of SC & GA of UNO in January, 1980." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, no. 1-2 (December 26, 2019): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611810.

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In December, 1979 sub-units of the Soviet Army invaded the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, eliminated Hafizullah Amin from power, established the government of Babrak Karmal and occupied the country. These events caused the condemnation of the international community, that were reflected by the statement on the Afghan question in the agenda of the Security Council and the UN General Assembly in January, 1980. The minute-books of SC of the UNO, as well as the UN General Assembly resolutions are the main sources of research of this problem. The discussion of the Afghan question in the UN Security Council lasted from 5 to 7 January, 1980, involving 42 countries. The USSR Representative to the United Nations O. Troyanovskyi and Foreign Minister of DRA Sh. M. Dost tried to persuade all those present that Soviet troops had been brought to Afghanistan at the invitation of a legitimate Afghan government to repulse allegedly externally-aggressive aggression. Herewith they referred to Article 51 of the UN Charter and Article 4 of the Treaty of Friendship, Neighborhood and Cooperation between the USSR and the DPA. Most of the delegations (primarily the US delegation, Pakistan, the Chinese People’s Republic, Great Britain) rejected the arguments of the Soviet and Afghan sides and condemned Soviet aggression and called for the withdrawal of troops from the territory of Afghanistan immediately. The Soviet Union and the DRA were supported only by a few delegations of Soviet satellites (Poland, the GDR, Hungary, the Mongolian People’s Republic, Laos and Vietnam). But during the vote on the anti-Soviet resolution on January 7, 1980, the USSR expected vetoed it. After that, the consideration of the «Afghan question» was postponed to the General Assembly, where 108 countries condemned the Soviet aggression on January, 14 (18 countries abstained, the same number supported the USSR). The discussion of the «Afghan question» at the United Nations Organization in January, 1980 assured that the Soviet Union had suffered a loud defeat in the international arena, its authority was severely undermined. This was also confirmed by the end of the policy of "discharging" and the subsequent eruption of the Cold War in international relations. In addition, the consideration of the Afghan question at the UNO has shown the lack of a mechanism for influencing an aggressor country that has a veto power in the UN Security Council. The USSR was expected to veto the Security Council resolution, and the decisions of the General Assembly were recommendatory. This is particularly relevant in terms of the current UN crisis in deterring the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, the DPRK, Syria and others like that.

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TIKHONOV, Yuriy Nikolayevich. "SOVIET-AFGHANIAN NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT THE PASTURE CONVENTION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE “GREAT GAME” IN CENTRAL ASIA ON THE EVE OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1935–1939)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-203-209.

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The results of the study of the new declassified documents of Russian archives lead to the conclusion that under the influence of “world politics” there were all directions of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The history of Soviet-Afghan relations on the eve of the Second World War convincingly proves the fact that in the relations of Afghanistan with the Great Powers of that time there were no spheres of cooperation that would not be used by foreign states in the struggle for the “Afghan bridgehead”. A striking proof of this is the attempt of the Soviet government in the 1930s to coordinate the issue of grazing of Afghan herds on Turkmen pastures with a whole range of measures aimed at strengthening the positions of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan. Soviet diplomacy repeatedly asked Kabul about the pastoral convention to speed up the signing of the necessary Soviet treaties with Afghanistan. In 1936 the question of concluding a grazing convention was repeatedly raised during the negotiations on the extension of the Kabul Pact of 1931 (the Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression Treaty of 1931) and the conclusion of a general trade agreement with Afghanistan, through which the USSR sought to economically supplant German and Japanese goods from the market of Northern Afghanistan.

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Kovalkov, Oleksandr. "Support of the Afghan Resistance Movement by the Administration of US President J. Carter (1978–1980)." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 1 (December 5, 2020): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200114.

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The aim of the article is to investigate, on the basis of American sources, the forms and means of support provided by the United States of America (both unilateral and mediated by the Allies) to the Afghan Resistance Movement in 1978–1980, as well as the factors that influenced the nature of that support. At the core of the research methodology is the method of a content analysis of historical sources, problem-chronological, typological and comparative methods. Main results and conclusions. The US support for the Afghan opposition from 1978 to 1980 in the USSR was exaggerated and became only an excuse used to justify the Soviet intervention in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. From April 1978 to December 1979, Carter Administration limited itself to an information campaign and to providing non-military assistance to the Afghan insurgents. This support included medicines, food rations, communications equipment, etc. It was not until the early 1980s that the United States developed the Hidden Action Program with a budget of $ 30 million which provided the Mujahideen with Soviet-made small arms, anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons. Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, China and Egypt had been involved in the implementation of the Program. However, the volume of military assistance as well as the quality of the weapons could not significantly increase the Mujahideen’s combat capability. The military and technical superiority of the Soviet and Afghan troops remained significant. The US politicians, analysts as well as the Mujahideen field commanders noted insufficiency and lack and effectiveness of the US aid. However, the Carter Administration had managed to forge contacts with the Afghan opposition, to form a coalition of states around the Hidden Action Program, to develop and test ways to acquire weapons and their delivery routes to Pakistan and beyond to Afghanistan. This experience would later be taken into account and used by the R. Reagan Administration. In addition, the US support had a positive effect on the moral and psychological state of the Afghan insurgents. Practical significance. The main conclusions and factual material can be used to study the Afghan crisis as part of the Cold War. Originality. The US policy regarding the Afghan Resistance Movement is examined against the backdrop of deteriorating Soviet-American relations in connection with the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. Scientific novelty. The ways and forms of the US support for the Afghan Resistance Movement at the initial stage of the Afghan crisis are specified for the first time. Type of article: descriptive.

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Mulhern, Matt. "Zbigniew Brzezinski’s Arc of Crisis and the Origin of U.S. Involvement in Afghanistan." Graduate History Review 11, no. 1 (September 22, 2022): 146–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/ghr111202220324.

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Zbigniew Brzezinski misrepresented Soviet motivations in their Afghan invasion to pursue his own geo-political agenda in the “arc of crisis” region that became a primary focus for the shift in strategic planning during the Carter administration. Based on State Department documents released in December 2018, in addition to former Soviet-era primary sources from the Cold War International History Project, the article describes how Brzezinski misread Soviet intentions and facilitated a response that later metastasized into something the U.S. could not control once the Reagan administration continued Carter’s arming of the most radical elements of the Afghan rebellion. Despite Brzezinski’s efforts to increase the U.S. footprint in the Middle East having such a consequential impact on American foreign policy during the past 40 years, scholars are only beginning to understand the full weight of these moves during the final years of the Carter administration.

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Rabush, Taisiуa. "Involvement of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in the Events in Afghanistan in the Late 1970s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.12.

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Introduction. In this article, the author examines the position of the countries of the Middle East region in the late 1970s with regard to the armed conflict in Afghanistan. The emphasis is on the period on the eve of the entry of the Soviet troops to Afghanistan – from the April Revolution of 1978 until December 1979. The author’s focus is on two states: Pakistan directly bordering on Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, which is a major geopolitical actor in the region. Methods and materials. The author relies on documentary sources such as “Department of state bulletin”, documents of secret correspondence of the U.S. foreign policy agencies, documents of the U.S. National Security Archive, and special volumes on Afghanistan and the Middle East in “Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1977–1980”. Thanks to these sources, it is possible to prove that the involvement of the states of the region in the Afghan armed conflict and its internationalization began even before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Analysis. First, an overview of the objectives pursued by these states in Afghanistan and in the internal Afghan armed conflict is given. Following this, the author consistently reveals the position of these states in relation to the April Revolution of 1978, the ever-increasing Soviet involvement in the Afghan events (1978–1979) and the civil war that started against the Kabul government. Results. In conclusion the article reveals the role of these states in the process of internationalization of the Afghan armed conflict, which, according to the author, began before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan.

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Bazan, Yuliia. "THE BEGINNING OF THE GENEVA TALKS. ATTEMPTS TO RESOLVE THE AFGHAN CRISIS (1982 – 1984)." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (46) (June 27, 2022): 154–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(46).2022.257194.

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Attempts at a diplomatic solution to the Afghan problem from 1982 to 1984 are examined based on a study of transcripts of plenary sessions of the UN General Assembly, reports of the UN Secretary-General, and documents of the US National Security Archive J. Washington and scientific literature. The article analyzes the activities of UN Secretary-General P. de Cuellar and his personal representative D. Cordoves in resolving the crisis in Afghanistan caused by the socialist experiment launched by the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan. Particular attention is paid to the "Rhodes format" of the Afghan-Pakistani talks. Both delegations did not meet, and the arguments and positions of opponents were received from D. Cordoves, who took turns talking to representatives of both missions. The role of the USSR and the USA in the Geneva negotiation process is studied. After the invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979, the Soviet Union was embroiled in a civil war in the DRA between the Soviet-backed NDPA regime and the majority-backed opposition and the United States, Pakistan, China, and other countries. During the Cold War, the Kremlin's actions became a stimulus to the United States, which turned Afghanistan into a significant factor in American foreign policy. The Soviet Union and the United States were not participants in the Afghan-Pakistani talks, but the constructive political dialogue depended on their positions. It turns out that the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has become a hostage of the inter-bloc confrontation. The results of the three rounds of the Geneva talks are analyzed. During the negotiations, the parties managed to outline a range of issues that needed to be resolved: the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the DRA, the development of international guarantees and commitments not to interfere in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and the return of Afghan refugees. The negotiation process was slow, and the most crucial issue, the withdrawal of a limited contingent of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, was not discussed. A study of transcripts of plenary sessions of the UN General Assembly showed that the strong condemnation of the aggressor's actions by the world community had no real impact on the situation in Afghanistan. The reason was that General Assembly resolutions calling for the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops from the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan were advisory and non-binding. The author concludes that the Afghan crisis has clearly highlighted the weaknesses of the UN, namely the lack of effective mechanisms to influence the aggressive policy of a member of the UN Security Council.

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Ali, Imran, and Xiaochuan Dong. "The Revenge Game: U.S Foreign Policy During Afghan-Soviet War and Afghan-Pakistan Falling Into Hell." Asian Social Science 11, no. 27 (November 22, 2015): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v11n27p43.

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The U.S Foreign policy during the Soviets encroachment of Afghanistan at the height of Cold War has been evaluated, as well as its negative effects in Afghanistan-Pakistan (Af-Pak). During 1979, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R) landed on Afghanistan in order to secure Warm Water Ports and Persian Gulf Oil. (This was called as the “Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan”). By having this situation, The U.S government established a mission in Afghanistan which consisted on two main purposes. One of them was to stand against the invasion of Afghanistan provoked by U.S.S.R. and the second one was to provide Afghan Mujahedeen Movements with some help and be prepared for the coming situation. So, the provision of the most dangerous weapons and the need of billions of dollars were made to these fundamentalist Afghan mujahedeen. Thus, they could protect themselves and fight against the U.S.S.R invasion. As a matter of fact, the Taliban groups were founded due to U.S policy. Nevertheless, the establishment of them has become the biggest general threat to global peace, particularly for Afghanistan and Pakistan. This research consists of three parts which are going to be developed in the order as follows: The internal milieu of Afghanistan and the intervention by U.S.S.R, The U.S policy interests and the outcomes of these policies, The Afghan and Pakistan consequences which were gotten by these policies. This Research is going to be a new source of knowledge for understanding the U.S foreign policy during this War and their negative effects on Afghanistan and Pakistan such as refugee’s settlement and number of other problems. Although Americans just revenge from Soviets but this game also destroyed the Pakistan. Also as an explanation on the nowadays coming international terrorism and how the Afghan insurgents have become strong enough.

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Idrees, Muhammad, and Manzoor Ahmad Naazer. "The dynamics of Pak-Afghan relations: an analysis of (mis)trust between the two countries from 2001-2018." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 525–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/3.1.36.

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Pakistan and Afghanistan share the contiguity of neighbourhood and bonds of Islam. Despite linguistic, cultural and traditional similarities, their relations have remained in a spin. Pakistan and Afghanistan are geographically so dependent on each other that the effects of war and peace could be felt on both sides of the borders. Many factors are involved in upsetting these relations: the hostility of Afghan rulers and their tilt towards India since Pakistan’s independence; Durand Line and Pakhtunistan issues and Pakistan's role during the Soviet-Afghan war (1979-1989) in supporting the Afghan Jihadists. Pak-Afghan relations remained exemplary during the Taliban rule (1996-2001). The paper explores: a) Pak-Afghan relations during President Hamid Karzai's rule; b) the relations under President Ashraf Ghani; c) India's role in sabotaging the relations; and d) Pakistan's efforts in Afghanistan’s rebuilding and reconstruction process. The study finds that the dynamics of relations in the post-9/11 era were not cordial and there was a great trust deficit between the two countries during different US-led regimes. The paper is based on historical legacies and an analytical understanding of them. The previous research on the subject did not fully explore the era between 2001-2018, which this study aims to fulfil.

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Yu. Bulatov. "Soviet-Afghan Relations on the Eve of the Great Patriotic War." International Affairs 68, no. 003 (June 30, 2022): 272–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.78084848.

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NOVYKOV, ANATOLIY, TETIANA KLEIMENOVA, MARYNA KUSHNIEROVA, DMYTRO MARIEIEV, and NATALIIA HOHOL. "GENESIS OF THE «WOMAN’S» WAR IN CREATIVITY OF SVETLANA ALEXIEVICH (BASED ON THE MATERIAL OF THE NOVELS «THE UNWOMANLY FACE OF WAR» AND «ZINKY BOYS»)." AD ALTA: 11/02 11, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 182–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.33543/1102182187.

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The article examines the features of a fiction-documentary comprehension of the German-Soviet and Soviet-Afghan wars in the novels of Svetlana Alexievich «The unwomanly face of war» and «Zinky Boys». It occurs through the perception of a woman as a direct participant in the war, a mother, wife, whose war took away the most expensive – son, husband, father. The presence of archetypal images to combine separate chapters is common in both novels. In both her novels, S. Alexievich gave the archetypal image of a woman-keeper of modern sound, individual features, convincing the reader that this image is always relevant because each talented artist revealed not only its original meaning, but also created something new that was close to the man of each century.

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Salangi, Mohammad Mullah. "The Mistakes of Super Powers in Afghanistan." IJLHE: International Journal of Language, Humanities, and Education 5, no. 2 (December 14, 2022): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.52217/ijlhe.v5i2.1064.

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Afghanistan’s strategic location and lying at the crossroad linking the Central Asian States with South Asian region motivated major powers to take interest and competing with each other for the purpose of dominance. This paved the way for making Afghanistan battleground of different powers. So, Afghanistan is a country with a myriad history inflicted with conflicts of interests among regional and international powers. Therefore, Afghanistan has a deep history of insurgency, resistance and wars that shapes the perceptions of the people who live there. For instance, Taliban propaganda portrayed Afghanistan’s President Hamid Karzai as an American Shah Shuja, a cutting reference to the king the British brought to power in 1839 during the First Anglo-Afghan War (1839-42). When British troops deployed to southern Afghanistan in 2006, residents feared they had been sent to take revenge for the Afghan victory at the Battle of Maiwand which took place there during the Second Anglo-Afghan War in 1880. In addition, plans for withdrawing international forces from Afghanistan, immediately make Afghans recall the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 that began a slide to civil war. However, the super powers interferences in the internal affairs (cultural and religious values) of the Afghans lead to wars and political turmoil so much so that the country cannot be turned to a stable state. The paper examines the mistakes of major powers and their destruction role in the continuing civil war and miserable situations of the Afghan people.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Soviet-Afghan War'

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