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1
Ahmadullin, V. A. "On Some Aspects of Foreign Historiography on State-Muslim Relations in the USSR." Islam in the modern world 18, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2022-18-1-119-132.
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An analysis of the works of foreign authors on the problem of state- Muslim relations in the Soviet state shows the possibility of their classification on various grounds. The article gives several options for the author’s classification of works of foreign researchers studied state- Muslim relations in the Soviet Union not only during the existence of this state, but also after its collapse. One of the motives that guided the author during the preparation of the article is the belief in the importance and urgent need to draw the necessary lesson for the Russian Federation — its authorities and the scientific community. The need to formulate such a lesson is due to the fact that in the works of a significant number of foreign scholars who analyze state- Muslim relations in the Soviet state, there is a number of negative trends: the substitution of concepts, the lack of a verified source base, conclusions one-sidedly characterizing the religious policy of the Soviet state in general and state- Islamic relations in particular. At the same time, despite the collapse of the USSR, authors from various foreign countries continue to be interested in the history of its state- Muslim relations. The most striking content of these works, published in recent years by foreign authors, is analyzed in the article, along with works published back in the years of the existence of the USSR.
2
Pavlyuk, Olesya. "The US policy toward the Islamic Republic of Iran during the Reagan administration." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 176–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.176-191.
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The foreign policy approaches and methods of establishing bilateral relations between Washington and Tehran and the actual implementation of the US “containment” policy towards Iran are analyzed in the article. The author argues that the Middle Eastern vector of US foreign policy was formed according to the three security challenges in the region and Iranian involvement in them: the Iran-Iraq War 1980-1988, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the kidnapping of American hostages in Beirut 1982. Background and progress of Iran-Iraq war were the result of striking contradictions between regional and world leaders in the Middle East. In fact, since the early 1980s. this military confrontation substantially affect the US relationship with IRI. In this context, the key point was the blatant US support of the Iraq and its government. Reagan administration continued the foreign policy of J. Carter and considered the Soviet Union as the greatest threat to the Gulf region, including through military intervention in Afghanistan and its close ties with radical countries like Libya and Syria. In the Middle East, the White House has focused its efforts on negotiations on a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1978. Before the revolution in 1979, Iran was crucial to US interests in the Middle East. First, as a frontline state with an extended 2000-km border with the Soviet Union, as well as a springboard for American intelligence. In addition, Iran was one of the few Muslim countries to recognize Israel, and exported oil to it. However, the after the Islamic revolution, Iran became the periphery to US priorities in the region.
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Pavlova, Irina K. "Muhammad Mukri — the First Plenipotentiary Ambassador of Iran to the Soviet Union." Письменные памятники Востока 19, no. 2 (June 23, 2022): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.55512/wmo106541.
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The article examines for the first time the diplomatic activity of the famous scholarIranian and Kurdish scholar Muhammad Mukri (19212007)who not only left behind a huge number of scholarly works, but also showed his abilities as an official representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). The article is based on the documents of the Archive of Oriental researches, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts (IVR AS), and of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AVRF). It shows the aims pursued in his activity by Mr. M. Mukri, the first Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Soviet Union (19791983). This period was quite difficult in relations between the USSR and Iran. The new Iranian ambassador, based on the doctrines of the Iranian revolution, sought to establish neighborly ties between the countries not only in the sphere of politics and economics, but also in science and culture. As follows from the archival materials of the AV IV RAS, Mr. M. Mukri twice came to Leningrad (February, May 1980). The main purpose of his visits was a personal acquaintance with the manuscript fund and with the leading Iranian and Kurdish researchers of the Leningrad branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Academy of Sciences of the USSR (now the IOM, RAS), as well as the establishment of cultural and academic ties between Leningrad scholars studying Iran and the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Thanks to M. Mukris efforts, an Iranian consulate was opened in Leningrad, which held a number of important and socially useful events in the city in cooperation with the staff of the institute.
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Imran, Muhammad, and Muhammad Arif Saeed. "STRATEGIES OF USA-PAKISTAN RELATIONS IN THE POST 9/11 PERIOD: HURDLES AND PROSPECTS." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 03 (September 30, 2022): 365–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i03.725.
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From that moment forward, the Pak-US relationship will be rocky, and it will challenge both countries' foreign strategies. As a result of its dire needs, Pakistan has come to rely heavily on the United States (US). After the country's liberation, Pakistan may play a significant role in the region. However, it was still difficult to imagine being in a relationship. The lack of trust between you and me is a significant factor in determining the nature of any future commitment. September 11 altered the trajectory of relationships and the depth of commitments. This event marked a turning moment in the mending of fences between the two parties. Since then, various factors have influenced who is responsible for what. The inclusion of the manual shows serious dedication. The willingness to commit is based on the extent to which one is helped. The US military's strategic outreach to Pakistan during the War on Terror solidified US interest in Pakistan and transformed it into a technologically advanced partner. Frustrations also contribute to a decline in teamwork. After 9/11, the globe saw both bright and less promising times due to three central defining moments: the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the rise of the US as a global champion, the consolidation of territorial security, and the fear-based oppressor onslaught. This war against mental oppression envisioned a new alliance between the US and Pakistan; during this time, Pakistan faced challenges and emerged as a crucial ally for Americans in South Asia's war against fear. The relationship between the US and Pakistan was a cornerstone of American foreign policy. The approach to South Asia prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union. The US provided Pakistan political, economic, and military aid during the Cold War. The re-arming of Islamic militants against the Soviets posed new problems for the US. U.S. foreign policy experts' sense of urgency following the September 11 attacks led them to rethink their country's ties to Pakistan. Fears that Osama bin Laden and Islamic mercenaries are hiding near Pakistan's borders have been a top issue for Americans. Expanded US-India collaboration has been effectively constrained by the long-term goal of containing China and thwarting terrorism. Given those presumptions, this research looks into the ties between the US and Pakistan. Keywords: Bilateral connection, Pakistan, South Asia, United States of America, War on fear, 9/11.
5
Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.
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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
6
Heng, Geraldine. "Holy War Redux: The Crusades, Futures of the Past, and Strategic Logic in the “Clash” of Religions." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 2 (March 2011): 422–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.2.422.
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[G]reat devastation [was] inflicted on the Iraqi people by the crusader-Zionist alliance. …—World Islamic Front[T]here is a Zionist Crusader war on Islam. … I call on mujahedin and their supporters … to prepare for long war against the Crusader plunderers. …—Osama Bin Laden, “Bin Laden”This war is fundamentally religious. … the most ferocious, serious, and violent Crusade campaign against Islam ever since the message was revealed to Muhammad. …—Osama Bin Laden, “West”[T]his Crusade, this war on terrorism, is gonna take a while.—George W. BushThis is no less than a clash of civilizations—the … reaction of an ancient rival against our Judeo-Christian heritage, our secular present, and the worldwide expansion of both.—Bernard Lewis, “Roots”In a lead 1990 article for the atlantic monthly, bernard lewis, a well-known historian of islamic studies, conjured the catchphrase “clash of civilizations” to narrate what he saw as fundamental relations of enmity between Islamicate societies and the countries of “the West”—“the West” being shorthand for polities that bear the legacies of Christendom, the Crusades, and the European Enlightenment—since the seventh-century emergence of Islam. Three years later, Samuel Huntington, a well-known political scientist, picked up Lewis's theme and, in an article for Foreign Affairs, embroidered it into a theory of global relations to fill what Huntington saw as the political vacuum that had materialized after the cold war's closure (“Clash”). (In 1945–90, the rhetoric of civilizational clash seemed to have been adequately, if temporarily, filled by superpower contests between the United States and the Soviet Union and their allies/surrogates.)
7
Guseva, Yu N. "Domestic and Foreign Islamic Studies in the 1980s and the Soviet–Afghan War." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S1 (March 2022): S27—S32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622070036.
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Abstract The author of this article holds that the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan was used by the opponents of the Soviet Union both in the West and in Central Asia to revive pan-Turkic ideas and to present the Soviet Union as an opponent of Islam in all its manifestations. To a certain extent, this situation was based on a serious study of the history and current state of Islam abroad. Soviet Islamic studies turned out to be on the far periphery of scientific interests. In the context of the outbreak of the conflict, domestic Islamic studies were found to be catching up. Research did not support knowledge at the level necessary for making political decisions. Politicians did not listen to experts; on the contrary, scientists tried to guess what the government wanted to hear from them.
8
Kurbanova, Sh. "The Role of Sharaf Rashidov in the Development of International Cultural Relation of Uzbekistan." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 5 (May 15, 2021): 556–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/66/61.
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The article emphasizes one of the most important aspects of Rashidov’s multifaceted political activity —his role as the leader of Uzbekistan in the development of international cultural relations with foreign countries. In the Soviet Union, political relations with foreign countries were in charge of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the authority of the Union. As the leader, Rashidov represented the USSR in negotiations with many foreign leaders. During the Rashidov’s years, the capital of Uzbekistan, Tashkent became one of the cultural centers of the East.
9
Nunan, Timothy. "“Doomed to Good Relations”." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 39–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01056.
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Abstract This article sheds new light on the end of the Cold War and the fate of anti-imperialism in the twentieth century by exploring how the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran achieved a rapprochement in the late 1980s. Both the USSR and Iran had invested significant resources into presenting themselves as the leaders of the anti-imperialist movement and “the global movement of Islam,” and both the Soviet and Iranian governments sought to export their models of anti-imperialist postcolonial statehood to Afghanistan. However, by the mid-1980s both the Soviet Union and revolutionary Iran were forced to confront the limits to their anti-imperialist projects amid the increasing pull of globalization. Elites in both countries responded to these challenges by walking back their commitments from world revolution and agreeing to maintain the Najibullah regime in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Islamist forces hostile to Marxism-Leninism and Iran's brand of Islamic revolution. This joint pragmatic turn, however, contributed to a drought in anti-imperialist politics throughout the Middle East, leaving the more radical voices of transnational actors as one of the only consistent champions of anti-imperialism. Drawing on new sources from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as sources from Iran, Afghanistan, and the “Afghan Arabs,” the article sheds empirical and analytical light on discussions of the fate of anti-imperialism in the twilight of the Cold War.
10
Kovalchuk, A. "Twenty Years of Building International Relations on the Territory of the CIS: the Polish Perspective." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(27) (December 28, 2012): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-6-27-287-296.
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The article presents the main issues of international relations in the post-soviet area since the collapse of the Soviet Union, perceived by Polish political scientists as critical to the modern structure of relations in the region. Russia's foreign policy towards the CIS countries is the main aspects of discussion. The following issues relate to the bilateral relations with Russia, and domestic situation of former Soviet countries, as well as the institutionalization of cooperation within the CIS.
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Schweitzer, Vladimir. "Bruno Kreisky and the Soviet Union." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021169179.
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The article is dedicated to the 110th anniversary of B. Kreisky (1911 – 1990), a prominent statesman of post-war Austria, one of the leaders of international social democracy. From 1959 to 1966 he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria. In 1970 ‒ 1983 he was in charge of the Government of that State. In 1976 – 1989, he was Vice-President of the Socialist International. Soviet issues were not only an integral part of his political interests, but also a topic of constant dialogue within the European establishment, an important subject of meetings with the leaders of the USSR. Being a critic of many aspects of the USSR's foreign and domestic policy, not accepting the communist interpretation of Marxism, he did not consider ideological contradictions an obstacle to contacts with the Soviet leadership on a wide range of international issues. The dialogue with the USSR touched upon the topics of European and international detente, events in the Middle East and various situations in the countries of the "Third World".
12
Kelbizadeh, Elnur Р. "THE DYNAMICS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF ARMENIAN-IRANIAN RELATIONS IN THE POST-SOVIET PERIOD." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 15, no. 4 (January 6, 2020): 639–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch154639-651.
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Relations with the post-soviet countries, especially with the Caucasus republics became a special aspect of Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy, after the collapse of the USSR. The processes around the Islamic Republic of Iran have increased the attention to the foreign policy of this country, its relations with neighboring countries and its strategic goals. It is known that the Islamic Republic of Iran expected its main threats to its security from its southern and western neighbors. In this sense, the collapse of the USSR has created a new sphere of diplomatic activity for the Islamic Republic of Iran. On the other hand, Iran's loss of influence in this region could pose new security threats to him.
The main purpose of this article is to analyze the stages of political relations between one of the regional powers of the Asian continent the Islamic Republic of Iran and its sole Christian neighbor Armenia and to forecast future of bilateral relations. This article explores the dynamics of İran-Armenia relations in the context of regional security. The methodological basis of the research is the principles of the theory of realism. A number of theoretical and applied methods have been used to study the development of bilateral relations.
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Larsen, Trina L., and Robert T. Green. "Export Opportunities in a Crumbling Economy: The Soviet Union in 1990." Journal of International Marketing 1, no. 4 (December 1993): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069031x9300100405.
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Economic liberalization is underway in many countries that had previously been relatively closed to outside commercial relations. This includes former East Bloc nations and LDCs that had long attempted to protect their inefficient industries from foreign competition. Perhaps the most spectacular example of this trend is the former Soviet Union. This article reports a study of the changes that occurred in the former Soviet Union's trade relations with non-communist countries in the critical period during which trade ‘openness’ was being established. The results provide insights that may be useful to exporters in their assessment of market opportunities in countries undergoing the difficult transition to a market economy.
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Semakina, Tatiana. "Incomprehensible literature, suspicious plays, and omnipotent censorship: On the issue of ideological contradictions in Polish-Soviet cultural contacts at the turn of the 1920s–1930s." Slavic Almanac 2022, no. 3-4 (2022): 381–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.3-4.4.03.
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During the interwar period, the role of soft power politics in interstate relations increased, it included the expansion of cultural influence and the promotion of cultural achievements abroad. In the USSR, within the framework of this policy, in 1925, the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries was established. The newly independent Polish state was among the countries with which it was necessary to expand cultural contacts, but there were many factors that hindered the development of this process, although there are many examples of successful interaction. In particular, there were many ideological contradictions between the Soviet Union, which aspired to communism, and where socialist realism was actively developing as a new method in culture and art in the 1930s, and the Second Polish Republic, where J. Piłsudski established an authoritarian regime and where anti-Soviet sentiments were strong. These contradictions manifested themselves in almost all spheres of cultural cooperation: in the field of cinematography, theatrical art, literature, etc. Despite best efforts of All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, many of them remained unresolved. Based on archival and journalistic sources, this article examines the role of ideological differences in the development of bilateral Polish-Soviet contacts in the field of culture.
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Pilisi, Paul. "Les pays socialistes de l’Est et l’Unité Européenne - La tradition dans le socialisme et le socialisme dans la tradition." Études internationales 10, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 527–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/700964ar.
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From its beginnings in 1922, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union has pursued one overriding objective : the preservation of the empire. This policy's dialectic is in conformity with the Soviet doctrine which holds that international relations are but relations of production. Soviet foreign policy has always sought international legal guarantees to protect the conquests of empire and socialism. Ideologically, the U.S.S.R. has always been opposed to the idea of European unity. European integration has traditionally been viewed by the Soviet empire as the ultimate endeavour of capitalism prior to the latter's final crisis. This basic policy option had been adopted by the socialist countries of Europe. From 1922, when the Soviet Union had accorded the E.E.C. de facto recognition, several countries of Eastern Europe had expressed their respective attitudes with regard to European integration. The Helsinki and Belgrade C.S.C.E., the final result of which was only a diplomatic declaration, emphasized the idea of East-West cooperation. European cooperation, deriving from a compromise between economic "necessity" and political "illusion," should provide practical results rather than ideas. De jure recognition of the E.E.C. by the U.S.S.R. and the Eastern Europe countries also constitutes an important element of East-West relations. The 1980s will reveal whether or not the hostility of the countries of Eastern Europe with respect to European integration has definitely been replaced by cooperation free from ulterior ideological motives.
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Vares, Peeter, and Olga Zurjari. "Foreign Policy." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408349.
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First VisionsDuring the Soviet period Estonia, like the other national republics of the USSR, lacked a foreign policy of her own. While foreign ministries did exist, they had just a symbolic function: staffed by only five or six people, they were allowed minimal cultural and trade contacts with the Western countries and limited inter-communist party ties within the Soviet bloc. They had to report to the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs on every move they made and served, first and foremost, as cover organizations for the KGB. Designing more substantive foreign policies in the Baltic Republics actually began before they gained independence in 1991. In 1989–1990, the emerging political parties voiced their first visions of the future of the Baltic States, which, generally speaking, boiled down to becoming sovereign democratic states, striving for friendly relations with all countries of the world. By that time, under the pressures of perestroika and glasnost, the Soviet authorities had been compelled to loosen their grip on the foreign contacts of the union republics. Those contacts, however, could not be called yet a foreign policy. They could, rather, be identified as isolated moves in the arena of international politics.
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Snapkouski, Uladzimir. "Cooperation of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Belarusian SSR in the UN during the Perestroika Period." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.113.
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The article examines the main directions of activity and forms of interaction between the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Belarusian SSR in the UN and its specialized institutions during the years of perestroika (1985 - 1991). To disclose the topic, materials from the journal “International Affair” were used (reviews of the USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the foreign policy of the USSR, articles by the foreign ministers of the Union republics, primarily Ukraine and Belarus), book and journal publications of Union / Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian scientists, documents of the United Nations and foreign policy of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the Belarusian SSR. The author’s conscious emphasis on the union level reflects the real situation in relations between the Union Center and the republics in the Soviet federation during the perestroika period, when these relations rapidly evolved from the foreign policy dictate of the Center to greater autonomy of the republics in the international arena, which ultimately has led to the collapse of the USSR and the proclamation of independence all union republics. The article analyzes such issues as the new approach of the Soviet Union to the UN in the years of perestroika, the formation of new relations between the Union republics and the Center, diplomatic cooperation of Soviet delegations and representatives of socialist countries in the UN, Belarusian initiatives at the 45th session of the UN General Assembly (1990). During the years of perestroika, the Soviet leadership and the union Foreign Ministry did a tremendous job of clearing the rubble of the Cold War, developing broad international cooperation and integration the USSR into the world economy. The Belarusian and Ukrainian diplomatic services have made a significant contribution to this activity within the framework of the UN and its specialized agencies and have received much broader opportunities for realizing the national interests and needs of their peoples within the framework of radically renewed relations between the Union Center and the republics. The article is one of the first attempts in post-Soviet historiography to investigate the activities of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR and the BSSR in the UN and its specialized institutions during the period of perestroika
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Hanura, Marten. "ASSESSING INDONESIA-RUSSIA FOREIGN POLICY DURING SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO ADMINISTRATION." JURNAL ILMU SOSIAL 17, no. 1 (August 3, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jis.17.1.2018.1-20.
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Russia or formerly known as the Soviet Union has a historically unique cooperation and diplomatic relations with Indonesia. This is because the relationship between Indonesia and Russia has a long history and experiencing ups and downs. The closeness of the two countries was influenced ideologically in the early days of Indonesian independence, and later the rise of the New Order regime influenced the dynamics of Indonesian foreign policy. During the New Order period, the Indonesian government began to freeze all forms of cooperative relations with the Soviet Union. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War era began to change the map of international politics to affect the situation in Indonesia. In the Post-Reformation era, the normalization of relations between the two countries recovered and lasted until the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The purpose of this article is to find out how the changes in the implementation of the foreign policy of Indonesia-Russia during the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono with the previous era and what factors underlie Indonesia's foreign policy towards Russia. This research uses the descriptive-analytical method and using some theoretical concepts in the foreign policy-making process. The results of this study concluded that foreign policy between Indonesia and Russia increased significantly in the Post-Reformation era which no longer saw Russia as a threat as in the New Order era. The cooperation between Indonesia and Russia is implemented in various main areas, prominently is the cooperation in the field of military, social, economic and political.
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Kirpenko, Pavlo. "International Situation in Europe and USSR’S Foreign Policy prior to and after the Outbreak of World War II." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-6.
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The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very begin¬ning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all politi¬cal forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens per¬ished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian histo¬rian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is neces¬sary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.
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Lazuto, Yurii. "Some Aspects of Working Practices at the Department of State Protocol of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-7.
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Abstract. The article is devoted to the international situation in Europe and USSR’s foreign policy before and after the outbreak of World War II. The author states that from the very beginning the fascist regime in Germany was favourably received by Stalin’s USSR. Hitler also claimed that the German government was ready to develop friendly relations with the Soviet Union. However, such a situation in the bilateral relations was short-lived. Seeking benevolence from Western European countries, Hitler assumed the role of an anti-communist crusader. With a view to strengthening the country’s security, countering Germany and fascism, Stalin gave up his ideological dogmas in line with the situation. Moscow came to vigorously support all political forces, which were advocating closer relations with the USSR against fascism. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Stalin’s foreign policy suffered a total collapse, which was a devastating blow to the myth of his brilliance and sagacity. The glorification of fascism and the policy of its befriending came at a cost. Nearly 50 million Soviet citizens perished in the war against the fascist Germany, of which 10 million were Ukrainian nationals. In Russia, both public officials and scholars still avoid the truth about the foreign policy activity of the Soviet leadership in 1939 and 1940s. In this regard, the Ukrainian historian and specialist in international relations, professor at Kyiv Pedagogical University Anatolii Trubaichuk was the first in the Soviet Union to tell the truth in his writings and lectures about the essence of the Soviet foreign policy before and after the beginning of World War II based on his profound scientific research. The author stresses that the search for full truth is to be continued. To that end, it is necessary that all the archives in Russia be opened and access to documents relating to the period of World War II be provided. Keywords: World War II, foreign policy, Soviet Union, Stalin, Germany.
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Rozman, Gilbert. "China's Soviet Watchers in the 1980s: A New Era in Scholarship." World Politics 37, no. 4 (July 1985): 435–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010340.
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What are Chinese scholars writing about internal developments in the Soviet Union? Are they positive or negative in their assessments of each stage of Soviet history, from the early leadership of Lenin to the recent accession of Gorbachev? What are the consequences that changing Chinese attitudes are likely to have for Sino-Soviet relations? After a quarter-century of the Sino-Soviet split, foreign observers no longer need to grasp at tiny straws of information, or to rely solely on a small number of official documents and authoritative articles. The study of new, published sources can add substantially to our understanding of international perceptions in the socialist world, and can bring us nearer to the elusive goal of learning about debates on foreign policy in communist-led countries. Academic journals and books from the late 1960s in the Soviet Union, and from 1979 in China, present an impressively detailed and intriguingly lively literature on the problems of socialism in the other country. Having previously examined Soviet writings on China, I will introduce Chinese publications on the Soviet Union in this article.
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Neumann, Iver B. "Soviet Foreign Policy towards Her European Allies: Interests and Instruments." Cooperation and Conflict 23, no. 4 (September 1988): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001083678802300403.
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Neumann, I. B. Soviet Foreign Policy towards Her European Allies: Interests and Instruments. Cooperation and Conflict, XXIII, 1988, 215-229. The aim of this article is to construct a taxonomy for possible Soviet interests towards the CMEA 6, then to discuss what foreign policy instruments the Soviet Union disposes of, and finally to assess whether Soviet instruments are capable of fulfilling Soviet interests. Soviet interests are far-reaching. She wants to have the CMEA 6 as a buffer against aggression, and to prevent CMEA 6 complicity in invasion. Her role as the leader of one of the two main military alliances in the world underlines her status as a superpower. At home, the legitimacy of the communist regime is enhanced by there being other countries which employ the Soviet model. Effective Soviet foreign policy instruments are indeed limited. The military instruments at her disposal can only be used at very high political cost, whereas economic subsidies make up an economic cost. The Soviet Union still depends critically on the actual use of force and on the threat of use of force in her relations with the CMEA 6. As the long-term costs of using military foreign policy instruments are considerable, the prospects for Soviet interest fulfilment towards the CMEA 6 are poor.
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Elamiryan, R. G. "Russia and the European Union in Post-Soviet Space: In Search of Cooperative Co-Existence (the Case of Armenia)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 3 (June 15, 2022): 405–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-3-405-412.
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The article introduces the prospects of cooperative co-existence for Russia and the European Union in former Soviet republics within the current confrontation paradigm. It describes their foreign policies, strategies, and interests in the post-Soviet space. The author applied discourse and case-study analyses to the case of Armenia. The authentic idea of cooperative co-existence was projected on the relations between Russia and the European Union in post-Soviet countries. In Armenia, cooperative co-existence could be a win-win strategy, beneficial for all actors involved. The case of Armenia proved the possibility of a collaborative co-existence between Russia and the European Union in the post-Soviet space, the risk factors being the policies of small Caucasian states, the USA, China, and Turkey.
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Cruz, Rodolfo Cerdas. "New Directions in Soviet Policy towards Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 1-2 (June 1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014401.
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This study explores some of the changes currently taking place in the USSR and the possible impact of changing Soviet foreign policy on Latin America. The article begins with an analysis of the possible effects of the attempts to separate Party and State on foreign policy and on the interpretation and observance of the so-called internationalist obligations of the Soviet Union towards Latin America. It goes on to investigate the possible impact of perestroika on the internal relations of COMECON countries and any weakening in the commitment of its members to political and social changes in the Latin American republics. These changes are looked at particularly, though not uniquely, with reference to Cuba and Nicaragua. Some predictions are also made as to the possible future moves the USSR might make to strengthen and improve its relations with the largest countries in the region such as Brazil and Argentina.
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Shved, V. O. "The Islamic world in the foreign policy of the European Union in modern conditions." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 37 (December 6, 2005): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.37.1703.
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A characteristic feature of the EU's current foreign policy course is its stepping up its policy towards relations with Islamic countries, especially the Middle East and Middle East, and enhancing its role in addressing key issues in the region. To date, the region has been identified in the Council of Europe and European Commission documents as a "key foreign policy priority"
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Shipilov, Alexander Yu. "Relations between the Non-Aligned Countries of Africa and the Second World (1960-1980s): The Case of Sierra Leone." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 700–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-4-700-713.
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The research covers Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World through the prism of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy. Two periods of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy are considered: during the Westminster bipartisan model from 1961 to 1970, and when the authoritarian regime led by President Siaka Stevens was established from 1971 to 1985. The central issue of the research is analysis of Sierra Leone’s cooperation with the Soviet Union. The aim of the research is to identify the factors that guided the non-aligned countries within the bipolar confrontation of the second half of the 20th century in building their relations with the socialist bloc. The relevance of the topic is related to the fact that the logic and principles of building relations of small non-aligned countries with both limited power resources and little political and economic ambitions with key world powers are less reflected in studies. The research is based upon comparative and historical-genetic methods as well as case studies. The author makes use of materials from the Sierra Leone Public Archives. The author concludes that Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World were based on economic pragmatism rather than ideological or political proximity. For Sierra Leone, relations with socialist countries served as a tool for diversifying its foreign policy. This set Sierra Leone apart from its neighboring West African states, which either maintained an orientation towards first-world countries, namely France and the US, or reoriented themselves towards the Soviet Union.
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Demberel, K. "Manifestation of the Internal Systemic Conflict in Mongolia." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 36 (2021): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.36.17.
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The article deals with the issue of Mongolia's foreign policy during the Cold War. This period is divided into two parts. The first period, 1945-1960s, is a period of conflict between two systems: socialism and capitalism. In this first period of the Cold War Mongolia managed to establish diplomatic relations with socialist countries of Eastern Europe, as the “system allowed”. The second period, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s, is the period of the conflict of the socialist system, the period of the Soviet-Chinese confrontation. During this period Mongolia's foreign policy changed dramatically and focused on the Soviet Union. This was due to the Soviet investment «boom» that began in 1960s and the entry of Soviet troops on the territory of Mongolia in 1967. The Soviet military intervention into Mongolia was one of the main reasons for cooling the Soviet-Chinese relations. And military withdrawal contributed to the improvement of Soviet-Chinese relations until the mid-1980s and one of the conditions for improving relations with their neighbors. The internal systemic conflict had a serious impact on Mongolia's foreign policy over those years.
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Matveev, E. V. "Associations of Readers in Socialist Countries as a Sphere of Interests of the All-Union Society of Book Lovers." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 3(54) (2021): 140–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-3-140-152.
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The article focuses on the analysis of the relations of power and society in the USSR in the 1970s and 1980s, the history of mass voluntary organizations of the late socialism, and the studies of Soviet cultural diplomacy. The process of formation of the international activity of the All-Union Society of Book Lovers (1974–1992) is in the focus of the study. Reports on the reception and dispatch of delegations, plans for foreign partnerships, and responses to requests to Soviet ambassadors in the Eastern Bloc states became sources for the article. Collaboration with foreign organizations – associations of readers, clubs of subscribers at publishing houses, communities of bibliophiles, etc. – began with a detailed consideration of their activities. The international activity of the Society of Book Lovers included the reception of high-ranking foreign guests, sending Soviet groups to socialist countries, and participation in important events in the sphere of reading, such as international exhibitions, national weeks of books, etc. International relations were a way for the leadership of the Society of Book Lovers to present Soviet culture, a basis for comparing the principles of functioning of associations of readers, and sources for determining the position of a new mass organization within the USSR. The experience of some of the partners was marked as unsuitable for the Society of Soviet Book Lovers, as it was associated with stimulating consumption. Against this background, the book shortage was presented as a feature of the Soviet reading culture. As ambassadors of the megastructure, representatives of the Society of Book Lovers noticed any manifestations of disunity, at the same time building close relations with large centralized associations, for example, the Cultural Association of the GDR.
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Rafiee Saghalaksari, Amir. "Regional policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the energy of the Caspian Sea." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 138, no. 1 (2022): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2022-138-1-156-166.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the establishment of independent republics, the Caspian Sea changed from an inland sea between Iran and the Soviet Union to an international sea with new neighbors. The use of the lake’s energy was of great importance to the littoral states, which sought to consolidate their independence and acquire foreign exchange resources in order to shape their financial resources for political security and independence. The transfer of these energy resources from the Caspian Sea to the consuming countries required the construction of new pipelines and transit routes, so that the newly independent countries could be removed from the control of the Russian government. Energy production and its transfer is an effective organizer to promote regional cooperation and economic link between countries, which in terms of national interests can be different achievements for each of the countries involved in transfer projects. In the meantime, an approach, and regional policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran to this issue can be important politically and in terms of security for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question is what effect can energy and its transmission through pipelines have on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results of answering this question show that according to the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the interface between the energy resources of the Caspian Sea and the Persian Gulf, which is known as the world energy heartland and the confinement of the newly independent Caspian countries In addition to economic benefits, the participation of the Islamic Republic of Iran in transit and energy supply has made the international economy dependent on Iran, and this can lead to the political and economic security of the Islamic Republic of Iran
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Tark, Triin. "Kodu- ja väliseestlaste vahelise kultuurisuhtluse institutsionaalne raamistik Nõukogude Liidu kultuuridiplomaatia kontekstis [Abstract: The institutional framework of cultural communication between Estonians in the homeland and in exile in the context of Soviet cultural diplomacy]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (March 20, 2018): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2017.4.02.
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During the Cold War, a massive organisation for cultural diplomacy was developed in the Soviet Union as well as in other countries, especially in the United States. Exile Estonians were drawn into the middle of the cultural Cold War that evolved between the two superpowers. In this article, the institutional framework for influencing exile Estonians is analysed in the context of Soviet cultural diplomacy. A frequently confusing fact is that two major organisations – firstly, the Estonian Society for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries and secondly, the Society for the Development of Cultural Ties with Estonians Abroad – were involved in the Soviet efforts aimed at influencing émigrés. In some cases, these organisations are even mixed up. This article clarifies the situation and shows how these organisations were formed, and how they were related to each other. However, the main aim of the article is to show how and why cultural communication with foreign countries and influencing exile Estonians were two sides of the same coin, from the point of view of the Soviet authorities, and how the respective organisations were therefore tightly intertwined.
Two important conclusions were drawn: firstly, institutions were shaped by the fact that exile Estonians, as well as Soviet diaspora overall, were an inconvenient reality for the Soviet Union because they hampered Soviet propagandistic efforts in their countries of residence. Thus, when dealing with diaspora, the aim of institutions for cultural diplomacy was on the one hand to achieve a positive, or at least neutral, attitude towards the Soviet Union within exile Estonian communities, and on the other hand to reduce the influence of émigrés on the population of their countries of residence. Secondly, during the Cold War, the Soviet Union’s diaspora policy gradually switched from repatriation to propaganda and influence through cultural communication. These political changes were conspicuously reflected in the structural transformation and name changes of the organisations analysed in this article. The Society for the Development of Cultural Ties with Estonians Abroad was formed in 1960 as a section of the Estonian Society for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries and was then gradually disengaged until their final separation in 1968. Among other things, this was caused by the thaw period with a growing number of contacts across the Iron Curtain, and an increased workload in both organisations. Due to overlapping fields of activity, the two organisations maintained their cooperation until the very end in the early 1990s.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "From “allies without alliance” to concerted action: Romania and Finland in the aftermath of the Operation Barbarossa (1941)." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 249–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_7.
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This study describes the relationship between two small and lesser states joining the German attack against Soviet Union in an attempt to recapture the territories lost to Soviet Union in 1940. It is conceived as an in-depth analysis of the Romanian-Finnish relations based on the criticism of archival sources discovered in the Romanian, Finnish and British archives. Becoming “allies without alliance” almost overnight, the relations between the two countries acknowledged a quick shift from low profile bonds to an agreement based on a combination of balance of power and joint action. The aim was to remove the threat Russia was posing to the two countries and to increase their influence at a peace conference to be open following the expected defeat of their big neighbour. Romania was the advocate of closer ties between the two countries keeping in line with its search for influence rather than autonomy in its foreign relations, while Finland was more prudent consistent with its choice for autonomy rather than influence.
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Butler, W. E. "Innocent Passage and the 1982 Convention: The Influence of Soviet Law and Policy." American Journal of International Law 81, no. 2 (April 1987): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202406.
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On April 28, 1983, the Soviet Union became the first maritime country of consequence and the largest sea power signatory to the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea to enact legislation implementing the provisions of that instrument regulating the innocent passage of foreign warships. The stature of the Soviet Union within the framework of the Convention and the policy changes embodied in the 1983 legislation confer a special importance on these new Rules, whose text and interpretation will become a standard emulated by other countries. The present article examines the text of the Rules against the background of previous Soviet legislation, the 1982 Convention and its negotiating history, and the application of the Rules.
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Semicheva, A. M. "Documenting international cultural relations: activities of the All-Union State Library of Foreign Literature, Moscow." Art Libraries Journal 13, no. 4 (1988): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307472200005939.
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The All-Union State Library of Foreign Literature has been engaged, since 1976, in publishing a series of indexes to documentation on Soviet cultural relations with other countries. This material represents an important resource for research, and, a record of what has been achieved in the recent past, it is a springboard for fresh initiatives in the sharing of culture and the promotion of inter-cultural understanding.
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Domínguez, Jorge I. "U.S.-Cuban Relations: From the Cold War to the Colder War." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 3 (1997): 49–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166485.
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Hundreds of thousands of Cuban troops deployed to nearly every corner of the globe—that seemed to be the nightmare of every US administration from the mid-1970s to the end of the 1980s. From its own perspective, President Fidel Castro’s government attempted to use its activist foreign policy first to protect itself from hostile US policies, and second to leverage support from the Soviet Union and other communist countries for Cuba’s own domestic development.
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Bykova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna, and Anna Olegovna Gridneva. "The Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and its impact upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.1.34784.
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This article is dedicated to the process of normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations, which took place on the background of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The goal consists in identification of causes for the absence of strong negative influence of the Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian events upon the relations between the Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using the analysis of a wide array of sources and systematic consideration of the international situation that formed in 1956, the authors characterize the dynamics and vector of Yugoslav-Soviet relations during this period, determine the degree of impact of the Yugoslav factor in all its manifestations upon the development of Hungarian events, as well as trace the influence of the Hungarian Revolution upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the analysis of direct and indirect participation of Yugoslavia in the conflict, which has been traditionally regarded as the conflict between the Soviet Union and Hungary alone. The conclusion is made that in 1956, the Soviet Union sought to unite the socialist countries on the background of tense foreign policy situation, trying to overcome the consequences of the conflict of 1948 and “attach” Yugoslavia to the bloc. Despite the fact that such intentions were jeopardized by the events of 1956 due to a range of controversial steps taken by Belgrade, Moscow did not immediately turn to public criticism of the Yugoslavs, as the mutual cooperation between the two countries was rather advantageous that the return to the situation of 1948 – 1953.
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Berrios, Rubén. "Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 3 (1985): 111–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165602.
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Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.
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Sarmad, Khwaja. "Dennis Kux. Estranged Democracies: India and the United States 1941-1991. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1993. Hardbound. Indian Rupees 375.00." Pakistan Development Review 33, no. 2 (June 1, 1994): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v33i2pp.200-201.
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Cold war US-Soviet relations were characterised by a large gap between hostile talk and cautious action, though both countries backed and armed rival sides in wars in the third world. During the cold war US foreign policy was detennined by the sole objective of containing Soviet territorial and ideological 'expansionism'. This was also the defining element in US-Indian subcontinent relations in the coldwar period. Thus the main reason for the estrangement in US-India relations is not hard to discern-while the US aggressively sought partners in its anti-Soviet alliance system, India nurtured its economic and military supplies relationship with the Soviet Union. Furthermore, while there persisted a fundamental conflict between Pakistan and India over the Kashmir issue, Pakistan participated in the US sponsored anti-Soviet alliance system and gained from US military and economic assistance.
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Evangelista, Matthew. "Issue-area and foreign policy revisited." International Organization 43, no. 1 (1989): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004586.
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In the study of comparative foreign policy, two schools of thought disagree over what accounts for variations in processes and outcomes of foreign policies within and between states. One holds that differences in the characteristics of the countries in question lead to differences in their foreign policies. The other argues that the important differences are not between countries but between issue-areas. A comparison of the Soviet Union and the United States in the issue-area of military policy (in particular, the process of weapons innovation) suggests that the policy processes differ substantially, contrary to what an issue-area approach would predict. On the other hand, the distinctions made by some students of political economy who focus on domestic structures appear to account well for differences between the U.S. and Soviet processes of innovation. The domestic structural approach should be applied to the study of comparative military policy as well as foreign economic policy.
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White, Stephen. "Recent writing on Soviet foreign policy." Review of International Studies 12, no. 2 (April 1986): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114032.
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For a country of its size and population, the Soviet Union may often seem rather isolated from the affairs of other members of the world community. In part, at least, this reflects the influence of Soviet history and of the political tradition that has derived from it. With its broad and relatively open frontiers, Russia is a country that has been invaded and occupied many times by outside powers. Foreigners, since the earliest times, have been required to live in special residential areas and have been regarded popularly as well as by officials with a good deal of suspicion and hostility. Strong currents of Slavophilism, particularly from the 19th century, influenced public as well as governmental opinion and helped to create an attitude towards the West which combined an admiration for its prosperity and efficiency wth a deep repugnance towards its individualistic chaos and petty-minded commercialism. In the Soviet period, attitudes of this kind were strengthened by communist ideology, which saw the USSR as the leading force in a global struggle for socialism, and by the attempts of outside powers, immediately after the Revolution and during the Second World War, to overthrow the Soviet government and install a more compliant regime in Moscow. In economic terms, similarly, the Soviet period saw the strengthening of tendencies towards economic autarchy which had their origins in the pre-revolutionary period. Even today foreign trade, with socialist as well as capitalist countries, accounts for a relatively small proportion of Soviet national income, the Soviet currency is not freely convertible, and the movement of people or information across Soviet frontiers is closely regulated and very limited.
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Mareček, David. "Bush’s ‘Beyond Containment’ strategy toward the Eastern Bloc in 1989 within the US Foreign Policy context." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 2 (July 27, 2021): 367–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0016.
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Abstract This paper explores the foreign policy of US President George H. W. Bush and his administration towards the Soviet Union and the other countries of the Warsaw Pact. The article also focuses on two historically significant American foreign policy strategies that were implemented during the earlier years of the Cold War: containment and détente. The rapidly changing international environment and Bush’s Beyond Containment policy which, aimed to respond to these changes, became the basis for the following research questions: 1) How did American conception of foreign policy approach to Eastern Bloc countries such as Hungary or Poland change under the Bush administration in 1989 in comparison to the period of implementation of the containment or détente? 2) How did the American perception of the retreating Soviet power within the bipolar international structure affect American diplomatic relations with the Eastern European governments? The aim of the paper is to put Bush’s foreign policy in his first year in office in the American ‘Cold War’ foreign policy context and to compare the classical American political strategies with Bush’s foreign policy in 1989.
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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Ideas do not float freely: transnational coalitions, domestic structures, and the end of the cold war." International Organization 48, no. 2 (1994): 185–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028162.
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Realist or liberal explanations for the end of the cold war cannot account for the specific content of the change in Soviet foreign policy or for Western responses to it. These theories need to be complemented by approaches that emphasize the interaction between international and domestic factors and that take seriously the proposition that ideas intervene between structural conditions and actors' interests. Some of the strategic prescriptions that informed the reconceptualization of Soviet security interests originated in the Western liberal internationalist community, which formed transnational networks with “new thinkers” in the former Soviet Union. These new ideas became causally consequential for the turnaround in Soviet foreign policy and also had an impact on American and German reactions to it. Even though transnational networks were active in Germany, the Soviet Union, and the United States, their success varied. Domestic structures like the nature of political institutions, state-society relations, and political culture determine the ability of transnational networks first, to gain access to a country's political system and second, to build “winning coalitions.” These differences in domestic structures can largely explain the variation in impact of the strategic prescriptions among the three countries.
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Critchlow, James. "Western Cold War Broadcasting." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (September 1999): 168–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976841.
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In the 1940s and 1950s, Western governments turned to radio as the most effective means of countering the Soviet information monopoly. U.S. and West European radio stations attempted to provide listeners with the kind of programs they might expect from their own radio stations if the latter were free of censorship. For most of these listeners in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the broadcasts were their only contact with the outside world. The importance of the foreign radio programs was confirmed not only by audience estimates, but also by the considerable efforts the Communist regimes made to jam the transmissions. Given the importance of foreign broadcasting for the political life of the Soviet bloc, it is remarkable that these broadcasts have received scant scholarly attention in the Western countries that sponsored them. The three books reviewed here help to fill that gap.
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Majkowski, Jakub. "How successful was Joseph Stalin in establishing Soviet Union as a superpower?" Journal of Education Culture and Society 8, no. 1 (July 10, 2017): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20171.23.31.
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This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.
The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953.
Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.
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Fiszer, Józef M. "Przesłanki wewnętrzne i międzynarodowe upadku Związku Radzieckiego w 1991 roku oraz jego konsekwencje geopolityczne dla polityki zagranicznej Polski." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 2 (December 2021): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.2.2.
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The article surveys the domestic and international determinants of the collapse of the Soviet Union and its implications for Poland’s external relations and the role it has been playing in Central and Eastern Europe. It demonstrates geopolitical shifts underway at that moment in history and their impact on the reorientation of Polish foreign policy at the turn of century. It addresses a number of research questions and tests hypotheses pertaining to the collapse of the Soviet Union, with the key assumption that the collapse of the USSR was induced not only by domestic factors, but also developments in Europe and globally, including the “Autumn of Nations”. The analysis shows that after the fall of the USSR, Polish foreign policy was conducted in accordance with the country’s raison d’Etat and weighed heavily on the region. It was premised on the Euro-Atlantic system and close relations with Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and the Central and Eastern European countries. The research draws on classical realism, theories of foreign policy as well as constructivism. The following research methods were employed: review and critical analysis of documents and state-of-the-art literature. Polish and foreign published documents, books, articles, and reports, as well as press and Internet sources.
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Rahimov, Mirzohid. "From Soviet Republics to Independent Countries: Challenges of Transition in Central Asia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 291–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207766.
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AbstractIn the twentieth century, the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan passed through a complex historical period. They were originally founded as republics of the Soviet Union in the 1920s-30s as a result of national and territorial state delimitation. The process of the creation of new national state formations began after the Soviet Union disintegrated and these republics achieved independence. At the same time, the region's nations are facing complex problems of transition and the creation of new societies. Nevertheless, these countries have to continue the process of political and economic reforms, as well as development of civic institutions. The Central Asian nations established contacts with foreign states and international organizations and started to form a system of interstate relations between the countries of the region. There are potentials for development of regional integration of Central Asia. Future integration will depend on the readiness of the nations to carry out political and economic reforms, introduce forms and methods of economic regulation compatible with global norms, and most important, international support of political reforms and regional integration.
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Vorotnikov, V. V. "25 Years of the Baltic States Independence: from the Soviet to the European Union." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 9, no. 5 (July 24, 2018): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-5-7-23.
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As soon as the Baltic states gained independence in 1991, they targeted, in terms of domestic and foreign relations’ development, reorientation to the West and integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Whereas NATO (under leadership of the United States) is regarded as the “cornerstone” of their security, the European Union (EU) is viewed as a source of financial assistance and the guarantor of economic stability. The article presents an overview of the transformation processes in the Baltic countries in the past two and a half decades, and the practical component of their membership in the EU is offered in detail. Comparative analysis of the political and socio-economic Baltic transit shows the similarity of their development trajectories. However, the positive effect, which joining the EU brought about, is eclipsed by the social and economic costs that resulted from the tough neo-liberal reforms that were required. Despite the rejection of the role of geopolitical and geo-economic “bridge” between Russia and the West, the Russian factor continues to play a primary role in the political processes and foreign policies of these countries, while at the same time the Baltic states themselves prefer not to call themselves post-Soviet. Confrontational position that the Baltic states undertook in relation to Russia, is determined by political and ideological factors and has long-term destructive impact not only on the bilateral dialogue, but also on relations between Russia and the European Union.
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Chang, Xinxin. "SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS IN THE PERCEPTION OF CHINESE MEDIA: FROM 1985 THROUGH 1987." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/19-3/08.
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The article addresses main issues of United States-Soviet Union relations in 1985-1987 as per perception by the Media of the People's Republic of China. After World War II, the world split into two opposing blocs, led by the USA and the USSR. The 1980s brought about a significant shift in international economic relations. In 1985, new trends emerged: firstly, a number of developed and developing countries opposed the arms race fearing it might expand as far as the outer space and bring back the military polarization with unpredictable consequences for the economy; secondly, the demands of renouncing the tough confrontation were voiced within the military alliances. The leaders of both blocs found themselves unable to effectively control their allies. These changes forced the leadership of the USSR and the USA to adopt new foreign policies. This paper describes the course of negotiations between the USSR and the USA, the attitude of the Soviet leaders to American politicians, and the assessments of the actions of Soviet leaders by Chinese media. The evolution of Soviet foreign policy at that period can be divided into three stages: simultaneous dialogue and confrontation, first Soviet concessions and compromises, and two concessions of the USSR. In order to objectively and fairly describe the historical facts of the Soviet-American negotiations in 1985-1987, the author carefully analyzes the most important foreign policies of the USSR from the standpoint of the Chinese press and quotes the opinions of major Chinese newspapers, such as Renmin Ribao , Guangming Ribao , Xinhua Ribao and Zhongguo Qingnian Bao .
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Gorshkova, Elena. "Diplomacy of A.А. Gromyko in the Context of the Soviet-Italian Relations in 60–80s." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 18 (December 1, 2020): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62020103111.
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Thе article considers some key episodes of Andrej A. Gromyko’s diplomacy, as the Minister of foreign affairs of the USSR, in the sphere of the Soviet-Italian relations in the 60–80s. The main attention is focused on such aspect of his work as cooperation of the USSR and Italy in establishment of the European collective security system. Under examination are the visits of A. A. Gromyko to Rome in 1966 and 1970 which were important links in the preparatory process for the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe (СSCE) and in the development of bilateral Soviet-Italian relations. The source corpus of the article contains secret documents of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union published in Italian language, official documents edited by the Ministries of foreign affairs of USSR and Italy, and the memoirs of the diplomat as well. Analysis of these sources allowed to evaluate personal contribution of A. A. Gromyko to the development of Soviet-Italian relations and to reveal some principles of his work dealt with adjustment of a peace dialogue between the USSR and Italy. Among his achievements there was launching of the Soviet project of the CSCE in the course of the negotiation process with Italy. As the result of his efforts contacts between the USSR and Italy went beyond the channels within the communist parties of both countries, and the Soviet-Italian relations advanced to higher level in different spheres. Besides, agreement between two countries on some important issues of international relations was achieved. The author believes that the principles put in the basis of the Soviet-Italian relations by of A. A. Gromyko retain their relevance in the modern international context.
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Shanshieva, Larisa. "BALKAN VECTOR OF BELARUS FOREIGN POLICY (LATE XX - EARLY XXI CENTURIES)." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.12.
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The article examines the Balkan vector of the Belarus’ foreign policy in the context of the concept of a multi-vector policy. It is noted that the Republic of Belarus (RB), created as an independent state after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, initially attached great importance to the establishment of mutually beneficial relations with different countries. This approach laid the foundation for the subsequent formation of the named concept. The thesis is expressed that the implementation of a multi-vector policy entailed certain contradictions. They were based on the need to constantly maintain a balance in relations between the Republic of Belarus and countries that have different economic and political systems and are members of various regional associations. On the one hand, Belarus has established strong allied relations with Russia and joined organizations such as the EAEU and the CSTO. On the other hand, it actively established trade and economic relations with the countries of the European Union, as well as with China and the United States. The main attention is paid to the Balkan vector of international cooperation of the Republic of Belarus, first of all to the Belarusian-Serbian relations. It is noted that the Belarusian leadership sought to cooperate with other Balkan countries, involving them in the orbit of trade and economic ties in the EAEU markets. The main research methods are the content analysis method and the predictive method. The author analyzes the features of the modern political situation in Belarus, caused by the ambiguous results of the presidential elections on August 9, 2020. It is concluded that the confrontation between the authorities and society will have negative consequences for the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, for its relations with other states, including the Balkans.
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Volkov, Denis. "Peculiarities of the USSR’s Foreign Policy Decision Making towards the Islamic Republic of Iran." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2022): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017099-5.
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This paper examines the earliest stage of the formation of Soviet foreign policy towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. The study offers a critical analysis of the state of the international scholarly field on the Islamic Re-public of Iran in its initial form, allowing for the diversity of expert perspec-tives that emerged in the early years after the Islamic Revolution, and trac-ing their reflection in the practical domain. The paper also examines the decision-making mechanism on Iran in the period 1979–1983 and the in-fluence of the views of different groups of Soviet experts on the process. In the context of realpolitik, the USSR tried its best to preserve the unexpected gift of fortune in the form of the new Islamic regime's rabid anti-Americanism, but at the same time it concentrated its efforts on trying to implant local leftist forces into Iranian power structures, following ideolog-ical dogma and being confident in the imminent leftist transformation of the Iranian revolution. The debacle of the Iranian Tudeh Party in 1983 forced the USSR to largely reconsider its policy towards the Islamic Republic and to definitively change its ideological approaches to purely practical ones. This paper draws on English-, French- and Russian-language studies car-ried out in recent decades, as well as ego-documents authored by partici-pants in the events from the main actor countries: diplomats, intelligence officers and scholars of Iran. The author situates the analysis of these ego-documents in the context of a thematically broader critical synthesis of con-temporary work from different countries.