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1

ANY, CAROL. "SOVIET UNION." Russian History 35, no. 1-2 (2008): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633108x00265.

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2

Grothusen, Klaus-Detlev. "History of the Soviet Union." Philosophy and History 22, no. 1 (1989): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198922162.

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3

Chatterjee, Choi. "Santha Rama Rau: A Footnote to History?" Literature of the Americas, no. 13 (2022): 224–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2022-13-224-247.

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This article analyzes Santha Rama Rau’s 1959 travelogue, My Russian Journey, and places it in the context of Soviet-American relations in the early decades of the Cold War. Rau, an eminent Indian American novelist, was commissioned by the literary travel magazine, Holiday, to write articles on the Soviet Union in the late 1950s. She was recruited for her literary ability, but her personal relations with important personalities in the United States and India gave her an unusual degree of access to members of the Soviet cultural elite. Rau’s leisurely travels through different parts of the Soviet Union resulted in a new kind of travel account of everyday life in the Soviet Union. I analyze three major themes in My Russian Journey: the problem of Soviet censorship, descriptions of elite lifestyles in the Soviet Union, and a comparison of Soviet and Indian national identity. I argue that the publication of Rau’s My Russian Journey marked an important milestone in Soviet American relations that was mediated through India.
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4

Bowker, Mike. "A history of the Soviet Union." International Affairs 62, no. 2 (1986): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618419.

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5

Husband, William B., David MacKenzie, Michael W. Curran, and M. K. Dziewanowski. "A History of the Soviet Union." History Teacher 20, no. 4 (August 1987): 590. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493763.

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6

Laird, Sally. "Soviet Union." Index on Censorship 17, no. 5 (May 1988): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534406.

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7

Tomof, Kiril. "Italian opera in Stalin’s Soviet Union." Contemporary Musicology, no. 3 (2019): 107–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56620/2587-9731-2019-3-107-149.

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This article explores the role of Italian opera in Soviet musical life from the end of World War II through the beginning of the Cold War. Italian opera provided inspiration for Soviet musical careers, exemplars against which Soviet musical development was measured, and simple musical enjoyment for Soviet audiences. The article analyzes two archival source bases that shed light on these dynamics. One source is box office data from the opera and ballet theaters in Moscow, Leningrad, and the Soviet Union's national republics. Analysis of this data demonstrates that operas by Italian composers provided a solid backbone of consistency in opera programming against which the tumultuous pursuit of a distinctively Soviet, multinational opera played out. Some especially famous operas were also so popular that they kept audiences coming to the theaters. The other archival source is bureaucratic correspondence regarding an effort to recruit Italian opera pedagogues to visit the USSR’s conservatories. Analysis of the correspondence uncovers Soviet bureaucrats’ insecurity about cultural development just as Soviet influence was expanding into Eastern Europe. It also reveals Soviet perceptions of Italian musical elites facing the complexities of the Cold War division of Europe. The article contributes to our understanding of the connection between performances of Italian opera and the construction of a Soviet musical culture that placed a very high value on opera as an advanced form of musical expression. It reveals that even during a period often considered the most insular in Soviet history, Soviet musicians and cultural administrators were engaging with their counterparts in the West. Finally, it demonstrates that the distinction between “international” and “transnational” cultural exchange that is often key to the way scholars of globalization analyze interactions that cross national borders is not as important in a Soviet context in which society was essentially embedded in the state bureaucracy.
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8

MENDRAS, MARIE. "The French Connection: An Uncertain Factor in Soviet Relations with Western Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001003.

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France's long relationship with the Soviet Union has varied according to the political climate. The crucial factors in the French-Soviet relationship are the state of U.S.-Soviet affairs and Moscow's objectives in Western Europe. Mendras reviews the history of French-Soviet relations from the de Gaulle years. By the early 1970s, she argues, détente with the United States and the recognition of postwar borders in central Europe reduced the instrumentality and priority of France in Soviet policy. In the 1980s, as their relations with the United States deteriorated, the Soviets took a renewed interest in France. But the Socialist government in Paris, more critical of the USSR than were its predecessors, has developed a policy that the Soviets denigrate as “Europeanist” and “Atlantist” and no longer truly independent. Although recent events have made the French leadership more receptive to the Soviet Union, bilateral relations will remain essentially a diplomatic ritual.
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9

Azimbaev, Mukhammadjon Samatovich, and Umida Samatovna Usmanova. "Representation Of Applying The Method Of Oral History In Russian History." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 02, no. 12 (December 11, 2020): 32–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume02issue12-07.

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This article gives full information on representation of applying the method of oral history in Russian history. The practical application of this method in historical researches was discussed in detail by Russian historians in scientific seminars in the last years of the Soviet Union. Therefore it is logical to include some scientific works created during the Soviet era in categorizing the researches on oral history in Russia. So, our aim is to discuss the method of oral history in Russian researches.
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10

Hassner, Pierre. "Western European Dilemmas: Man, State, and History." Ethics & International Affairs 1 (March 1987): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1987.tb00512.x.

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The European community holds a range of contradictory, changing, and evolving views of the United States and the Soviet Union. Hassner notes that the United States is seen both as an individualistic agent with a guilty conscience that intervenes irresponsibly and hypocritically, and as a model for resistance to oppression. The Soviet Union is also viewed antithetically, both condemned for totalitarianism and praised as more humanistic than the United States. Hassner sees these oppositions as reflecting the profound differences between the superpowers and indicating the challenge the United States and the Soviet Union face in establishing a common ethics.
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11

Cooper, Julian M. "Technology in the Soviet Union." Current History 85, no. 513 (October 1, 1986): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1986.85.513.317.

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12

Leiken, Robert S. "The Soviet Union and Nicaragua." Current History 88, no. 534 (January 1, 1989): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1989.88.534.39.

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13

Goldman, Marshall I. "Perestroika in the Soviet Union." Current History 87, no. 531 (October 1, 1988): 313–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.531.313.

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14

Colton, Timothy J. "The Soviet Union under Gorbachev." Current History 84, no. 504 (October 1, 1985): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.504.305.

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15

Ivanova, L. V. "Somalis in the Soviet Union: unrevealed history." Kunstkamera 6, no. 4 (2019): 185–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/2618-8619-2019-4(6)-185-192.

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16

Thorpe, Charles. "Radical Intellectuals, History, and the Soviet Union." Journal of Historical Sociology 30, no. 1 (March 2017): 86–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/johs.12146.

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17

Ludwig, Jonathan Z. "The Shortest History of the Soviet Union." Europe-Asia Studies 75, no. 3 (March 16, 2023): 528–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2181594.

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18

Kitchen, Martin. "Winston Churchill and the Soviet Union during the Second World War." Historical Journal 30, no. 2 (June 1987): 415–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021506.

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When thinking of Churchill's attitude towards the Soviet Union one automatically thinks of him as the most outspoken of the advocates of armed intervention during the civil war, or as the author of the speech in Fulton, Missouri, which many people regard as the opening salvo in the Cold War. During the war, however, when the Soviet Union became a great ally without whose help the war in Europe could never have been won, his attitude was bound to be quite different. Even before the Germans launched ‘Operation Barbarossa’ thus forcing the Soviets into the Allied camp, Churchill had been thinking of the Russians as possible partners in the struggle against Nazi Germany, for however much he detested the Soviet regime, his passionate determination to destroy Nazism was a far more powerful emotion, and, as he put it, if Hitler were to invade Hell he would promptly sign a pact with the Devil.
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19

Kuzovova, Natalia. "SOVIET REPRESSION AGAINST REFUGEE JEWS FROM THE TERRITORY OF POLAND AND CZECH-SLOVAKIA BEFORE AND AT THE BEGINNING OF WORLD WAR II." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 9 (December 25, 2021): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112018.

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Purpose: to analyze a set of documents stored in the funds of the State Archives of Kherson region – cases of repressed refugees from Poland and Czechoslovakia in 1938-1941. Based on historiographical and source studies on this topic, to outline the general grounds for arrest and persecution of refugees by Soviet authorities and to find out why Jews – former citizens of Poland and Czechoslovakia – found themselves in the focus of repression. Research methodology. The main research methods were general and special-historical, as well as methods of archival heuristics and scientific criticism of sources. Scientific novelty. Previously unpublished documents are introduced into scientific circulation: cases of repressed refugees from Poland and Czechoslovakia, analysis of the Soviet government's policy towards Jews who tried to escape from the Nazis in the USSR and the Union Republics in southern Ukraine, including Kherson. The forms of repression applied by the NKVD to refugee Jews are analyzed, and the consequences of such a policy for the German government's policy of genocide in the occupied territories are examined. Conclusions. The study found that the formal reason for the persecution of Jewish refugees was the illegal crossing of the border with the USSR, since the Soviet Union, like many countries in the world, refused to accept Jews fleeing the Nazi persecution. The Soviet government motivated this by the fact that refugee Jews spread mood of defeat and panic, spied for Germany, Britain, and Poland, had anti-Soviet views, and conducted anti-Soviet campaigning. As a result of the arrests and deportations of Jewish refugees, the Jewish population, particularly in southern Ukraine, was unaware of the persecution of Jews in lands occupied by Nazi Germany. In fact, the Jewish refugees sent to the concentration camps, along with the Germans of Ukraine and the Volga region, were the only groups of people thus "evacuated" by the Soviet authorities on ethnic grounds. However, due to the enemy's rapid offensive, refugees who did not fall into the hands of the NKVD shared the tragic fate of Ukrainian Jews during the Holocaust.
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20

Ramsden, John, and David Carlton. "Churchill and the Soviet Union." American Historical Review 106, no. 4 (October 2001): 1457. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693107.

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21

Wilcoxson, Elizabeth. "Winters, Ed., The Collapse Of The Soviet Union; Read, The Making And Breaking Of The Soviet System - An Interpretation." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 29, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.29.1.51-53.

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The Collapse of the Soviet Union and The Making and Breaking of the Soviet System offer two different approaches to the question of why the Soviet Union came apart. Paul Winters focuses his attention on the Gorbachev period and immediately after. Christopher Read, on the other hand, provides what is, essentially, a history of the entire period of the Soviet Union and its aftermath.
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22

Johnson, D. Gale. "Agricultural Productivity in the Soviet Union." Current History 84, no. 504 (October 1, 1985): 321–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.504.321.

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23

Zou, Chengzhang. "INTERPRETING SINO-SOVIET RELATIONS IN SOVIET HISTORIOGRAPHY." Politology bulletin, no. 91 (2023): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2023.91.139-148.

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The interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography is a complex issue that reflects various stages in the history of the Soviet Union, portraying contradictions and transformations in the interaction between the two communist states. Exploring this topic allows us to unveil the evolution of relations, the impact of domestic and foreign policy factors on diplomatic ties, and the changing perceptions of China within the USSR. The article provides an overview of the history of relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Soviet Union. The main milestones in the history of these relations are highlighted, with a focus on key features and major events. The experience of cooperation between the Soviet Union and the PRC in the early stages of their relations, prior to the Sino-Soviet split, is examined. During the initial phase of Sino-Soviet diplomacy, Soviet historiography emphasized the solidarity of the two nations united by communist ideals. However, over time, discrepancies emerged, manifesting in the absence of a unified stance on international communism. Amid the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the USSR started perceiving its eastern neighbor as marked by radicalism and hostility. In the 1970s and 1980s, Soviet historiography began to highlight failures in relations, reflecting real divisions and competition. Research during this period focused on external challenges and the strategic significance of China for the USSR. The interpretation of Sino-Soviet relations in Soviet historiography indicates the complexity and dynamics of diplomatic ties between the two countries. It also reflects the internal political and geopolitical transformations occurring in both nations over time.
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24

Miller, Chris. "Economic Ideas Crossing Borders: The Transnational Turn in Soviet Economic History." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 46, no. 1 (February 5, 2019): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-20181368.

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This review examines four new works that explore how economic ideas crossed the borders of the Soviet Union. Historians are increasingly realizing that Soviet economists participated in substantial exchanges of ideas with experts from other countries, and that these exchanges shaped Soviet intellectual and political history. Via formal and informal exchanges, new ideas from other countries played a major role in Soviet thinking. Soviet economists used foreign ideas to legitimize and mobilize support for new policies that they were advocating. From planning to taxation, from enterprise reform to economic development, people in the Soviet Union—and not only economists—were regular participants in a broader economic conversation that included economic experts from the West, from other socialist countries, and from the Third World.
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25

Avey, Paul C. "Confronting Soviet Power: U.S. Policy during the Early Cold War." International Security 36, no. 4 (April 2012): 151–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00079.

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Many self-identified realist, liberal, and constructivist scholars contend that ideology played a critical role in generating and shaping the United States' decision to confront the Soviet Union in the early Cold War. A close look at the history reveals that these ideological arguments fail to explain key aspects of U.S. policy. Contrary to ideological explanations, the United States initially sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union, did not initially pressure communist groups outside the Soviet orbit, and later sought to engage communist groups that promised to undermine Soviet power. The U.S. decision to confront the Soviets stemmed instead from the distribution of power. U.S. policy shifted toward a confrontational approach as the balance of power in Eurasia tilted in favor of the Soviet Union. In addition, U.S. leaders tended to think and act in a manner consistent with balance of power logic. The primacy of power over ideology in U.S. policymaking—given the strong liberal tradition in the United States and the large differences between U.S. and Soviet ideology—suggests that relative power concerns are the most important factors in generating and shaping confrontational foreign policies.
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26

Rupprecht, Tobias. "Socialist high modernity and global stagnation: a shared history of Brazil and the Soviet Union during the Cold War." Journal of Global History 6, no. 3 (October 17, 2011): 505–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281100043x.

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AbstractThis article questions a prevailing bipolarity of traditional Cold War history by examining commonalities and interactions between the Soviet Union and Brazil in the 1950s and 1960s. After outlining the common characteristics of both states around 1960, it analyses the cultural diplomacy of the post-Stalinist Soviet Union towards Brazil. Transforming its hitherto prevailing image as the cradle of world revolution and communist class struggle, the USSR now represented itself as a role model for the quick industrialization of the economy and education of the masses. Many Brazilian intellectuals and political reformers from President Kubitschek to President Goulart shared with the Soviets an interest in what is here called ‘socialist high modernity’. Contacts with the Soviet Union were connected to the putsch and the end of Brazilian democracy in 1964. However, the new military leaders also had their own interests in, and surprisingly good relations with, the stagnating Soviet Union. This was again based on a set of commonalities in the historical development of the two ostensibly idiosyncratic and distant states on either side of the Iron Curtain. Eschewing teleological interpretations of the period and exploring the ideational basis of actors in the conflict, this article – based on new documents from Moscow archives and recently declassified sources from the Brazilian Foreign Ministry – aims to link Cold War historiography to the debates on global history, which have lately neglected both Latin America and eastern Europe.
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DE GRAND, ALEXANDER. "‘To Learn Nothing and To Forget Nothing’: Italian Socialism and the Experience of Exile Politics, 1935–1945." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002754.

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As the Italian anti-fascist exiles reorganised after the establishment of a full dictatorship in 1925, they were confronted by a series of difficult issues that no longer could be dealt with in the national context. The overriding need to heal the divisions within the Italian left now would be conditioned by choices made on the international level. The abdication of the Western democracies at Munich meant to many on the left that the Soviet Union was the essential bulwark against fascism. Within the Italian Socialist Party Pietro Nenni defended the alliance with the Communist Party and support for the Soviet Union. Alternatives offered by Angelo Tasca questioned both the exclusive alliance with the Communists and unquestioning support for the Soviet Union. Tasca also developed a European perspective which tended to marginalise the Soviets both ideologically and diplomatically. These positions put him at odds with Nenni. Tasca's position was complicated by his parallel membership of the French SFIO, his French citizenship and, in 1940, his decision to support Vichy. Tasca's defection and Nenni's triumph made the Italian Socialist Party more hostile after the fall of fascism to new thinking on European unity and alternatives to unity of action with the Communists.
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Kozlova, Anna. "Why pioneer camps survived the collapse of the Soviet Union." Journal of Modern European History 19, no. 3 (July 7, 2021): 323–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944211018684.

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The article analyses the survival of the children’s centres, Artek and Orlyonok, during the post-socialist transformation. It is based on 50 interviews with employees who worked there starting in the late-Soviet era. Artek and Orlyonok were exemplary children’s camps, subordinated to the Central Committee of the Komsomol. Since the early 1960s, they have functioned as schools for distinguished teenagers who were considered ‘good examples’ for other children. In this article, I have made an ethnographic analysis of Artek and Orlyonok employees’ late-Soviet experiences. This analysis shows how the agency of Soviet counsellors and camp directors became a creative interpretation of the governmental order to raise the children as active Soviet citizens. Camp educators transformed it in line with the idea to base their agency on ‘common human values’, which was spread in the Soviet educational field in the post-Stalin era. As a result, the Soviet teaching experiences gained in these education centres were heterogeneous. When a child-centred paradigm was later introduced to the post-Soviet educational system, the camps adopted the most applicable practices from their Soviet experiences.
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29

Lyalyakin, Valentin P. "History of rye harvesting in the Soviet Union." Tekhnicheskiy servis mashin, no. 3 (August 20, 2020): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22314/2618-8287-2020-58-3-173-178.

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Rye is one of the most important and valuable breads. It is very unpretentious to cultivation, it does not require fertile soils, it is cultivated even on acidic soils, it is frost-resistant, it can withstand drought. Harvesting rye before the introduction of combine harvesting was labor-intensive, requiring a large number of workers. (Research purpose) The research purpose is in presenting the existing technologies of rye harvesting in the pre-war and post-war years; to remember and pay a debt of gratitude to the many thousands of village workers who extracted valuable rye grain and provided bread to the country. (Materials and methods) The article reviews the existing technologies of rye harvesting at an early stage of the Soviet Union: manual harvesting with a sickle and horse harvesting with the use of reapers. (Results and discussion) The article shows the sequence of rye harvesting and describes techniques for working with a sickle; making sheaves, collecting them in fourths, transporting them to the thrashing floor; the technological process of threshing, gave a description of the power plant for driving the threshing drum. (Conclusions) The article presents technologies for harvesting rye in the pre-combine period, in which the author of the article participated. They are labor-intensive, but they arouse respect and sympathy for the workers of the village who harvested the valuable crop, rye.
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R. W. Davies. "The Economic History of the Soviet Union Reconsidered." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 11, no. 1 (2009): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.0.0143.

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31

Konyashin, I., and L. I. Klyachko. "History of cemented carbides in the Soviet Union." International Journal of Refractory Metals and Hard Materials 49 (March 2015): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijrmhm.2014.08.011.

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32

Bruno, Andy. "Climate history of Russia and the Soviet Union." Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change 9, no. 5 (July 6, 2018): e534. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/wcc.534.

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33

Magnúsdóttir, Rósa. "Cold War Correspondents and the Possibilities of Convergence: American Journalists in the Soviet Union, 1968–1979." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 41, no. 1 (March 19, 2014): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04101003.

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This article examines the writings of six American journalists who were stationed in the Soviet Union during the crucial period of détente in 1968–1979. All of them took their role as integrated observers of Soviet society seriously and published book length accounts of their experiences in Russia. They claimed that inside knowledge of Russian history and the Russian people was important for trying to understand the possibilities for change in the Soviet Union. In the process of getting to know the Soviet Union, however, they also revealed the importance of their own cultural background and expectations. They reached the conclusion that while change was possible in the consumer sphere, Russian history and Soviet ideology stood in the way of political convergence.
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Repinetskiy, Alexander Ivanovich. "History of a children’s home." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 178–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201762218.

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The paper is devoted to history of childrens home 25 established in 1946 on the territory of the Kuibyshev Region. Children of Russian emigrants living in Austria were accommodated there. These children were transferred to representatives of the Soviet authorities by the American administration. Under the terms of the agreements between the USSR, the USA and Great Britain signed at the Yalta conference (1945) people with the Soviet nationality were transferred to the Soviet Union. Children of Russian emigrants born in Austria didnt belong to this category but despite it they were transferred to the Soviet Union. Local authorities didnt know what to do with repatriated children. That is why the childrens home was established in a remote rural area; life and material conditions of its inhabitants were heavy: there was no necessary furniture or school supplies. Its tutors and staff were in a more difficult situation. Some of them lost their jobs. Some children were returned to parents. Unfortunately, available documents do not allow tracking the future of the children from this childrens home.
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35

Wiedlack, Katharina. "A feminist becoming? Louise Thompson Patterson’s and Dorothy West’s sojourn in the Soviet Union." Feminismo/s, no. 36 (December 3, 2020): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/fem.2020.36.05.

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This article follows the socialist activist Louise Thompson (later Patterson) and the writer Dorothy West on their infamous journey to Soviet Russia to shoot a film about North American anti-Black racism in 1932. The film about the US history of racial oppression was ultimately never made, but the women stayed in the Soviet Union for several months, travelling to the Soviet republics, meeting famous Soviets, and experiencing Soviet modernization. Looking at the travel writings, correspondence, and memoirs of Thompson and West through the lens of intersectionality, this article analyses the women’s distinctly gendered experiences and their experience of socialist women’s liberation movements. It argues that a close reading of the literary writing, travel notes, letters, and memoirs and their biographical trajectories after they returned to the United States reveals how their experiences in the Soviet Union created a feminist consciousness within the two women that crucially altered their political and personal views of Black women’s agency and significantly altered their life trajectories.
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Wiedlack, Katharina. "A feminist becoming? Louise Thompson Patterson’s and Dorothy West’s sojourn in the Soviet Union." Feminismo/s, no. 36 (December 3, 2020): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/2020.36.05.

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This article follows the socialist activist Louise Thompson (later Patterson) and the writer Dorothy West on their infamous journey to Soviet Russia to shoot a film about North American anti-Black racism in 1932. The film about the US history of racial oppression was ultimately never made, but the women stayed in the Soviet Union for several months, travelling to the Soviet republics, meeting famous Soviets, and experiencing Soviet modernization. Looking at the travel writings, correspondence, and memoirs of Thompson and West through the lens of intersectionality, this article analyses the women’s distinctly gendered experiences and their experience of socialist women’s liberation movements. It argues that a close reading of the literary writing, travel notes, letters, and memoirs and their biographical trajectories after they returned to the United States reveals how their experiences in the Soviet Union created a feminist consciousness within the two women that crucially altered their political and personal views of Black women’s agency and significantly altered their life trajectories.
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37

Arkadi Miller, M. A. "Die Sowjetunion hören." Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 67, no. 3 (2019): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/jgo-2019-0012.

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38

Kramer, Mark. "Official Responses to Ethnic Unrest in the USSR, 1985–1991." Russian History 49, no. 2-4 (April 28, 2023): 289–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340051.

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Abstract The Soviet Union, like the large, multiethnic land empires in Europe that came to an end in the early 20th century (Habsburg, Imperial Russian, Ottoman), consisted of a central government ruling over far-flung regions in which particular ethnic and cultural groups were predominant. For many years, Soviet leaders were able to maintain the internal stability of the multiethnic Soviet state by relying on a mix of extreme coercion and occasional concessions to local demands. Soon after Mikhail Gorbachev became the General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party in 1985, he adopted sweeping political liberalization and democratization, including the first free elections ever held in the USSR. The loosening of political control in a state that had long been known for brutal repression had far-reaching consequences for social stability. The political opportunities that opened for ethnic groups in the Soviet Union to push for far-reaching change, including independence, created great difficulty for Gorbachev’s attempts to hold the Soviet Union together. Although he could have resorted to the use of large-scale violence as previous Soviet leaders had repeatedly done, he was deeply reluctant to cause mass bloodshed. His aversion to the use of mass repression was one of the key factors that precipitated the unraveling of the USSR. This article presents an in-depth analysis of Gorbachev’s responses to ethnic unrest in the Soviet Union from 1986 through 1991.
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39

Melkonyan, Ashot A., Karen H. Khachatryan, and Igor V. Kryuchkov. "Проблемы советского национально-государственного строительства (историко-критический анализ на примере Армении)." Oriental studies 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2023): 340–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2023-66-2-340-352.

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Introduction. Throughout the shaping of the Soviets, the Armenian nation passed its historical way of development as a union member and grew to be administratively represented by two Soviet Armenian ethnic entities — the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ranked a union republic) and Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (a territory within the Azerbaijan SSR). The First Republic was established in late May 1918 to be replaced by the Second Republic, or Soviet Armenia, in early December 1920. In 1920–1922, the latter was officially referred to as ‘independent Socialist Soviet Republic of Armenia’, and then as a territory within the Transcaucasian Soviet Federation (1922–1936) and the Soviet Union (1936–1991). After Transcaucasian Federation was abolished in 1936, Soviet Armenia was incorporated into the USSR as a self-sufficient union republic under the name Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. Goals. The study seeks to show the process of nation-state building in the USSR through the example of Armenia. Materials and methods. The article analyzes archival materials represented by official documents and acts dealing with Soviet nation-state building, as well as collections of laws and party decrees. The main research methods employed are the historical/comparative and historical/genetic ones. Results. Soviet Armenia within the USSR, as well as other Soviet republics and autonomies, was no independent state in the conventional sense, but at the same time it was endowed with many attributes and symbols of statehood. Finally, it was Soviet Armenia that — for first time in the history of Armenian statehood — obtained its own Constitution. Conclusions. Soviet Armenia was a nation in the unified Soviet state, and in the conditions of seven decades of unlimited power of the Communist Party preserved and developed the Armenian Soviet statehood to a maximum possible then and there. Most Armenian historians believe the present-day independent Third Republic would never have emerged (since 1991) but for the period of Soviet Armenia.
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40

Олена Василівна Цимбалюк. "POLISH CINEMA AND ACTORS IN SOVIET REALITY." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 263–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111819.

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The article considers the preconditions and distribution of Polish cinema in the Soviet Union in the second half of the 60’s – the first half of the 80’s of the XX century. The paper states that the Soviet authorities used cinema as a means of influencing the society, propagating the values and ideals of the Communist Party. It is noted that the spread of Polish cinema was facilitated by the state policy of cooperation with socialist Poland, but only within the limits set by the Soviet state censorship. The restrictions were imposed on the films presenting alternative interpretation of the history of Soviet-Polish relations, religious and mystical subjects, as well as approval of the creative activity of film directors who emigrated to the West. The content and distinctive features of such artistic movements in Polish cinema of the socialist era as «Polish cinema school» (1956-1961) and «cinema of moral anxiety» (1975-1981) are disclosed. The examples of Polish films which appeared in Soviet cinema during the period from 1964 to 1985 are provided, taking into account their genre classification. Based on the reviews, it is determined that Polish films aroused interest among Soviet audience and film critics. The representatives of the Polish acting school became very popular, and Soviet film directors began to extensively shoot actors from Poland in their films. Polish actors have become real idols for ordinary movie viewers. They imparted the appearance of their favorite film characters in everyday life, copying their hairstyles, clothes, behavior, and the like.
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41

Febrian, Emil Dwi. "Runtuhnya Marxisme-Leninisme di Uni Soviet dalam Teori Ashabiyah Ibnu Khaldun." Jurnal Filsafat 31, no. 1 (April 24, 2021): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jf.49944.

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This article examines history collapse of the Soviet Union with Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah theory. The Soviet Union was first communist nation founded in 1922 after fall of the Russian-Monarchy due to the crisis and saparatist movement in 1917. Post World War II, the Soviet Union became a center of the communist movement around the world, and advanced in industrial sector, known as a superpower nation in the 20th century beside the United States. However, the Soviet Union was declared collapsed in 1991. This article found that Ibn Khaldun's ashabiyah can explain history of the Soviet Union in three stages of state metamorphosis; formation, glory, and collapse. Ashabiyah means a bond that unites the people, but it can be positive and negative. Analysis with negative ashabiyah, concluded that the collapse of Marxism-Leninism in Soviet Union was due to the denial of this philosophical teaching to create the privileges of the Communist Party became an authoritarian regime, and considered irrelevant and opposed by society. Authoritarianism happaned because of exclusivism and cult, and could occur in non-communist nations, including Indonesia in the New Order era, this shows that it is not ideology that created of authoritarian regimes, but political practices in specific nations.
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42

Kramer, Mark. "The Dissolution of the Soviet Union." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 188–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01059.

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Abstract In late December 1991—some 74 years after the Bolsheviks had taken power in Russia under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin—the Soviet Communist regime and the Soviet state itself ceased to exist. The demise of the Soviet Union occurred less than seven years after Mikhail Gorbachev became the leader of the Soviet Communist Party. Soon after taking office in March 1985, Gorbachev had launched a series of drastic political and economic changes that he hoped would improve and strengthen the Communist system and bolster the country's superpower status. But in the end, far from strengthening Communism, Gorbachev's policies of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (official openness) led inadvertently to the collapse of the Soviet regime and the unraveling of the Soviet state. This article analyzes the breakup of the Soviet Union, explaining why that outcome, which had seemed so unlikely at the outset, occurred in such a short period of time.
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43

Mironov, B. N. "Collective Portrait of Deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and Union Republics in 1938–1989." Modern History of Russia 13, no. 1 (2023): 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.109.

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In 1938–1989, Supreme Soviets of the USSR and Union Republics were the successors of the Congresses of Soviets and performed the same functions assigned to them by the ruling party — to approve and convert the decisions of the Сommunist Party into laws, to support the policy pursued by the party and the government, to legitimize the existing regime. The Soviets performed these functions quite successfully due to the fact that the deputy corps included people from all social groups loyal to the regime and at the same time influential, authoritative, and well-known throughout the country. A simple Soviet citizen believed in the deputies and the real power of the Supreme Soviets, thanks to which the Soviets, having no real power, had great symbolic power, which allowed them until 1989 to maintain the trust of the people in the Soviet system and the communist project. In 1938–1989, the composition of the deputies of the Supreme Soviets of the USSR and the union republics underwent important changes: there was an in increase in the proportion of workers and peasants, women, educated people, and people of mature and senior age; the proportion of employees, Russians and semi-literate people decreased. The deputies’ corps became more balanced in all respects and significantly more educated, but members and candidates of the Communist Party, men, employees, intellectuals, functionaries, were still overrepresented, and non-party workers, peasants and Russians were underrepresented. In general, the deputy corps was comprised of the elite; the Supreme Soviets of the Union and Autonomous Republics — of the national elite of the titular peoples. They were not professional politicians, as in Western parliaments, but the elite. For the majority of deputies, activity in the Soviets was not the main profession, but an honorable part-time job on a voluntary basis.
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44

Giusti, Maria Teresa. "Italian Militaries in the USSR during the Second World War. Objectives of the Campaign and Negotiations in the Post-War Period." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 4 (2021): 1190–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.410.

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Italy’s participation in the war against the USSR was dictated by at least three reasons: the common ideology which Mussolini and Hitler shared; Mussolini’s aspiration to revise the European order in the Mediterranean area, to the detriment of France and Great Britain; the goal of supplying Italy with the Russian raw material. The article examines the behavior of the Italian troops towards the Soviet war prisoners and the local population during the occupation from July 1941 to winter 1942–1943, which also depended on these reasons. Since 1944 some countries occupied by Italian forces, such as the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, had started asking the Italian government for the extradition of Italian alleged war criminals to be judged by local courts. In 1944, on the grounds of the reports produced by state and local commissions, the list of alleged war criminals in response to the USSR’s requests was limited to ten militaries who had been repatriated after the defeat. Initially the USSR was intransigent, but afterwards began changing its tune, and finally Moscow proved less adamant in its accusations. This new attitude was connected to negotiations on handing over of Soviet citizens who stayed in Italy after the end of the war. This was most likely a contributing factor in persuading the Soviets to relax their demands on the matter of alleged Italian war criminals. The strategy was successful and, according to the Yalta conference, many Russian and Soviet citizens, who had left the Soviet Union, against their own will were handed over to the Soviet authorities facing a very uncertain fate.
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45

Neto, Climério Paulo da Silva. "The Cold War and Western Perspectives on Soviet Science." Revista Brasileira de História da Ciência 9, no. 2 (December 19, 2016): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.53727/rbhc.v9i2.162.

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This essay presents an overview of the dominant trends in the Western historiography on the Soviet Union along the Cold War inquiring how they affected the perspectives on the history of Soviet science. It discuss three major trends, namely totalitarian school, which resonated with Robert Merton and Karl Popper’s claims that science best develops in democratic societies; the revisionists, which came of age in the 1960s and resembled some schools of the sociology of science both in their motivation to subvert the dominant perspective in their discipline and in their methodological choices; and, finally, the post-Cold War and post-revisionists perspectives on Soviet history and history of Soviet science, and how they challenged widely held beliefs on Soviet science and society that underpinned many Cold War-era works on the Soviet Union. The conclusion discussed how the historiography of Soviet Science resonates with Christopher Hill’s claim that history needs to be rewritten at every generation.
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46

BRIDGES, BRIAN. "‘An Ambiguous Area’: Mongolia in Soviet-Japanese relations in the mid-1930s." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 3 (August 6, 2019): 730–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1800015x.

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AbstractThe Mongolian People's Republic (MPR) became the focus of intense competition between the Soviet Union and Japan in the 1930s, when it was more commonly known as Outer Mongolia. The Soviet Union viewed the MPR as an ideological and strategic ally, and was determined to defend that state against the increasingly adventurist actions of the Japanese military based in northern China. Japanese ambitions to solve the so-called ‘Manmo’ (Manchuria-Mongolia) problem led the Soviets to initiate ever-closer links with the MPR, culminating in the 1936 pact of mutual assistance which was intended to constrain Japanese pressure. Using unpublished Japanese materials as well as Russian and Mongolian sources, this article demonstrates how the Soviet leadership increasingly viewed the MPR as strategically crucial to the defence of the Soviet Far East.
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47

Aubakirova, Karlygash, Maksat Zhanibek, Saulesh Aituganova, Amanzhol Altay, and Erkin Rakhmetullin. "Censorship of the Soviet Union in Kazakhstan." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University Series Physics, no. 56 (February 22, 2024): 545–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54919/physics/56.2024.54aib5.

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Relevance. The relevance of this article is condtioned upon the study of the mechanism of censorship of the Soviet Union as a factor of distortion of the historical reality of Kazakhstan during the Soviet period and the need in the conditions of independence of Kazakhstan to restore its authentic history. Purpose. The purpose of the article is to study the mechanism of censorship of the Soviet Union in Kazakhstan. Methodology. The leading method to study this problem is the ideographic method, which allows reconstructing the phenomenon of censorship in the Soviet period and to investigate it comprehensively, studying the mechanism of censorship simultaneously in the Soviet Union as a whole, and in Kazakhstan as one of its republics, in particular. Both in the theoretical and empirical part of the study, analysis and synthesis were used as necessary general scientific methods. To organise the information obtained during the analysis of archival documents, the method of systematisation was used. Results. The article suggested a classification of censorship by the type of information to which it is applied; the penalties applied to "violators" of censorship in the USSR are determined; 578 documents from four archival collections of Russia and Kazakhstan containing data on the period of development of Soviet censorship in Kazakhstan are selected and examined; the main directions that fell into the hands of archival sources are established under the censorship of the Soviet Union in Kazakhstan. Conclusions. The materials of the article can become the basis for further research in the field of history, political science, etc., devoted to the study of censorship in Kazakhstan, both exclusively during the Soviet Union, and when comparing various historical stages. The results obtained in the course of the study can be used in universities of Kazakhstan in the preparation of classes in history, political science, etc. Keywords: total control; totalitarian regime; prohibition; state ideology; archival data
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48

Eltsova, E. V. "The I All-Union Congress of Soviet writers in the history of Komi literature." BULLETIN OF UGRIC STUDIES 14, no. 1 (2024): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30624/2220-4156-2024-14-1-164-173.

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the article is devoted to the problem of the formation and functioning of the Komi writers’ organization in the period 1920–50s. A significant stage in its history is the holding of the I All-Union Congress of Soviet Writers (Moscow, 1934) and the participation of the Komi delegation in it. The article examines the forms and degree of influence of the results of the congress on the work of the Komi Writers’ Union, the development of national literature and journalism. Objective: determination of the main trends in the development of the Komi literary process as a result of the I All-Union Congress of Soviet Writers. Research materials: archive documents, articles in periodical press, verbatim report of the I All-Union Congress of Soviet Writers. Results and novelty of the research: the delegates to the I All-Union Congress of Soviet Writers with the casting vote from the Komi Writers Union were M. P. Doronin and V. T. Chistalev. The article is the first to study in detail the fact of their participation in this event. It has been established that the event influenced the further work of the Komi Writers Union and the process of development of literature. It is concluded that the results of the congress of the Communist Party of Bolsheviks, as well as establishing external literary connections, attracting writers’ attention to national folklore, and organizing work with novice authors.
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49

Katz, Mark N. "The Soviet Union and the Third World." Current History 85, no. 513 (October 1, 1986): 329–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1986.85.513.329.

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50

Hajda, Lubomyr. "The Nationalities Problem in the Soviet Union." Current History 87, no. 531 (October 1, 1988): 325–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.531.325.

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