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1

Osmar, Christopher M. "Vanguard of Genocide: The Einsatzgruppen in the Soviet Union." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281029869.

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2

Hale, Carol Anne. "German-Soviet military relations in the era of Rapallo." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59388.

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This study examines German-Soviet military relations between 1917 and 1922 and demonstrates the involvement of the Reichswehr in the Treaty of Rapallo. Since early 1919, the Reichswehr cultivated entente with the Soviet Union in opposition to the German government and in violation of the Treaty of Versailles, both to regain its military preeminence and to recapture Germany's power-political position in Europe. The Reichswehr attempted to draw German industry into relations with the Soviet state in order to secure the manufacture of military machinery and support troop training. By 1922, the foundation for collaboration between German industry, the Reichswehr and the Soviet Union/Red Army had been laid. The Treaty of Rapallo, concluded by government officials that were privy to the activities of the Reichswehr, removed the threat of a western consortium against the Soviet Union, and ensured the growth of the Reichswehr's alliance with the Soviet state.
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3

Fink, Rachael. "France and the Soviet Union: Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.

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4

Foisy, Cory A. "Soviet war-readiness and the road to war : 1937-41." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79938.

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This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.
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5

Garrett, Sara Anne. "Beyond Submarines: Development and Use of CTOL Aircraft Carriers in the Soviet Union and Russian Federation, 1945-present." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306929950.

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6

Johnson, Ian Ona. "The Faustian Pact: Soviet-German Military Cooperation in the Interwar Period." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1461255006.

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7

Pfeifer, Justin Thomas. "The Soviet Union through German Eyes: Wehrmacht Identity, Nazi Propaganda, and the Eastern Front War, 1941-1945." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1417426182.

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8

Ingram, Janessa. "Cold War in the Courtroom: The International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the Development of the Cold War." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/371.

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The International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg was the only international trial for Nazi war criminals following World War II. This study examines the development and proceedings of the IMT in the context of the development of the Cold War in order to show the trial as a turning point in American-Soviet relations.
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9

Yan, Ji Bao. "China's policies toward the Soviet Union and the United States before and in the Korean War." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3572.

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This thesis deals with China's policy making toward both the Soviet Union and the United States in late 1949 and early 1950 and how they made the decision to enter the conflict, by making use of recently declassified Chinese sources and available American sources.
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10

Ardovino, Michael. "Revisiting Eric Nordlinger: The Dynamics of Russian Civil- Military Relations in the Twentieth Century." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2918/.

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This paper examines the role that military has played in the political development of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the modern Russian Federation. By utilizing the theoretical tenets of Eric Nordlinger, this paper endeavors to update and hopefully revise his classic work in civil-military relations, Soldiers in Politics. Chapter one of this paper introduces many of the main theoretical concepts utilized in this analysis. Chapter two considers the Stalinist totalitarian penetration model that set the standard for communist governments around the world. Chapter three follows up by addressing the middle years of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. Both reformed the military in its relation to the party and state and made the armed forces a more corporate and professional institution. Chapter four pinpoints the drastic changes in both the state and armed forces during Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. The military briefly ventured to a point it never gone before by launching a short coup against the last Soviet president. Chapter five focuses on the last ten years in the Russian Federation. While still a professional organization typical of the liberal model of civil-military relations, the armed forces face great uncertainty, as economic and social problems demand more of their time and resources. Chapter six concludes by speculating on the future of Russian civilmilitary relations and reconsiders the importance of Nordlinger's elegant yet parsimonious work.
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11

Givens, Seth. "Cold War Capital: The United States, the Western Allies, and the Fight for Berlin, 1945-1994." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515507541865131.

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12

Tarleton, Robert E. "Bolsheviks of military affairs : Stalin's high commands, 1934-40 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10348.

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13

Shackelford, Philip Clayton. "On the Wings of the Wind: The United States Air Force Security Service and Its Impact on Signals Intelligence in the Cold War." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1399284818.

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14

Holloway, Joshua T. "Help, Hinder, or Hesitate: American Nuclear Policy Toward the French and Chinese Nuclear Weapons Programs, 1961-1976." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1555692933625691.

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15

Eldridge-Nelson, Allison. "Veil of Protection: Operation Paperclip and the Contrasting Fates of Wernher von Braun and Arthur Rudolph." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510914308951993.

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16

Berglund, Anders. "Spökflygarnas dagordning : En textanalys av ledarsidor som beskriver misstänkta flygkränkningar i Norrland under 1930-talet." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-39202.

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The purpose of this study is to find out how editorials in various Swedish newspapers interpreted the ghost flights. The study shows how the phenomenon was interpreted based on defense and security policy. Through text analysis 44 editorial articles from the period 1934-1938 were investigated which showed that the most editorials interpreted ghost flying as military flights. The agenda of swedish liberal and moderate newspapers was to interpret military aviation as a reason for establishing an independent air force and in giving the military greater authority to make security decisions for the country. The Social Democratic agenda in editorials was to downplay loud defense interests. And the communist editorial agenda was more ideologically expressed in countering imperialist and warlike interests. Local Norrland newspapers were more likely to express hopes for greater military efforts for Norrland's sake and the development over time shows that it was the newspaper Norrskensflamman and Aftonbladet, political and ideological antagonists, that were the ones who kept the debate about the ghost flights alive until the outbreak of the Second World War.

Godkänt datum 2020-06-05

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17

Ziebarth, Kurt W. "Civil-military relations in the Soviet Union : poised for conflict." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28029.

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18

Esno, Tyler P. "Trading with the Enemy: U.S. Economic Policies and the End of the Cold War." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1486807359479029.

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19

Shternshis, Anna. "Kosher and Soviet : Jewish cultural identity in the Soviet Union, 1917-41." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367425.

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20

Gwozdziowski, Joanna Monica. "Soviet doctrine justifying military intervention from 1945 to 1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90e7a6c9-6f60-4e9f-8e75-2df68a018e03.

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This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observers to have been a quickly engineered reaction to the crisis, rather than a long-standing doctrine. This thesis suggests, however, that the "Brezhnev Doctrine" was not an original formula, but a newer version of a previous doctrine. The thesis traces the origins of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". It examines four crises in Soviet-East European relations for evidence of the doctrine. The thesis looks at how the effectiveness of the doctrine as a tool of Soviet foreign policy began to decline in the mid-1970s. While the doctrine appeared to be extended to the Third World - Afghanistan 1979 - and was "self-administered" by an East European country - Poland 1981 - it proved far less successful than in the past in suppressing opposition. Finally, the thesis examines the demise of the doctrine under Mikhail Gorbachev. The conclusions drawn by this thesis are: that the Soviet interventionist doctrine was not a new phenomenon; that it contained political, ideological, and military components; and, that it served a number of functions within the socialist community.
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21

Schull, Joseph. "Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65974.

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22

Andy, Joshua Charles. "Politics and the Soviet Army : civil-military relations in Soviet Union the Khrushchev Era, 1953-1964." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2929/.

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Structure, organisation, an idea of esprit de corps, and hierarchy characterised the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Throughout the history of the Soviet Union only the Soviet Armed Forces had the potential to rival the CPSU in those qualities and were able to be an organised locus for potential opposition. A sense of professionalism was instilled in the Soviet Armed Forces, not only from those ‘Red Commanders’ of the Revolution and Civil War, but also from those junior, noncommissioned officers who were holdovers from the tsarist regime. The primary focus of this study is on the immediate post-Stalinist era while Nikita Khrushchev was First Secretary of the CPSU. Bridled by Stalin’s hold over strategic and armed forces policy, after his death, the Soviet Armed Forces became an institution that illustrated a strong sense of military professionalism, while at the same time serving the Soviet regime. With a focus on five case studies that occurred during the Khrushchev era 1953-1964, this thesis argues that the military attempted to remain apolitical throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Previous studies of Soviet civil-military relations have focused on the levels of cooperation or competition between the CPSU and the Soviet armed forces. This study argues however, that the ebb and flow of that relationship can be explained by the selection of personalities, or agents, by Khrushchev to posts of military command. Officers were promoted based on several factors. However, Khrushchev increasingly promoted officers to positions of command who he deemed were more personally loyal to him and were willing to put that loyalty above their duty to the Soviet armed forces. Khrushchev chose personal loyalty over an officer’s military professionalism and expertise when appointing them to posts at the Ministry of Defence, the Soviet General Staff, and to the command posts in the branches of the Soviet military and key military districts around the Soviet Union.
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23

Janicki, Maciek. ""Incorrigible enemies of Soviet power" : Polish citizens in the Soviet Union, 1939-1942, in the light of Soviet documents and Polish witness' testimonies." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101883.

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Between February 1940 and June 1941, in four major deportations Soviet authorities moved Polish citizens to work-colonies in the Soviet interior and detained others in various prisons and camps. Based on war-time information, works on the deportations published in the West during the decades of communist rule in Eastern Europe and since reported figures of over 1.5 million deportees, of whom as many as half reportedly died in the USSR. These works held a prevailing view that Soviet intentions towards the deported Poles were genocidal. Recent work with Soviet archival materials has led Polish and Russian historians to revise the number of deportees to 320,000. This substantial reduction has received a mitigated response in the work of Western commentators. A review of published archival materials and of accounts left by witnesses demonstrates that both sets of sources are indispensable to an analysis of the deportations. It also shows that Soviet policies directed against the deportees were not genocidal in their intent and adds a dimension, that of the perpetrators, to the limited conceptualization afforded to the subject thus far. The study shows that under the control of the NKVD the deportations were economic and political components of internal Soviet policy in 1939-1942 and suggests that the Soviet infrastructure was incapable of supplying the resources necessary to fulfill plans set by Moscow. Moreover, the Soviet documentation offers a glimpse into the perpetrators' planning and execution of massive population displacement, thus taking the deportations outside of the realm of conjecture and placing them more firmly within the grasp of historical understanding.
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24

Harrison, Richard W. "The development of Russian-Soviet operational art, 1904-1937, and the imperial legacy of Soviet military thought." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1994. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-development-of-russiansoviet-operational-art-19041937-and-the-imperial-legacy-of-soviet-military-thought(5800e0a9-42d4-44bf-ad6d-1f24bf63729f).html.

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25

Kennedy-Pipe, Caroline M. "The Soviet Union and the United States military presence in Europe : 1943 - 1956." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239447.

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26

Brine, Jennifer Jane. "Adult readers in the Soviet Union." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1986. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1398/.

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This thesis is a study of ordinary adult readers and their reading preferences in the USSR in the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s. Chapter One provides background information on Soviet policies towards reading and on the changes in Soviet society which have influenced reading habits over the last 30 years. This is followed by a description of the reader surveys used for the research and a discussion of some methodological problems. Chapter Two is concerned with all aspects of political control over reading, as it affects the writer, the publishing process, the book trade, libraries and ultimately the reader. Chapters Three and Four consider problems of the supply of reading matter through the retail trade and through mass (public) libraries. Chapter Five is an analysis of how various sociodemographic factors affect reading, and of the effect of television on reading. Chapter Six considers the relative importance of books, newspapers and journals, and the balance between fiction and non-fiction in readers' preferences. Chapter Seven is concerned with the reading of non-fiction, whether in books, journals or newspapers, and Chapter Eight provides an analysis of readers' preferences in novels, poetry and plays. The thesis concludes that the many, often contradictory, stereotypes of reading in the USSR all have some foundation in reality.
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Seward, James W. "The German exile journal Das Wort and the Soviet Union." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4104.

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Das Wort was a literary journal published by German Communist writers and fellow-travelers exiled in Moscow from 1936 to 1939. It was to be a mouthpiece for German literature in exile and to promote the Popular Front policy, which sought to unite disparate elements in non-Fascist Europe in opposition to the Nazis. Das Wort, under the editorship of German Communist writers whose close association with the Soviet Union had been well established in the previous decade, tried to provide a forum for exiled writers of various political persuasions, but was unwavering in its positive portrayal of Stalin's Soviet Union and the policies of that country. As the level of hysteria grew with the successive purges and public show trials in the Soviet Union, the journal adopted an even more eulogistic and militant attitude: any criticism or expression of doubt about Soviet policy was equated with support for Fascism. Thus the ability of the journal to contribute to the formation of a true common front in Europe to oppose Fascism was compromised from the outset by its total support for the Soviet Union. The Popular Front policy foundered on this issue, and that portion of German literature in exile which was to form the first generation of East German literature was inextricably bound to the Soviet Union well before the German Democratic Republic came in to existence.
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Copp, John W. "Egypt and the Soviet Union, 1953-1970." PDXScholar, 1986. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3797.

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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze in detail the many aspects of the Soviet-Egyptian friendship as it developed from 1953 to 1970. The relationship between the two is extremely important because it provides insight into the roles of both Egypt and the Soviet Union in both the history of the Middle East and in world politics. The period from 1953 to 1970 is key in understanding the relationship between the two states because it is the period of the genesis of the relationship and a period in which both nations went through marked changes in both internal policy and their external relations.
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29

Malinovskaya, Olga. "Teaching Russian classics in secondary school under Stalin (1936-1941)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b23fbd00-e8d5-4889-abfa-fe74626d5e72.

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This thesis contributes to existing discussions of Soviet subjectivity by considering how the efforts of the Party leadership and state agencies to shape personal and collective identities were mediated by the teaching of Russian classics to teenagers. It concentrates in particular on the history of literature course provided by Soviet schools for the upper years. The study addresses the following questions: (1) How was literary expression employed to instigate children's emotions and create interpretive habits as a way of inculcating a Soviet worldview? (2) What immediate effects did the methods have on teenagers? (3) What were the long-term effects of this type of indoctrination? Answering these questions required close reading of material produced by official authorities, such as methodological programmes, teachers' aids, professional journals, and textbooks for class instruction, and also of material produced by those at the receiving end of Stalinist literary instruction, including both sources contemporary to the period under scrutiny (i.e. diaries written between 1936-1941), and later autobiographical material (memoirs, oral history). I argue that for many teenagers growing up during this period, indoctrination in the classroom blurred the boundary between reality and fiction, and provided a moral compass to navigate their social environment, to judge others as well as themselves along prescribed lines, and model their lives on the precepts and slogans of the characters and authors they encountered, particularly the 19th-century radical democrats. Retrospective accounts - interviews, memoirs, and written responses to questions - expose the durability of the moral and ethical lessons derived from Russian classics and reveal the enduring Soviet emotional complex formed by this literary instruction. Investigating the impacts of the study of Russian classics on Soviet recipients, particularly from elite groups such as the city intelligentsia, my discussion highlights the political traction of the literary in, for instance, forming feelings of group belonging and strong emotional responses to differing views. I conclude with a discussion of the relation of this to long-term political effects, including the re-appraisal, in the twenty-first century, of Stalin-era teaching methodology as an effective way of instilling patriotic sentiments in students, and the legacy of Soviet perceptions and practices in the expression of personal and collective identities in the post-Soviet period.
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30

Davis, Jonathan Shaw. "Altered images : the Labour Party and the Soviet Union in the 1930s." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/4074.

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31

Knight, Claire Alice Jean. "Soviet cinema of the late Stalin era, 1945-53." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708213.

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32

Farley, Robert M. "Transnational determinants of military doctrine /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10753.

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33

YAKUSHENKO, Olga. "Building connections, distorting meanings : Soviet architecture and the West, 1953-1979." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/71643.

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Defence date: 26 April 2021
Examining Board: Professor Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Professor Catriona Kelly (University of Oxford); Professor Pavel Kolář (University of Konstanz); Professor Anatoly Pinsky (University of Helsinki)
The transnational history of the Soviet Union often goes against everything we know as citizens of the post-Soviet world. We are used to imagining the Iron Curtain as an impermeable obstacle and any meaningful connection between the Soviet Union and the rest of the world as clandestine, unofficial, and potentially subversive. But it was not always the case. I wish to open my thesis with a short dramatic exposition from the memoir of one of the protagonists of my thesis, the Soviet architect Felix Novikov: Soon [after the speech against the extravagances in architecture in 1953] the architectural bosses went abroad in search for examples worthy of emulation. The head of the Union of architects of the USSR, Pavel Abrosimov, left for Italy, Aleksandr Vlasov went to the US, Iosif Loveĭko who, in his absence became the chief architect of Moscow, left for France. After, each of them gave a talk about his impressions to the colleagues in the overcrowded lecture hall of the Central House of Architects. A year after the “historical” (without irony) speech the Party and government decree “On the elimination of extravagances in housing design and construction” appeared […] in the text of this document were such lines: “Obligate (the list of responsible organizations followed )… to be more daring in assimilation of the best achievements… of foreign construction.” The true “reconstruction” resulted in architecture that I call Soviet modernism started from this moment.”
Chapter 4 ‘Anatole Kopp: Enchanted by the Soviet' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Anatole Kopp’s town and revolution as history and a manifesto : a reactualization of Russian constructivism in the West in the 1960s' (2016) in the journal ‘Journal of Art Historiography’
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Bruyneel, Stephen Alan. "The future of Soviet domestic reform : an analysis of three sovietologists' views." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28587.

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This thesis had two related purposes: to compare, contrast and critique three scholars' views of the Soviet domestic reform process, and to use these analyses as the means by which to examine the emerging Soviet domestic reform program. The arguments of Stephen F. Cohen, Timothy J. Colton and Richard Pipes served as the primary subject matter of this thesis, with their individual views determined by a critical analysis of the writing which each has recently done on this subject. Investigated in particular was each individuals' interpretation of the reform process, its component parts and the kind of change that was expected to be involved in any new domestic reforms. The final chapter dealing with the contemporary Soviet situation relied upon as much primary source material as possible in an attempt to provide an accurate picture of the state of affairs within the country at this time. The results of my analysis indicate that Richard Pipes' interpretations and conclusions do not receive much support from either Soviet history or the contemporary situation within the country. His one dimensional view of Soviet elite interests and his "crisis/reform" theory of Soviet reform were found to be generally unsubstantiated. Stephen Cohen's arguments, on the other hand, received a good deal of support, especially with regards to his emphasis on the probability of moderate change and the existence of reformist and conservative constituencies within the Soviet Union, constituencies which do appear to have been involved in the domestic reform process. At the same time, however, the terminology which he employed to describe the reform process was found to be somewhat problematic. Timothy Colton's arguments, finally, were also found to have a good deal of efficacy, especially with respect to his view of the country's new generation of political leadership and the role that it would play in the reform process. In conclusion, the new domestic reform program itself was found to be indicative of generally moderate economic and political change, change that was embraced for the moat part by a good segment of the new leadership, but which had found significant resistance at the lower levels of the bureaucracy and among the working class.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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35

Muller, Richard R. "The German Air Force and the campaign against the Soviet Union, 1941-1945 /." The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487683049378954.

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36

Swann, Peter William. "British attitudes towards the Soviet Union, 1951-1956." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1506/.

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The thesis is concerned with the British perception of Soviet foreign policy between 1951 and 1956. In particular it examines the understanding that British diplomats, politicians and civil servants had of the process of change which the death of Stalin stimulated in the Kremlin's relations with the outside world. The core of the study centres around 1955, as this was the pivotal point for the British. With the ascendancy of Khruschev there was perceived not only a new emphasis in Moscow on the necessity of avoiding global war between East and West, but also a new interest in economic competition. By 1956 Whitehall had concluded that there were a number of factors informing the Soviet re-evaluation of foreign policy. Among which were: the stabilisation of the Western alliance culminating with West German rearmament in 1955; the cost of defence expenditure both in armaments and in supporting the satellite regimes and China; the development of American and Soviet thermonuclear potentials. The latter was thought by the British to be the most profound in its implications on the Soviet approach to the future of international relations. The Soviet leadership certainly appeared eager to be friendly and particularly to communicate an awareness of the grotesque futility of a war employing the latest weaponry. To this end they agreed to the Geneva Summit of 1955. Anthony Eden and Harold Macmillan were convinced by this meeting that, in Macmillan's words, "there ain't gonna be no war". For a few brief, golden months, it seemed in London as if the Cold War might even be negotiated into history. However, by the end of 1955 it was apparent to the British that Geneva did not mean the Kremlin had given up aspirations to global supremacy, rather that the means to this end were now to be different.
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Ryan, Joseph Francis. "The Royal Navy and Soviet seapower, 1930-1950 : intelligence, naval cooperation and antagonism." Thesis, University of Hull, 1996. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3940.

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British estimates of Soviet seapower from 1930 to 1950 covered three main phases. These were primarily characterised by pre-war suspicion of Communism and the Soviet Union, enforced wartime naval cooperation from June 1941 until the end of the Second World War and, finally, a shift towards Cold War antagonism.It is argued that the Admiralty's Naval Intelligence Division was able to collect sufficient data to maintain a credible intelligence picture of the Soviet Navy's order of battle and war-fighting capabilities, thereby allowing informed decision-making in London. In general, the United Kingdom considered that the Red Navy was poorly equipped and trained, and that it posed little threat to British interests. This was borne out by the Soviet Union's poor employment of seapower during the war.Knowledge of the Soviet Navy was always difficult to obtain. However, a major finding of this thesis is that the wartime Anglo-Soviet alliance allowed British naval representativesin the USSR unprecedented access to Russian warships, facilities and commanders. Though the basing of a naval mission in Russia was principally intended to assist in the common fight against Nazi Germany and to promote liaison between the Royal and Soviet Navies, especially with regard to the Arctic convoys, the British also took the opportunity to examine the maritime forces of their long-standing Communist rival at close quarters. It is contended, therefore, that improved intelligence on the Soviet Navy was made possible by wartime naval collaboration. To examine this assertion, relevant naval aspects of the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945 are covered in detail in the thesis.After 1945, the Red fleets required some time for consolidation before expansion was possible. The Soviet Navy remained an intelligence target, but British wartime assessments largely held good to the end of the decade.
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38

Holloway, Thomas Walter. "Propaganda analysis and the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272462089.

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39

Sharyi, Oleksandr. "Civil-Military relations in Ukraine, during the transition from the Soviet Union to the independent Ukranian Republic /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FSharyi.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
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40

Ebert, Cynthia C. "The Writer in the Early Soviet Union| A Study in Leadership." Thesis, Franklin Pierce University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3730809.

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This study will focus on the role of the writer during the early years of the Soviet Union (1920–1935) through the example of the life and works of Mikhail Bulgakov. Bulgakov’s literary career paralleled Josef Stalin’s rise to supreme power over not only the Communist Party but the Soviet Union and its citizens. As Bulgakov struggled to publish and stage his works, the Soviet government under Stalin strengthened its resolve to utilize writers to educate the masses in the correct behaviors and values of good Soviet citizens. Each demonstrated his own leadership style: as Stalin evolved into a strong Authoritarian Leader, Bulgakov ‘s survival depended upon his Adaptive Leadership skills. Stalin’s greatest successes were during his lifetime; Bulgakov’s followed his death as the Soviet Union declined and his works were published. Research questions include the role of the writer in his contemporary society and the writer’s ability to influence his contemporary society through his own survival in an authoritarian society but the survival of his works for audiences in other times and places. Bulgakov could not compromise his artistic vision, Stalin, although he recognized and appreciated talent, could not compromise his ideological convictions. The result was a complex relationship between two prominent figures whose leadership styles as much as their differing viewpoints dictated the course of their actions.

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41

Jones, Sarah Jessica. "Under the Permafrost: Uncovering a Social Movement in the Soviet Union." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366211237.

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42

Voogt, Ryan J. "MAKING RELIGION ACCEPTABLE IN COMMUNIST ROMANIA AND THE SOVIET UNION, 1943-1989." UKnowledge, 2017. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/46.

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This dissertation focuses on religious gatherings in communist Romania and the Soviet Union, 1943-1989. Church was one of the few opportunities for voluntary associational life and is invaluable for the study of power, ideology, and belonging in an everyday social setting. This project is based on archival documents and memoirs, uncovering how state officials and religious representatives struggled to establish religious practice that would be acceptable to all. Although ideologically atheist, state officials regarded some religious gatherings as acceptable and others unacceptable, but not due to utterances of beliefs or performance of traditional sacraments, but because of social aspects: how people related to one another, what kinds of people came, the settings of the gatherings, and affective characteristics like enthusiasm, engagement, and authenticity. Even though believers participated in religious gatherings for their own reasons, state officials policed them as contests for mobilization. This project compares the cases of the Romanian Orthodox Church and Reformed Church of the Transylvanian region of Romania and the Russian Orthodox Church and the Baptist Church in the Moscow region of the Soviet Union. Based on comparisons, the role of a Church's culture in shaping church-state relations becomes clear. Officials largely considered traditional Orthodox hierarchy and rituals as religiously unproblematic, but they underestimated the power of such features of Orthodoxy to endure and mobilize successive generations. The hierarchical nature of the Orthodox Churches did not preclude spirited negotiations over acceptable Orthodox religiosity, but non-conforming or innovating priests were marginalized relatively easily. Protestant Churches have had a more entrenched custom of decentralization in governance and Scriptural interpretation, factors which presented officials with difficulty in centralizing the management of such churches and which at times led to protracted interpersonal battles and inner-church divisions. One such case sparked the Romanian Revolution in 1989. Officials in Romania and the Soviet Union handled the problem of religion very similarly in defining the acceptable limits of religious activity in practice, but virulent attacks on religion in the Soviet Union prior to WWII made for a stronger lingering religious antagonism there after the War than in Romania, where Orthodoxy was at times incorporated into the state’s nationalist discourse.
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43

Ahmed, H. O. "The Soviet Union and the Gulf countries between 1968 and 1980 : The impact of Soviet economic aid, military assistance and political influence." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.378246.

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44

Lyons, Anthony J. "International relations theory and the end of the Cold War : a retrospective step forwards." Thesis, University of Essex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340591.

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45

Leighton, Gregory. "Terra matris : crusading, the military orders, and sacred landscapes in the Baltic, 13th-14th Centuries." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2018. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/117900/.

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Crusading and the military orders have, at their roots, a strong focus on place, namely the Holy Land and the shrines associated with the life of Christ on Earth. Both concepts spread to other frontiers in Europe (notably Spain and the Baltic) in a very quick fashion. Therefore, this thesis investigates the ways that this focus on place and landscape changed over time, when crusading and the military orders emerged in the Baltic region, a land with no Christian holy places. Taking this fact as a point of departure, the following thesis focuses on the crusades to the Baltic Sea Region during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It considers the role of the military orders in the region (primarily the Order of the Teutonic Knights), and how their participation in the conversion-led crusading missions there helped to shape a distinct perception of the Baltic region as a new sacred (i.e. Christian) landscape. Structured around four chapters, the thesis discusses the emergence of a new sacred landscape thematically. Following an overview of the military orders and the role of sacred landscpaes in their ideology, and an overview of the historiographical debates on the Baltic crusades, it addresses the paganism of the landscape in the written sources predating the crusades, in addition to the narrative, legal, and visual evidence of the crusade period (Chapter 1). It then proceeds to a chapter-by-chapter analysis considering specific sacralising elements expressed in the sources, which structure the definition of sacred landscape used in this thesis (outlined in the Introduction). Chapter 2 considers the role martyrdom in sacralising the landscape, followed by a discussion of the role played by relics (Chapter 3), ritualization, and sacred space (Chapter 4). By incorporating Geographical Information Systems (GIS) into the analysis of the texts, a new spatial map of the Baltic campaigns emerges from the present study, providing a fresh approach to studying contemporary views of holy war in a region with no holy (i.e. Christian) shrines.
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46

Knight, John Marcus. "Our Nation’s Future? Chinese Imaginations of the Soviet Union, 1917-1956." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu149406768131314.

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47

Sharyi, Oleksandr. "Civil-Military relations in Ukraine, during the transition from the Soviet Union to the independent Ukrainian Republic." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1633.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
This thesis analyzes three case studies that chronologically review the main factors that influence the creation of the system of civil control over the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The first case analyzes the period of time before the collapse of the Soviet Union. The second case examines the creation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine from 1991 until 2000. The third case reviews the present system of civil-military relations in Ukraine. The conclusion summarize all findings of the three case studies and states that neglect of the defense issues today will lead to the risk of losing statehood tomorrow or shifting responsibility and financial burden to the future generations. Only a well funded and well-defined program of reform can help to build modern, highly capable, professional western type Armed Forces with good quality civil control over the military. Ukraine has great experience of building and reforming its military structure and system of civil control. The best proof of this is that Ukraine prevented involvement of the army in politics.
Captain, Ukrainian Army
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48

Kashirin, Alexander Urievich 1963. "Protestant minorities in the Soviet Ukraine, 1945--1991." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10956.

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xiv, 934 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
The dissertation focuses on Protestants in the Soviet Ukraine from the end of the Second World War to the collapse of the USSR. It has two major aims. The first is to elucidate the evolution of Soviet policy toward Protestant denominations, using archival evidence that was not available to previous students of this subject. The second is to reconstruct the internal life of Protestant congregations as marginalized social groups. The dissertation is thus a case study both of religious persecution under state-sponsored atheism and of the efforts of individual believers and their communities to survive without compromising their religious principles. The opportunity to function legally came at a cost to Protestant communities in Ukraine and elsewhere in the USSR. In the 1940s-1980s, Protestant communities lived within a tight encirclement of numerous governmental restrictions designed to contain and, ultimately, reduce all manifestations of religiosity in the republic both quantitatively and qualitatively. The Soviet state specifically focused on interrupting the generational continuity of religious tradition by driving a wedge between believing parents and their children. Aware of these technologies of containment and their purpose, Protestants devised a variety of survival strategies that allowed them, when possible, to circumvent the stifling effects of containment and ensure the preservation and transmission of religious traditions to the next generation. The dissertation investigates how the Soviet government exploited the state institutions and ecclesiastic structures in its effort to transform communities of believers into malleable societies of timid and nominal Christians and how the diverse Protestant communities responded to this challenge. Faced with serious ethical choices--to collaborate with the government or resist its persistent interference in the internal affairs of their communities-- many Ukrainian Evangelicals joined the vocal opposition movement that contributed to an increased international pressure on the Soviet government and subsequent evolution of the Soviet policy from confrontation to co-existence with religion. The dissertation examines both theoretical and practical aspects of the Soviet secularization project and advances a number of arguments that help account for religion's survival in the Soviet Union during the 1940-1980s.
Committee in charge: Julie Hessler, Chairperson, History; R Alan Kimball, Member, History; Jack Maddex, Member, History; William Husband, Member, Not from U of O Caleb Southworth, Outside Member, Sociology
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49

Strickland, John. "The church valuables campaign in the history of the new martyrdom in Russia." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004. http://www.tren.com.

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50

Choate, Ksenia. "From "Stalinkas" to "Khrushchevkas": The Transition to Minimalism in Urban Residential Interiors in the Soviet Union from 1953 to 1964." DigitalCommons@USU, 2010. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/628.

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During the shift from the rule of Joseph Stalin to that of Nikita Khrushchev, people in the Soviet Union witnessed dramatic political, economic, and social changes, evident even in such private aspects of life as residential home interiors. The major architectural style of Stalin's era, known as Stalin's Empire Style, was characterized by grandeur and rich embellishments. The buildings' interiors were similarly grandiose and ornate. By endorsing this kind of design, Stalin attempted to position himself as an heir of classical traditions, to encourage respect for his regime, and to signal his power. When Nikita Khrushchev became the country's leader shortly after Stalin's death in 1953, he proclaimed that "excessive decorations" were not only unnecessary, but harmful. As a result, the standardized panel buildings produced at his initiative were defined by straight, plain lines, and were devoid of literally any architectural details that were not considered functional. These changes in Soviet architecture were reflected in interior design and furnishings: the minimalist aesthetic became their defining characteristic. The purpose of this study is to gain, through examination of existing literature, new insight into why a transition to a minimalist aesthetic was happening in the 1950s and 1960s in Soviet urban interior design. To achieve this goal, the present thesis analyzes works by contemporary scholars on the subject and examines statements the Soviet government as well as Soviet architects and interior decoration specialists made regarding the state's views on architecture and interiors during the period of 1950-1960. While research has been published that explores some aspects of this stylistic transition, the present work is unique in that it identifies and focuses on three distinct reasons for the change to minimalism in Soviet urban residential interiors under Khrushchev: the deficit of apartment space, reduction of construction costs, and ideological motives.
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