Academic literature on the topic 'Soviet union, foreign relations, islamic countries'
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Journal articles on the topic "Soviet union, foreign relations, islamic countries"
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Ahmadullin, V. A. "On Some Aspects of Foreign Historiography on State-Muslim Relations in the USSR." Islam in the modern world 18, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2022-18-1-119-132.
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An analysis of the works of foreign authors on the problem of state- Muslim relations in the Soviet state shows the possibility of their classification on various grounds. The article gives several options for the author’s classification of works of foreign researchers studied state- Muslim relations in the Soviet Union not only during the existence of this state, but also after its collapse. One of the motives that guided the author during the preparation of the article is the belief in the importance and urgent need to draw the necessary lesson for the Russian Federation — its authorities and the scientific community. The need to formulate such a lesson is due to the fact that in the works of a significant number of foreign scholars who analyze state- Muslim relations in the Soviet state, there is a number of negative trends: the substitution of concepts, the lack of a verified source base, conclusions one-sidedly characterizing the religious policy of the Soviet state in general and state- Islamic relations in particular. At the same time, despite the collapse of the USSR, authors from various foreign countries continue to be interested in the history of its state- Muslim relations. The most striking content of these works, published in recent years by foreign authors, is analyzed in the article, along with works published back in the years of the existence of the USSR.
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Pavlyuk, Olesya. "The US policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran during the Reagan administration." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 176–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.176-191.
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The foreign policy approaches and methods of establishing bilateral relations between Washington and Tehran and the actual implementation of the US “containment” policy towards Iran are analyzed in the article. The author argues that the Middle Eastern vector of US foreign policy was formed according to the three security challenges in the region and Iranian involvement in them: the Iran-Iraq War 1980-1988, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the kidnapping of American hostages in Beirut 1982. Background and progress of Iran-Iraq war were the result of striking contradictions between regional and world leaders in the Middle East. In fact, since the early 1980s. this military confrontation substantially affect the US relationship with IRI. In this context, the key point was the blatant US support of the Iraq and its government. Reagan administration continued the foreign policy of J. Carter and considered the Soviet Union as the greatest threat to the Gulf region, including through military intervention in Afghanistan and its close ties with radical countries like Libya and Syria. In the Middle East, the White House has focused its efforts on negotiations on a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1978. Before the revolution in 1979, Iran was crucial to US interests in the Middle East. First, as a frontline state with an extended 2000-km border with the Soviet Union, as well as a springboard for American intelligence. In addition, Iran was one of the few Muslim countries to recognize Israel, and exported oil to it. However, the after the Islamic revolution, Iran became the periphery to US priorities in the region.
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Pavlova, Irina K. "Muhammad Mukri — the First Plenipotentiary Ambassador of Iran to the Soviet Union." Письменные памятники Востока 19, no. 2 (June 23, 2022): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.55512/wmo106541.
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The article examines for the first time the diplomatic activity of the famous scholarIranian and Kurdish scholar Muhammad Mukri (19212007)who not only left behind a huge number of scholarly works, but also showed his abilities as an official representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). The article is based on the documents of the Archive of Oriental researches, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts (IVR AS), and of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AVRF). It shows the aims pursued in his activity by Mr. M. Mukri, the first Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Soviet Union (19791983). This period was quite difficult in relations between the USSR and Iran. The new Iranian ambassador, based on the doctrines of the Iranian revolution, sought to establish neighborly ties between the countries not only in the sphere of politics and economics, but also in science and culture. As follows from the archival materials of the AV IV RAS, Mr. M. Mukri twice came to Leningrad (February, May 1980). The main purpose of his visits was a personal acquaintance with the manuscript fund and with the leading Iranian and Kurdish researchers of the Leningrad branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Academy of Sciences of the USSR (now the IOM, RAS), as well as the establishment of cultural and academic ties between Leningrad scholars studying Iran and the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Thanks to M. Mukris efforts, an Iranian consulate was opened in Leningrad, which held a number of important and socially useful events in the city in cooperation with the staff of the institute.
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Imran, Muhammad, and Muhammad Arif Saeed. "STRATEGIES OF USA-PAKISTAN RELATIONS IN THE POST 9/11 PERIOD: HURDLES AND PROSPECTS." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 03 (September 30, 2022): 365–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i03.725.
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From that moment forward, the Pak-US relationship will be rocky, and it will challenge both countries' foreign strategies. As a result of its dire needs, Pakistan has come to rely heavily on the United States (US). After the country's liberation, Pakistan may play a significant role in the region. However, it was still difficult to imagine being in a relationship. The lack of trust between you and me is a significant factor in determining the nature of any future commitment. September 11 altered the trajectory of relationships and the depth of commitments. This event marked a turning moment in the mending of fences between the two parties. Since then, various factors have influenced who is responsible for what. The inclusion of the manual shows serious dedication. The willingness to commit is based on the extent to which one is helped. The US military's strategic outreach to Pakistan during the War on Terror solidified US interest in Pakistan and transformed it into a technologically advanced partner. Frustrations also contribute to a decline in teamwork. After 9/11, the globe saw both bright and less promising times due to three central defining moments: the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the rise of the US as a global champion, the consolidation of territorial security, and the fear-based oppressor onslaught. This war against mental oppression envisioned a new alliance between the US and Pakistan; during this time, Pakistan faced challenges and emerged as a crucial ally for Americans in South Asia's war against fear. The relationship between the US and Pakistan was a cornerstone of American foreign policy. The approach to South Asia prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union. The US provided Pakistan political, economic, and military aid during the Cold War. The re-arming of Islamic militants against the Soviets posed new problems for the US. U.S. foreign policy experts' sense of urgency following the September 11 attacks led them to rethink their country's ties to Pakistan. Fears that Osama bin Laden and Islamic mercenaries are hiding near Pakistan's borders have been a top issue for Americans. Expanded US-India collaboration has been effectively constrained by the long-term goal of containing China and thwarting terrorism. Given those presumptions, this research looks into the ties between the US and Pakistan. Keywords: Bilateral connection, Pakistan, South Asia, United States of America, War on fear, 9/11.
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Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.
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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Heng, Geraldine. "Holy War Redux: The Crusades, Futures of the Past, and Strategic Logic in the “Clash” of Religions." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 2 (March 2011): 422–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.2.422.
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[G]reat devastation [was] inflicted on the Iraqi people by the crusader-Zionist alliance. …—World Islamic Front[T]here is a Zionist Crusader war on Islam. … I call on mujahedin and their supporters … to prepare for long war against the Crusader plunderers. …—Osama Bin Laden, “Bin Laden”This war is fundamentally religious. … the most ferocious, serious, and violent Crusade campaign against Islam ever since the message was revealed to Muhammad. …—Osama Bin Laden, “West”[T]his Crusade, this war on terrorism, is gonna take a while.—George W. BushThis is no less than a clash of civilizations—the … reaction of an ancient rival against our Judeo-Christian heritage, our secular present, and the worldwide expansion of both.—Bernard Lewis, “Roots”In a lead 1990 article for the atlantic monthly, bernard lewis, a well-known historian of islamic studies, conjured the catchphrase “clash of civilizations” to narrate what he saw as fundamental relations of enmity between Islamicate societies and the countries of “the West”—“the West” being shorthand for polities that bear the legacies of Christendom, the Crusades, and the European Enlightenment—since the seventh-century emergence of Islam. Three years later, Samuel Huntington, a well-known political scientist, picked up Lewis's theme and, in an article for Foreign Affairs, embroidered it into a theory of global relations to fill what Huntington saw as the political vacuum that had materialized after the cold war's closure (“Clash”). (In 1945–90, the rhetoric of civilizational clash seemed to have been adequately, if temporarily, filled by superpower contests between the United States and the Soviet Union and their allies/surrogates.)
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Guseva, Yu N. "Domestic and Foreign Islamic Studies in the 1980s and the Soviet–Afghan War." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S1 (March 2022): S27—S32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622070036.
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Abstract The author of this article holds that the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan was used by the opponents of the Soviet Union both in the West and in Central Asia to revive pan-Turkic ideas and to present the Soviet Union as an opponent of Islam in all its manifestations. To a certain extent, this situation was based on a serious study of the history and current state of Islam abroad. Soviet Islamic studies turned out to be on the far periphery of scientific interests. In the context of the outbreak of the conflict, domestic Islamic studies were found to be catching up. Research did not support knowledge at the level necessary for making political decisions. Politicians did not listen to experts; on the contrary, scientists tried to guess what the government wanted to hear from them.
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Kurbanova, Sh. "The Role of Sharaf Rashidov in the Development of International Cultural Relation of Uzbekistan." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 5 (May 15, 2021): 556–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/66/61.
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The article emphasizes one of the most important aspects of Rashidov’s multifaceted political activity —his role as the leader of Uzbekistan in the development of international cultural relations with foreign countries. In the Soviet Union, political relations with foreign countries were in charge of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the authority of the Union. As the leader, Rashidov represented the USSR in negotiations with many foreign leaders. During the Rashidov’s years, the capital of Uzbekistan, Tashkent became one of the cultural centers of the East.
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Nunan, Timothy. "“Doomed to Good Relations”." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 39–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01056.
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Abstract This article sheds new light on the end of the Cold War and the fate of anti-imperialism in the twentieth century by exploring how the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran achieved a rapprochement in the late 1980s. Both the USSR and Iran had invested significant resources into presenting themselves as the leaders of the anti-imperialist movement and “the global movement of Islam,” and both the Soviet and Iranian governments sought to export their models of anti-imperialist postcolonial statehood to Afghanistan. However, by the mid-1980s both the Soviet Union and revolutionary Iran were forced to confront the limits to their anti-imperialist projects amid the increasing pull of globalization. Elites in both countries responded to these challenges by walking back their commitments from world revolution and agreeing to maintain the Najibullah regime in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Islamist forces hostile to Marxism-Leninism and Iran's brand of Islamic revolution. This joint pragmatic turn, however, contributed to a drought in anti-imperialist politics throughout the Middle East, leaving the more radical voices of transnational actors as one of the only consistent champions of anti-imperialism. Drawing on new sources from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as sources from Iran, Afghanistan, and the “Afghan Arabs,” the article sheds empirical and analytical light on discussions of the fate of anti-imperialism in the twilight of the Cold War.
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Kovalchuk, A. "Twenty Years of Building International Relations on the Territory of the CIS: the Polish Perspective." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(27) (December 28, 2012): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-6-27-287-296.
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The article presents the main issues of international relations in the post-soviet area since the collapse of the Soviet Union, perceived by Polish political scientists as critical to the modern structure of relations in the region. Russia's foreign policy towards the CIS countries is the main aspects of discussion. The following issues relate to the bilateral relations with Russia, and domestic situation of former Soviet countries, as well as the institutionalization of cooperation within the CIS.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Soviet union, foreign relations, islamic countries"
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Belyi, Andrei. "La dimension énergétique de la Sécurité pan-européenne et son impact sur la politique extérieure de l'Union européenne." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211092.
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Clark, Brenton. "The Islamic Republic of Iran's relations with the Republic of Tajikistan in the post-Soviet period." Phd thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/99099.
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This thesis seeks to uncover the motivations, objectives, and outcomes of Iran’s foreign relations with Tajikistan between 1991 and 2013. In doing so, the thesis maps out the course of relations between Iran and Tajikistan throughout the post-Soviet period, and in the process seeks to better understand the domestic, regional, and international obstacles that have faced Iran in its efforts to build ties with its so-called “close cultural cousin”, Tajikistan. Furthermore, this dissertation seeks to better understand how the presence of strong ethno-linguistic bonds and a set of shared mutual threats and strategic interests have acted as key drivers in building ties between these two countries. In attempting to outline the basis of Iranian-Tajik ties, this thesis argues that relations between these two states have been consistently hampered by not only mutual mistrust and misunderstanding, but also significant regional and international instability, which has often cruelled the ability for Iranian and Tajik elites to sustain close bilateral political, economic, cultural, and strategic relations over the past two decades.
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Harrison, Zoia. "On the iron gatepost / Zoia Harrison." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/22141.
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"July 2004"Includes bibliographical references (leaves 65-68)
257, 68 leaves : ill. (some col.), map ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, Discipline of English, 2004
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Harrison, Zoia. "On the iron gatepost / Zoia Harrison." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/22141.
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"July 2004"Includes bibliographical references (leaves 65-68)
257, 68 leaves : ill. (some col.), map ; 30 cm.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, Discipline of English, 2004
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Lomíček, Jan. "Vnější a vnitřní faktory utváření obrazu Sovětského svazu v meziválečném Československu." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-349687.
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Jan Lomíček Doctoral thesis External and internal factors of Soviet Union image creation in interwar Czechoslovakia Abstract The doctoral thesis uses both Czechoslovak and foreign archival sources and period sovietica to analyse the most relevant inner and outer factors influencing the creation of a positive image of the Soviet Union in the eyes of interwar Czechoslovak public. On one hand, there were various mechanisms used by the Soviet propaganda. Here we can mention propagandist image of the USSR which was created according to Czechoslovak sympathizers' needs - pictorial periodicals, foreign broadcasting meeting listeners' demands etc. At the same time, the Czechoslovak public adopted the identical categories that were used by the Soviet side to describe the reality, such as work - education - equality - emancipation - freedom - new versus old - civilization - development - growth. Besides common propagandist means the USSR used also the foreigners' visits to confirm its idealized image. The approach to Czechoslovak citizens was improved after the Soviet travel agency Inturist had been launched. This agency should take care of the foreign visitors. However, the interwar travels to the USSR were not too common and frequent, which was caused both by the Soviet byrocracy and costs of such trips. The...
Books on the topic "Soviet union, foreign relations, islamic countries"
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Alexandre, Bennigsen, ed. Soviet strategy and Islam. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.
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Soviet-Iraqi relations, 1968-1988: In the shadow of the Iraq-Iran conflict. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1992.
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Segal, Gerald. The Soviet Union and the Pacific. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1990.
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Soviet policies toward the Nordic countries. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1986.
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World Congress for Soviet and East European Studies (4th 1990 Harrogate, England). Soviet foreign policy in transition. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
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Robert, Cassen, and Royal Institute of International Affairs., eds. Soviet interests in the Third World. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1985.
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Katz, Mark N. Russia & Arabia: Soviet foreign policy toward the Arabian Peninsula. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986.
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The Soviet Union and the strategy of non-alignment in the Third World. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1988.
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A, Kolodziej Edward, and Kanet Roger E. 1936-, eds. The Limits of Soviet power in the developing world. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Soviet union, foreign relations, islamic countries"
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Clerc, Louis. "Coordinating and Facilitating Bilateral Cultural Contacts." In Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy, 131–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12205-7_4.
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AbstractIn 1970, when Marjatta Oksanen joined the Ministry of Education, the Department of international affairs was divided into three administrative units: multilateral affairs, bilateral affairs (with two different organizations for East and West) and Nordic relations. The Finnish state managed various forms of cultural relations with countries or groups of countries, mostly in a facilitative function: support for exhibitions or concerts, longer-term support for cultural centres or language teaching and so forth. Most of these bilateral activities originated from private initiatives, and some domains like sports, scientific cooperation or relations with the Soviet Union were dominated by private, non-governmental or semi-public organizations that acted on their own or to whom the state devolved certain functions. Generally, only relations with the Soviet Union and technical issues with strong foreign political dimensions commanded a degree of involvement from the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and interest from the country’s higher political leadership.
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Richter, Sándor. "Four Small Countries' Relations with the Soviet Union." In Foreign Trade in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, 63–82. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429044489-7.
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Rutland, Peter, and Gregory Dubinsky. "14. US foreign policy in Russia." In US Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199585816.003.0014.
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This chapter examines U.S. foreign policy in Russia. The end of the Cold War lifted the threat of nuclear annihilation and transformed the international security landscape. The United States interpreted the collapse of the Soviet Union as evidence that it had ‘won’ the Cold War, and that its values and interests would prevail in the future world order. The chapter first provides an overview of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 before discussing U.S.–Russian relations under Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin, respectively. It then turns to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and its enlargement, the Kosovo crisis, and the ‘Great Game’ in Eurasia. It also analyses the rise of Vladimir Putin as president of Russia and the deterioration of U.S.–Russian relations and concludes with an assessment of the cautious partnership between the two countries.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "1. Tensions in the Grand Alliance and Growing Confrontation, 1945–7." In International Relations Since 1945, 31–49. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0001.
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This chapter examines tensions in the grand alliance between Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union as well as the growing confrontation involving the three countries during the period 1945–7. It begins with a discussion of the Yalta Conference held in February 1945, taking into account the US, Soviet, and British approach to Yalta as well as the conference proceedings. It then considers the Potsdam Conference and how the issue of atomic bombs was addressed at the Council of Foreign Ministers meetings in 1945. It also analyses the growing confrontation in the Near East and Mediterranean, focusing on the crises in Iran and Turkey. Finally, it explores containment, confrontation, and the Truman Doctrine during the years 1946–7.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "1. Tensions in the Grand Alliance and Growing Confrontation, 1945–7." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0002.
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This chapter examines tensions in the grand alliance between Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union as well as the growing confrontation involving the three countries during the period 1945–1947. It begins with a discussion of the Yalta Conference held in February 1945, taking into account the US, Soviet, and British approach to Yalta as well as the conference proceedings. It then considers the Potsdam Conference and how the issue of atomic bombs was addressed at the Council of Foreign Ministers meetings in 1945. It also analyses the growing confrontation in the Near East and Mediterranean, focusing on the crises in Iran and Turkey. Finally, it explores containment, confrontation, and the Truman Doctrine during the years 1946–1947.
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Balci, Bayram. "Turkey as an Islamic Actor in Central Asia and the Caucasus." In Islam in Central Asia and the Caucasus Since the Fall of the Soviet Union, translated by Gregory Elliott, 35–68. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190917272.003.0003.
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Because of its kinship with Central Asian and Caucasian peoples, Turkey was among the first to recognize the new independent states and to develop various political, cultural and economic relations with them. One of the most important dimensions of Turkish interest in the former Soviet Union was Islam. Indeed, considering that religion is a way to bring these countries closer to Turkey, Ankara charged the Diyanet (Direction for the management of religious affairs) to develop Islamic links between Turkey and Central Asia and the Caucasus. For that purpose, the Diyanet formed new Islamic elites in Central Asia, and contributed to the rehabilitation and construction of new mosques, among other initiatives for the emergence of a moderate and modern Islam. In addition to this Turkish official and governmental Islamic activism, various non-governmental actors, brotherhoods and foundations have played the same role in the post-Soviet sphere, where they developed various Islamic activities.
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Schwabe, Klaus. "German-American Relations from 1945 to the Present." In The Oxford Handbook of German Politics, 606—C33.P125. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198817307.013.34.
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Abstract This chapter retraces German-American relations from the end of the Second World War up to the presidency of Joe Biden focusing on the all-important security aspect of the two former enemies’ position in the heart of Europe. The essay emphasizes in particular the period following the collapse of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1989 and leading to Germany’s unification on 3 November 1990. This was the event that marked the climax of German-American cooperation based on both countries’ mutual interest in ending the Soviet Union’s rule over Eastern Europe, including East Germany. Once this was accomplished, American-German endeavours to incorporate post-Soviet Russia into a peaceful Europe largely failed. American interest in Germany dwindled when the US, NATO’s major power, became preoccupied with the fight against terrorism in the Middle East only to be reawakened to its European interests when Russia began to revise militarily the borders resulting from the collapse of the Soviet Union. The presidency of Donald Trump broke off previous efforts to revive the special American-German relationship. The survival of German-American trust and cooperation depends on America’s continued determination to base its foreign policy on value-based cooperation and multilateralism.
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Schmidt, Sebastian. "Settling in, 1948–1951." In Armed Guests, 169–212. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190097752.003.0006.
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The deterioration of relations between the West and the Soviet Union highlighted the salience of a perceived transnational communist threat to the security of Western Europe. Together with the emergence of novel destructive technologies, this development constituted a major change in the security environment that policymakers grappled with in the wake of the war. It helped catalyze the transformation of foreign US military presences tied to temporary conditions into longer-term arrangements. This development played out across a number of host countries in largely simultaneous and interlinked processes. Central to the emergence of what became recognized as a distinct practice of foreign military basing was a change in the understanding of sovereignty in terms of the nature of territoriality. Recalling the theoretical emphasis on process, the states that emerged from these developments were significantly changed, with different capabilities and the ability to take advantage of new strategies.
Conference papers on the topic "Soviet union, foreign relations, islamic countries"
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Mozgovaya, O. S. "THE FOREIGN POLICY SITUATION ON THE EVE OF KHRUSHCHEV'S ULTIMATUM OF 1958." In Культура, наука, образование: проблемы и перспективы. Нижневартовский государственный университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/ksp-2021/16.
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After the Second World War, the issue of German unity and the status of West Berlin remained on the agenda of international politics. The most striking example of solving these problems was the ultimatum of the Soviet Union in 1958 to the Western powers, which strained relations between the allied countries, the USSR and Germany.
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Akça, Tacinur. "Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries: An Empirical Study." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.
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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region.
The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.
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Ebrem, İlker Salih. "Examination Relations of Turkey and Kazakhstan from the Perspective of Foreign Trade Datas and Organizations." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01330.
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Established after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Turkic Republics has tried to improve its relations with Turkey but relations have not developed to the required level. Existing relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan which from one of these countries, is assessed, have been mentioned economic and political contributions of organizations such as Turkish Exim Bank, Turkish International Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) and Hoca Ahmet Yasawi University, which are effective in the development of bilateral relations. Turkey and Kazakhstan relations has reached a momentum in recent years. The development of bilateral relations have also reflected the economic figures but this level of development is not enough.
Finally, by examining the trade volume between the two countries, import and export rates and which product mainly taken place in the foreign trade volume are examined and interpreted.
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Karaman, Ömer Faruk. "The Impacts of the Eurasian Economic Union on the Relations Between Kyrgyzstan and Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02023.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian Federation, trying to develop economic and political relations with various countries, in order to maintain its influence in the newly independent states, is in charge of creating an organization called the Eurasian Economic Union. In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union, which started its activity in January 2015, is an attempt to economic integration among Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. The Turkish foreign policy has changed in multi-vector direction. Thus, the last events in Eurasia began to attract the attention of Turkey. In this paper, focusing on the perceptions of Eurasia by Russia and Turkey, examines the influence of the Eurasian Economic Union on relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan. In this context, Kyrgyzstan's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, in a political sense, may negatively affect relations between two countries and reduce the presence of Turkey in Kyrgyzstan. Also, because of the expected increasing in customs duties and hence rise in prices for goods imported from Turkey, the decline in demand for Turkish goods is expected. Nevertheless, the possibility of signing free trade agreements between member states, including Kyrgyzstan and Turkey in the long term, will change the political, commercial and cultural relations between two countries in a positive way.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
Full textAbstract:
After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan, and Ayşen Hiç Gencer. "Turkey and Uzbekistan Relations within the Scope of Economic and Political Integration of Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01466.
Full textAbstract:
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan declared her sovereignty on June 20th, 1990 and her independence on September 1st, 1991. Turkey was the first country to recognize the Republic of Uzbekistan on December 16th, 1991. On March 4th, 1992, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan were established and more than 90 bilateral agreements and protocols were signed. Among the Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has an important geopolitical location and has the largest Turkish population. Turkish and Uzbek people share the same culture and language (Uzbek-Chagatai Turkish). Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Kerimov emphasized the necessity of improving the Turkish-Uzbek relations at the opening ceremony of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoğlu's visit on July 10th, 2014 started improving bilateral relations that had come to a halt in 2003. This paper analyzes Turkish-Uzbek relations in the framework of integration in Central Asia and with respect to the structural economic changes in Uzbekistan and her foreign trade policy.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.
Full textAbstract:
Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Apak, Sudi, and Selin Kozan. "The Impact of Ukraine Crisis's on Turkey and Ukraine’s Economic Relationship." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01262.
Full textAbstract:
After the breakup of the Soviet Union and independence declaration of Ukraine in 1991, as in the other Soviet countries, Ukraine has left a heavy industrial based economy with an insufficient technology. Trade relations with Turkey gained momentum in 2004 and has continued its growing until today. This trade relationship has a complementary role and mostly based on intermediate good export. Turkey is the second largest export volume partner of Ukraine and providing the largest trade surplus for Ukraine. Ukraine economy is very sensitive to foreign trade fluctuations, therefore in the 2009 global crisis, Turkey’s trade volume with Ukraine declined more than two times. In 2014, military conflict in the East, Russian trade restrictions, the Hryvnia depreciation and tight fiscal austerity measures have exacerbated the existing macroeconomic challenges of Ukraine and pushed the country into its deepest recession since 2009.
This study analyses the Ukraine crisis effects on its economic situation and effects on the Turkey and Ukraine’s economic relationship by using statistical methods. Data sources are: National Bank of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, Trade Statistics for International Business Development, National Bank of Turkey, Turkish Exporters Assembly, Turkish Statistical Institute.
Turkey, as a country has earned trusts of both Ukraine and Russia, is able to lead a peacekeeping force in Ukraine. Furthermore, Turkey should evaluate the possibilities to provide a credit line to Ukraine and it would be useful for Turkey to search the other markets and trade conditions as well.