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Journal articles on the topic 'Soviet and European'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Frost, Howard. "The Bear and the Eagles: Soviet Influence in The 1970 and 1980 Polish Succession Crises." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 702 (January 1, 1988): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1988.33.

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The extent and dynamics of Moscow's control over its East Europeanneighbors have always been of considerable interest to Western analysts. The nature of this influence has become particularly important as the Soviet Union has, within certain parameters, condoned a modicum of East European flexibility in domestic and foreign policy since the mid-1960s. One of the most intriguing areas in the study of Soviet policy toward Eastern Europe is Soviet-East European crisis management, and particularly the extent to which the Soviets can affect the outcome of crises their allies face.

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2

Malcolm, Neil. "The ‘Common European Home’ and Soviet European policy." International Affairs 65, no. 4 (1989): 659–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622579.

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3

Hough, Jerry F. "Soviet Perspectives on European Security." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 40, no. 1 (March 1985): 20–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208504000102.

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4

Adamson, David M. "Soviet gas and European security." Energy Policy 13, no. 1 (February 1985): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0301-4215(85)90077-1.

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5

Kegley, Charles W. "The New Containment Myth: Realism and the Anomaly of European Integration." Ethics & International Affairs 5 (March 1991): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1991.tb00233.x.

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Kegley, skeptical of the Western perception that Soviet surrender was proof of American superiority in the arms race and the reliance on NATO to “spend the Soviets into submission”-the new containment “myth”-analyzes the origins of the U.S. containment doctrine. He contrasts the harsher realist Hobbsian/Machiavellian views focusing on a stringent containment policy to those of Niebuhr, Morgenthau, and Kennan, who advocated a gradual opposition to the Soviets through patient political and diplomatic means. Kegley advocates Kennan's argument that the “inevitable triumph of Western liberalism” was certain and the failure of the communist regime was predetermined by its insulation. Empirical tests have not validated the extent of influence of NATO and practice of nuclear deterrence on the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Kegley argues for a focus on promoting the success of Russia while using the relative success European integration as grounds to work within a transnational collaboration framework based on Kennan's initial recommendations.

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6

White, Anne. "Internal Migration Trends in Soviet and Post-Soviet European Russia." Europe-Asia Studies 59, no. 6 (September 2007): 887–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130701489105.

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7

Hyde-Price, Adrian G. V. "The Soviet Union and European security." International Affairs 64, no. 1 (1987): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621550.

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8

Mote, Victor L., J. Ambler, D. J. B. Shaw, and L. Symons. "Soviet and East European Transport Problems." Economic Geography 63, no. 1 (January 1987): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/143858.

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9

Gambles, Ian. "European security without the Soviet Union." International Affairs 69, no. 3 (July 1993): 566–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622341.

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10

Shabad, Theodore, John Ambler, Denis J. B. Shaw, and Leslie Symons. "Soviet and East European Transport Problems." Geographical Review 76, no. 4 (October 1986): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/214929.

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11

Yazov, Dmitri. "The Soviet proposal for European security." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 44, no. 7 (September 1988): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00963402.1988.11456191.

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12

Green, M. B. "Soviet and East European transport problems." Applied Geography 6, no. 4 (October 1986): 363–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0143-6228(86)90042-1.

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13

Bunce, Valerie. "The empire strikes back: the evolution of the Eastern bloc from a Soviet asset to a Soviet liability." International Organization 39, no. 1 (1985): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004859.

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The structure of the Soviet bloc would appear to be ideal for the maximization of Soviet domestic and foreign interests. The actual ledger of Soviet gains and losses from control over Eastern Europe, however, reveals a different picture. Over the postwar period Eastern European contributions to Soviet national security, economic growth, and domestic stability have declined. This decline in the value of empire to the Soviets is a function of three factors. The first is growing regime-society tensions in Eastern Europe as a result of East Europe's dependence on the Soviet Union and the derivative structures of its Stalinist political economies. The second is the Soviet role within the bloc as a political and economic monopoly and monopsony. And the third is the unexpected costs, both to the Soviet Union and to Eastern Europe, that attended the bloc's reunion in the early 1970s with a global capitalist system in crisis.

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14

Reisinger, William M. "The International Regime of Soviet-East European Economic Relations." Slavic Review 49, no. 4 (1990): 554–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500546.

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In recent years, scholars of international relations have realized how poor have been their predictions, based on relative military or economic strength, of the outcome of negotiations or disputes. The strong often do not prevail or must compromise to a surprising extent. The Soviet Union's relations with its six East European allies have also exhibited this phenomenon. Even during the period when Soviet leaders were committed to maintaining control over Eastern Europe as a vital underpinning of Soviet security, and despite the Soviet Union's disproportionate strength in the region, the East European states departed from Soviet wishes in a variety of ways. In the late 1980s, this departure, for a while, took the ironic form of Romania, the GDR, and Czechoslovakia flouting Soviet calls for reform.

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15

Kovrig, Bennett. "Review: The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe: Soviet-East European Relations." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 40, no. 1 (March 1985): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208504000122.

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16

Neumann, Iver B. "Soviet Foreign Policy towards Her European Allies: Interests and Instruments." Cooperation and Conflict 23, no. 4 (September 1988): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001083678802300403.

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Neumann, I. B. Soviet Foreign Policy towards Her European Allies: Interests and Instruments. Cooperation and Conflict, XXIII, 1988, 215-229. The aim of this article is to construct a taxonomy for possible Soviet interests towards the CMEA 6, then to discuss what foreign policy instruments the Soviet Union disposes of, and finally to assess whether Soviet instruments are capable of fulfilling Soviet interests. Soviet interests are far-reaching. She wants to have the CMEA 6 as a buffer against aggression, and to prevent CMEA 6 complicity in invasion. Her role as the leader of one of the two main military alliances in the world underlines her status as a superpower. At home, the legitimacy of the communist regime is enhanced by there being other countries which employ the Soviet model. Effective Soviet foreign policy instruments are indeed limited. The military instruments at her disposal can only be used at very high political cost, whereas economic subsidies make up an economic cost. The Soviet Union still depends critically on the actual use of force and on the threat of use of force in her relations with the CMEA 6. As the long-term costs of using military foreign policy instruments are considerable, the prospects for Soviet interest fulfilment towards the CMEA 6 are poor.

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17

Khalid, Adeeb. "Backwardness and the Quest for Civilization: Early Soviet Central Asia in Comparative Perspective." Slavic Review 65, no. 2 (2006): 231–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4148591.

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Much recent scholarship has seen Soviet Central Asia as directly comparable to the overseas colonies of modern European states. In this article, Adeeb Khalid takes issue with this trend. European colonial rule, he argues, was predicated on the perpetuation of difference, while the Soviets sought to conquer it. Central Asia was indeed subject to colonial rule in the tsarist period, but its transformation in the early Soviet period was the work, instead, of a different kind of polity—an activist, interventionist, mobilizational state that sought to transform its citizenry. Khalid compares the transformations of the early Soviet period in Central Asia with the reforms of the early republic in Turkey, which were strikingly similar in intent and scope. This comparative perspective brings out the substantial differences between colonial empires and modern mobilizational states; confusing the two can only lead to a fundamental misunderstanding of modern history.

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18

Segal, Gerald. "Coping with the Soviet Union: the European and Chinese experience." Review of International Studies 12, no. 4 (October 1986): 265–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050011383x.

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China and western Europe share a common concern—their powerful neighbour the Soviet Union. Yet it is only in the past three years that Chinese and west European attitudes towards the Soviet Union have begun to converge. The absence of any previous Sino-European agreement on the role of, and reaction to, the Soviet Union has primarily been due to the vagaries of Chinese policy. Despite Chinese assertions and west European self-flagellation, in the past 35 years the west has been stable and largely secure, whereas China has been changeable and largely insecure. Yet despite recent converging trends in Sino-west European views of the Soviet Union, there are important reasons why both China and western Europe will continue to differ in how they meet the Soviet challenge.

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19

Hassner, Pierre. "Western European Dilemmas: Man, State, and History." Ethics & International Affairs 1 (March 1987): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1987.tb00512.x.

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The European community holds a range of contradictory, changing, and evolving views of the United States and the Soviet Union. Hassner notes that the United States is seen both as an individualistic agent with a guilty conscience that intervenes irresponsibly and hypocritically, and as a model for resistance to oppression. The Soviet Union is also viewed antithetically, both condemned for totalitarianism and praised as more humanistic than the United States. Hassner sees these oppositions as reflecting the profound differences between the superpowers and indicating the challenge the United States and the Soviet Union face in establishing a common ethics.

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20

Reklaitis, George. "Cold War Lithuania: National Armed Resistance and Soviet Counterinsurgency." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1806 (January 1, 2007): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2007.135.

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Following the defeat of Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union sought to reestablish its control over the areas of Eastern Europe that it had occupied prior to the RussoGerman war. These areas included Western Ukraine, Byelorussia, and the Baltic States of Lithuanian, Latvia, and Estonia.2 In these regions, the Soviets found wellorganized underground resistance movements that were determined to hold off the complete Sovietization of their homelands, a task the Soviets had initially begun in 1940 and 1941, but which had been interrupted by war. While complete victory over the Soviets was recognized as an unreachable goal, these resistance fighters fought on in the hope that either the Soviets would grow weary of waging war or, as the above statement by Juozas Luksa suggests, the Western powers would return to finish the job of liberating Europe. Therefore, the period of 1944 to 1953 in this region is marked by an intense conflict between Eastern European guerrillas and Soviet counterinsurgency forces.

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21

Ershov, Vitalii F. "EUROPEAN UNION FINANCIAL POLICY IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY. EXPERIENCE AND PROSPECTS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 3 (2020): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2020-3-10-28.

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The paper deals with the formation of a modern style of financial relations between the European Union and post-Soviet states. The author explores the objectives and features of the implementation of two main components of the European financial policy in the post-Soviet space: investment in the development and commercial activities of private capital. The EU financial policy in the post-Soviet states advances in the context of pan-European humanitarian, geopolitical and energy concepts established at the beginning of the 21st century. Despite certain differences that exist in the approaches of the European Union to dialogue with groups of countries within the frameworks of the Eastern Partnership and the EU Strategy for Central Asia, a common line is seen here on investments in promoting the education, European values, legal standards of banking. At the same time, in relations between Europe and the post-Soviet countries there is a tendency towards the adoption of the principles of financial pragmatism and a desire for long-term investment ties. The expanding role of the European banks and investment companies in economic life in the post-Soviet space is in direct connection with the realization of the modernization potential in post-Soviet states.

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22

Grothusen, Klaus-Detlev. "The Soviet System und Eastern European Law." Philosophy and History 19, no. 2 (1986): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198619284.

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23

Nemec-Ignashev, Diane. "Soviet Russian and East European Post-Modernism." Slavic and East European Journal 31 (1987): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/307982.

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24

Kudryavtsev, Andrei, and Romil Shchenin. "A Common European Home: the Soviet View." International Relations 9, no. 6 (November 1989): 523–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711788900900605.

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25

Kostic, Marina. "Exclusive nature of the European, Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian integration and tension in the European post-Soviet space." Medjunarodni problemi 71, no. 4 (2019): 498–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1904498k.

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The subject of this paper is to determine the relations between the European, Euro-Atlantic and Eurasian integration, especially their exclusive character and the turmoil in the European post-Soviet space. The paper concludes that the exclusive nature of the integration process, which has a value and a geopolitical dimension, encourages the USA, EU and Russia conflicts for control over this area and leads to the reopening of ethnic and territorial disputes (solutions for one represent deepening of crisis for the other stakeholders), remilitarization and a new arms race, the increased military presence of the USA and Russia in the region and further destabilization of the world and European order, especially the relationship between the USA-Russia-EU. The roots of these integrations are found at the end of the Cold War, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and the survival of Western economic and defence organizations that sought and still seek to expand to the post-Soviet space in order to create a universal liberal democratic world order despite Russian dissent. This work thus sheds light on the contradictions of keeping an open-door policy of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration, which causes the opposite effect in Russia - a sense of closing the door, the new isolation and restraint, creating new divisions in Europe. On the other hand, the contradiction that this analysis reveals is that Russia, while seeking equal treatment and respect for its interests by the West, is in fact expecting respect of its inequality compared to other European post-Soviet republics, de facto recognition of its right of veto to the post-Soviet republics integration and its special role in this region, which practically bolster further fears that these countries will be returned to the Russian sphere of influence or even a new Russian state. Of the several variables that have remained as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union and affected the foreign policies of the post-Soviet states, the question of the type of integration became crucial because of its defence, geopolitical, economic and wider social effects.

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26

KOWALSKA, DOROTA, and ANDRZEJ GUGOŁEK. "European badger." Medycyna Weterynaryjna 75, no. 01 (2019): 6185–2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.21521/mw.6185.

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The European badger (Meles meles) is the largest member of the mustelid family (Mustelidae) found in Poland. It lives almost all over Eurasia, except northern areas of the former Soviet Union and the Scandinavian countries. The European badger most often inhabits densely wooded areas. It feeds on both animal and plant foods, and is classified as a carnivore. Badger skins are not fully used in the fur industry They are usually used for production of skin rugs and accessories, such as hunting bags.

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KOWALSKA, DOROTA, and ANDRZEJ GUGOŁEK. "European badger." Medycyna Weterynaryjna 75, no. 02 (2019): 6189–2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.21521/mw.6189.

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The European badger (Meles meles) is the largest member of the mustelid family (Mustelidae) found in Poland. It lives almost all over Eurasia, except northern areas of the former Soviet Union and the Scandinavian countries. The European badger most often inhabits densely wooded areas. It feeds on both animal and plant foods, and is classified as a carnivore. Badger skins are not fully used in the fur industry They are usually used for production of skin rugs and accessories, such as hunting bags.

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28

Goodrich Lehmann, Susan, and Blair A. Ruble. "From 'Soviet' to 'European' Yaroslavl: Changing Neighbourhood Structure in Post-Soviet Russian Cities." Urban Studies 34, no. 7 (June 1997): 1085–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0042098975745.

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29

LÖWENHARDT, JOHN. "Traders, Crusaders, and Cruise Missiles: Soviet Foreign Policy toward the Low Countries." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001004.

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In Soviet foreign policy, the Low Countries—Belgium and the Netherlands—seem to occupy a position symbolized by their name. Yet, in the past decade, Soviet diplomacy has scored a number of successes: by 1985 the cohesion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization seemed threatened by the recurrent non-decision-making of Belgian and Dutch governments on the issue of intermediate-range nuclear forces; in Belgium the Soviets have succeeded in establishing a valuable Soviet-controlled infrastructure; and the Dutch position on the European gas market is undercut by Siberian gas. These benefits have been reached at minimal cost to the USSR. This discrepancy calls for an explanation that goes beyond simple formulas and delves into Dutch and Belgian political cultures, in which neutralism and Atlanticism are constant but uneasy bedfellows.

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30

van Dijk, Boyd. "“The Great Humanitarian”: The Soviet Union, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and the Geneva Conventions of 1949." Law and History Review 37, no. 1 (February 2019): 209–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000014.

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The Geneva Conventions of 1949 are often seen as the product of Western European design and liberal humanitarianism. Based on a collection of Western and Soviet archival materials, this article reveals the Soviet delegation's mixed but critical legacy in developing the Conventions. The Soviets, acting in surprisingly close cooperation with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), were essential for supporting a range of groundbreaking plans to end ‘inhumane’ measures in war, from unrestrained colonial warfare to inhumane treatment. They made however some of these protections vulnerable due to their opposition to accepting stronger enforcement mechanisms, such as allowing the ICRC and Protecting Powers to visit their Gulag archipelago. By doing so, the Soviets helped to create the foundations for both the successes and failures of the Geneva Conventions.

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31

Narskiy, I. V. "LOTMAN’S SCHOOL: EUROPEAN INTELLECTUALS ON THE SOVIET SOIL." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(38) (2017): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2017-3-56-63.

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32

Shafer, Susanne M. "Exit the Soviet Union, Expand the European Union." European Education 29, no. 3 (October 1997): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/eue1056-493429033.

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33

Tereshchuk, Vitaliy. "Political and Institutional Characteristics of the Entry of the CEE Region into Regional Media Systems During the Bipolar and Post-Bipolar Periods." Politeja 15, no. 6(57) (August 13, 2019): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.12.

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In the newly shaped post‑WWI Europe the CEE region was an integral part of the pan‑European media system. The iron curtain that split Europe into two parts in the bipolar period, inevitably led to the emergence of two separate media systems, i.e. the Western European one and the one driven by the USSR (and existing predominantly in Eastern‑European states). These systems were institutionalized by the establishment of separate broadcasting alliances and corresponding TV programme exchange networks. At the same time, in the context of the Cold War, the CEE region was a key target of Western broadcasting with the aim to counter Soviet propaganda and political influence. This factor reinforced by the willingness of the CEE countries to preserve their European identity caused the socialist media system (as well as other Soviet integration projects) to remain artificial and to be rejected in the region. It was clearly confirmed at the beginning of the post‑bipolar period, when, after the collapse of the socialist camp and the USSR, the Soviet‑driven International Radio and Television Organization ceased to exist, and the CEE countries integrated into the European Broadcasting Union, unleashing their desire to “return to Europe”. At the same time, in the context of a policy aimed at preserving control over the post‑Soviet space, Russia makes efforts which could be regarded as an attempt to restore (preserve) the common media space in the post‑Soviet territories. In the paper the CEE region is regarded in the broadest way, including all states which were in socialist bloc, and appropriate former European Soviet republics.

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34

Pilisi, Paul. "Les pays socialistes de l’Est et l’Unité Européenne - La tradition dans le socialisme et le socialisme dans la tradition." Études internationales 10, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 527–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700964ar.

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From its beginnings in 1922, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union has pursued one overriding objective : the preservation of the empire. This policy's dialectic is in conformity with the Soviet doctrine which holds that international relations are but relations of production. Soviet foreign policy has always sought international legal guarantees to protect the conquests of empire and socialism. Ideologically, the U.S.S.R. has always been opposed to the idea of European unity. European integration has traditionally been viewed by the Soviet empire as the ultimate endeavour of capitalism prior to the latter's final crisis. This basic policy option had been adopted by the socialist countries of Europe. From 1922, when the Soviet Union had accorded the E.E.C. de facto recognition, several countries of Eastern Europe had expressed their respective attitudes with regard to European integration. The Helsinki and Belgrade C.S.C.E., the final result of which was only a diplomatic declaration, emphasized the idea of East-West cooperation. European cooperation, deriving from a compromise between economic "necessity" and political "illusion," should provide practical results rather than ideas. De jure recognition of the E.E.C. by the U.S.S.R. and the Eastern Europe countries also constitutes an important element of East-West relations. The 1980s will reveal whether or not the hostility of the countries of Eastern Europe with respect to European integration has definitely been replaced by cooperation free from ulterior ideological motives.

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Dullin, Sabine. "The Interface between Neighbors at a Time of State Transition: The Thick Border of the Bolsheviks (1917–1924)." Annales (English ed.) 69, no. 02 (June 2014): 255–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000765.

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Abstract Focusing on the European margins of the former Russian Empire as it was reinvented by the Soviets and drawing on the central and local archives of the former Soviet Union, this article uncovers a particular construction of territorial sovereignty that emerged from interactions between countries that were both new and ideologically hostile to one another. It shows that although Soviet authorities adapted to the rules of negotiation necessary for the “co-construction” of a frontier, they gradually managed to affirm an exclusive sovereignty over the territory. The thick border that evolved between mutually suspicious neighbors, especially through the creation of buffer zones, was subsequently institutionalized and appropriated by the Soviets in order to control interactions and border crossings. This analysis of everyday life in these border zones offers new perspectives for a transnational history of the state.

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De Groot, Michael. "The Soviet Union, CMEA, and the Energy Crisis of the 1970s." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 4 (December 2020): 4–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00964.

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Numerous scholars have claimed that the Soviet Union was a primary beneficiary of the 1973–1974 oil crisis. Drawing on archival evidence from Russia and Germany, this article challenges that interpretation, showing that the oil crisis forced Soviet policymakers to confront the limits of their energy industry and the effects of the crisis on their East European allies. Demand for Soviet energy outpaced production, forcing Soviet officials to weigh their need to compensate for economic shortcomings at home against their role as the guarantor of Communist rule in Eastern Europe. The Soviet decision to raise prices within the Council on Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) and the Soviet Union's inability to fulfill demand across CMEA compelled the East European governments to purchase oil from Middle Eastern countries at increasing world market prices, crippling their balance of payments and accentuating their other economic shortcomings.

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37

Rosato, Sebastian. "Europe's Troubles: Power Politics and the State of the European Project." International Security 35, no. 4 (April 2011): 45–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00035.

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The 1990s were years of great optimism in Europe. As the Europeans were putting the finishing touches on their economic community, observers predicted that political and military integration would soon follow. Optimism has turned to pessimism since the turn of the century, however. Most analysts believe that the economic community is in crisis, and hardly anyone predicts the creation of a political or military counterpart to it. Why has the European project run into trouble and what does the future hold? The answers to these questions are largely to be found in the distribution of power. It was the overwhelming power of the Soviet Union that drove the Western Europeans to consider a variety of integration initiatives and to build and maintain the European Community (EC) during the Cold War. In 1991 the collapse of the Soviet Union deprived them of a compelling geostrategic reason to pursue further integration or even to preserve their economic community. As a result, the Europeans have made no real effort to establish a political or military community over the past two decades, and the EC has slowly started to fray. As long as there are no significant changes in the balance of power going forward, worse times lie ahead.

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DE GRAND, ALEXANDER. "‘To Learn Nothing and To Forget Nothing’: Italian Socialism and the Experience of Exile Politics, 1935–1945." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002754.

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As the Italian anti-fascist exiles reorganised after the establishment of a full dictatorship in 1925, they were confronted by a series of difficult issues that no longer could be dealt with in the national context. The overriding need to heal the divisions within the Italian left now would be conditioned by choices made on the international level. The abdication of the Western democracies at Munich meant to many on the left that the Soviet Union was the essential bulwark against fascism. Within the Italian Socialist Party Pietro Nenni defended the alliance with the Communist Party and support for the Soviet Union. Alternatives offered by Angelo Tasca questioned both the exclusive alliance with the Communists and unquestioning support for the Soviet Union. Tasca also developed a European perspective which tended to marginalise the Soviets both ideologically and diplomatically. These positions put him at odds with Nenni. Tasca's position was complicated by his parallel membership of the French SFIO, his French citizenship and, in 1940, his decision to support Vichy. Tasca's defection and Nenni's triumph made the Italian Socialist Party more hostile after the fall of fascism to new thinking on European unity and alternatives to unity of action with the Communists.

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Klumbytė, Neringa. "Europe and Its Fragments: Europeanization, Nationalism, and the Geopolitics of Provinciality in Lithuania." Slavic Review 70, no. 4 (2011): 844–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.4.0844.

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With a focus on Gintaras Beresnevičius's bookThe Making of an Empire(2003) and the marketing and consumption of "Soviet" sausages, this article explores the rise of national ideologies that promote an "eastern" and "Soviet" identity in Lithuania. Both during the nationalist movement against the Soviet Union and later in the 1990s and 2000s, the west and Europe were seen as sites of prestige, power, and goodness. Recently the reinvented "east" and "Soviet" have become important competing symbols of national history and community. In this article Neringa Klumbytė argues that nationalism has become embedded in the power politics of Europeanization. National ideologies are shaped by differing ideas about ways of being modern and European rather than by simple resistance to European Union expansion. The resulting geopolitics of provinciality, a nationalist politics of space, thus becomes an integral part of the story of European modernity and domination within a global history.

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Obernikhin, Evgeny A. "PERPETUATING THE MEMORY OF SOVIET SOLDIERS WHO PERISHED DURING THE LIBERATION OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES FROM NAZISM DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR (1944–1991): THE RESULTS OF THE STUDY." Historical Search 2, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-69-77.

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Comprehensive studying the experience of state and military structures in preserving and care of military cemeteries and places of memory about the heroic actions of the Red Army outside Russia, is gaining more and more theoretical significance and practical value. The purpose of this article is to summarize the results of the study dedicated to perpetuating the memory of Soviet soldiers who perished when liberating European countries from Nazism during the Great Patriotic War (chronology of events in 1944-1991). There are no special scientific works devoted to this topic that comprehensively consider the activities of the official structures of the Soviet Union abroad. The methodological basis of the research is the modern theory of society cognition, based on the concept of universal connections in its socio-economic, political and cultural life, and the dialectical approach to the analysis of social phenomena. The author analyses various aspects of the problem taking into account the immediate historical situation, reveals objective patterns that determined the goals and content of the process of preserving the memory of fallen Soviet soldiers, he studies the activities of the official structures of the Soviet Union abroad to perpetuate the memory of the Red Army soldiers who perished during the Great Patriotic War when liberating European countries from Nazism. In the course of the study, the author solved a number of tasks: transformation in the order of personal casualty records in the Red Army was investigated; the features of organizing the process of burial of the deceased and creation of military cemeteries in the territory of European states were established, as well as the existing classification of military graves was confirmed; the reasons for the large-scale loss of names of Red Army soldiers who died when liberating European countries from Nazism were determined; the main stages of the process of consolidation and preservation of Soviet military cemeteries in the territory of European countries were determined; the process of creating memorial structures and objects in Central and Eastern Europe was analyzed and its features were established; implementation of commemorative practices which formed in the Soviet times the historical memory about Red Army’s liberation mission in European countries; the author defines the peculiarities of inter-state cooperation on the issues of restoration and preservation of Soviet military graves and monuments in European countries; he defines the classification of the process of perpetuating the memory of Soviet soldiers in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The study performed suggests that it was during the enlargement of the Soviet military cemeteries after the war that a large-scale loss of the names of the fallen Red Army soldiers occurred. The process of creating memorials and arranging military necropolis in the European countries had a systematic character. The Soviet Union used various commemorative practices, with the help of which the historical memory of the Red Army’s liberation mission in Europe was formed.

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Hirst, Samuel J. "Anti-Westernism on the European Periphery: The Meaning of Soviet-Turkish Convergence in the 1930s." Slavic Review 72, no. 1 (2013): 32–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.72.1.0032.

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A number of recent comparative works have drawn attention to parallels and similarities between the Soviet Union and the early Turkish Republic. In this article, Samuel J. Hirst takes a firmly transnational approach to Soviet-Turkish interactions in the 1930s to demonstrate that the similarities were not merely circumstantial. The manifest ideological conflict between nationalist Turks and internationalist Bolsheviks has led many historians to dismiss Soviet- Turkish cooperation as a necessary response to geopolitics, a pragmatic alliance against the west. Hirst argues that opposition to the western-dictated international order was a coherent element in Soviet-Turkish exchanges that stretched beyond diplomacy into the economic and cultural spheres. The antiwestern elements of Soviet-Turkish relations suggest that convergence was more than a case of homologous responses to similar conditions; it was part of a broader narrative that, in the Soviet case at least, continued to shape international relations beyond World War II.

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Kramer, Mark. "The Collapse of East European Communism and the Repercussions within the Soviet Union (Part 1)." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 4 (September 2003): 178–256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703322483783.

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The largely peaceful collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe in 1989 reflected the profound changes that Mikhail Gorbachev had carried out in Soviet foreign policy. Successful though the process was in Eastern Europe, it had destabilizing repercussions within the Soviet Union. The effects were both direct and indirect. The first part of this two-part article looks at Gorbachev's policy toward Eastern Europe, the collapse of Communism in the region, and the direct “spillover” from Eastern Europe into the Soviet Union. The second part of the article, to be published in the next issue of the journal, discusses the indirect spillover into the Soviet Union and the fierce debate that emerged within the Soviet political elite about the “loss” of the Eastern bloc—a debate that helped spur the leaders of the attempted hardline coup d'état in August 1991.

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SCHMELZ, PETER J. "Andrey Volkonsky and the Beginnings of Unofficial Music in the Soviet Union." Journal of the American Musicological Society 58, no. 1 (2005): 139–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2005.58.1.139.

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Abstract This article examines the compositional history and early reception of Soviet composer Andrey Volkonsky's two earliest and most important serial compositions, Musica Stricta and Suite of Mirrors (Syuita zerkal). These two works spurred on the formation of an unofficial music culture in the Soviet Union during the Thaw of the late 1950s and 1960s. Volkonsky (b. 1933) was the first and initially the most visible of a group of young Soviets known by officialdom as the “young composers” (“molodïïye kompozitorïï”). These “young composers”—among them Sofia Gubaidulina, Alfred Schnittke, Arvo Pärt, and Edison Denisov—came of age in the years following Stalin's death in 1953. Their compositions reflected their attempts to “catch up” with the Western avant-garde following decades of musical development that had been denied them under Stalin. The first “new” technique these composers adopted was serialism, and Volkonsky's early compositions illustrate the specifically Soviet approach to the method and demonstrate the meanings it held for Soviet officials and Soviet audiences. Volkonsky's early works also force a broadening of current interpretations of postwar European and American serialism. Much of the information in the article stems from personal interviews with Volkonsky and the other leading composers and performers of the Thaw, as well as archival research conducted in Russia.

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Buttino, Marco. "Minorities in Samarkand: A Case Study of the City's Koreans*." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 5 (September 2009): 719–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903122917.

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Annexation into the Russian Empire transformed the cities of Central Asia. The European presence increased steadily from year to year and with it new city neighborhoods were created, often alongside the old quarters in which the autochthonous population lived. With increased immigration during the Soviet era, the majority of the population in the region's principal cities were either Slavs or Russified minorities and the common language used by all the inhabitants, including the autochthonous ones who continued to use their mother tongue, was Russian. The Soviets saw these changes as part of a process of modernization starting in the cities’ European neighborhoods which would spread progressively to the local population.

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Atkinson, Dorothy. "Soviet and East European Studies in the United States." Slavic Review 47, no. 3 (1988): 397–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498388.

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The American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies has been engaged over the past several years in a project to collect and analyze information on the Soviet and East European field. Some of the results of the work to date are presented in this report to the profession.The field of Soviet and East European studies is a relative newcomer on the American academic scene. Not until World War II was there any considerable interest in the region in the United States. At that time, however, the federal government found itself acutely short of specialists on the area and had to scrape a shallow academic barrel. The lack of expertise led to the establishment of new military and civilian training programs; and the changed international situation in the postwar period gave further impetus to the extension of academic programs.

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Polovchenko, K. A. "The Institute of Judicial Constitutional Control in the Post-Soviet States." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(30) (June 28, 2013): 116–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-3-30-116-120.

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The article presents a comparative analysis of the European and the American model of judicial constitutional control. Exploring the reasons for the implementation of the European model of the constitutional control in the post-Soviet States of Eastern Europe and the CIS, the author comes to the conclusion that the introduction of the institution of the constitutional justice of the European design was a logical step in the establishment of constitutionalism in the region. Experience of the Western European States was taken into consideration while building the system of constitutional justice in the post-Soviet States of Eastern Europe and the CIS. However, we are not talking about blind copying of Western European experience, but rather of its creative processing taking into account the specifics of a particular State and its legal system.

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Holoboff, Elaine M. "The Soviet Union and a New European security order." Paradigms 5, no. 1-2 (January 1991): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600829108443002.

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SUETIN, I. N. "RUSSIAN (SOVIET) MUSIC TEACHERS IN EUROPEAN EMIGRATION. HISTORIOGRAPHIC REVIEW." RUSSIA AND THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD, no. 1 (2019): 249–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rsm/2019.01.17.

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Ames, Edward. "China's economic problems from a Soviet-East European perspective." Journal of Asian Economics 1, no. 2 (September 1990): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1049-0078(90)90028-y.

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van der Wusten, Herman, Jan Nijman, and Rob Thijsse. "Security Policies of European Countries Outside the Soviet Sphere." Journal of Peace Research 22, no. 4 (December 1985): 303–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234338502200403.

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