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1
Ali, Imran, and Xiaochuan Dong. "The New Battlefield: The Hidden History of U.S Foreign Policy towards Afghanistan." Asian Social Science 12, no. 8 (2016): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n8p18.
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<p class="a"><span lang="EN-US">The United States foreign policy has been characterized as a long and zigzag history since the beginning of America in the late eighteenth century. This vital study is a part of this long history. During 1979 Soviets invaded Afghanistan and a Soviet-Afghan War was born, American’s major influence was to be towards this region and reforms in their foreign policy to expel the Soviets from Afghanistan. It took place between 1979 and 1989 about a decade. This study seeks to answer the following questions: “Which were the U.S key foreign policy in the context of Afghan-Soviet War during 1979 and 1989 under Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan Presidencies and how these Administrations provoked hard decisions against Soviet Union and established their own doctrines?” “How the U.S got the Afghan Mujahedeen’s confidence and funneled the billions of dollars and global dangerous weapons to them chest through Pakistani ISI to punish the Soviets in Afghanistan?” “How the U.S hidden actor’s played the key role in this war?” Results based on U.S recently declassified material regarding this war from 1979-89 and found that soon after the Soviets intervention of Afghanistan, U.S begun hidden supply to Afghan Mujahedeen chest through Pakistani ISI and both the U.S Presidents, Carter and Reagan, took hard decisions including established their doctrines to protect the Persian Gulf Region and its interests. In this game, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Charlie Wilson, William Casey, Howard Hart and Stansfield M Turner played the hidden role and finally expelled out the Soviets from Afghanistan.</span></p>
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Kovalkov, O. "THE ATTITUDES OF AFGHAN STUDENTS IN THE UKRAINIAN SSR TO THE SOVIET INTERVENTION IN AFGHANISTAN AND WITHDRAWAL OF SOVIET TROOPS (1979 – 1989)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 145 (2020): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.145.6.
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The article examines the political views of Afghan students studying in the Ukrainian SSR and their attitude towards the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the withdrawal of Soviet troops from that country. The sources of the study were KGB analytical reports from the Branch Archive of the Ukrainian Security Service, documents of educational institutions in Kirovohrad where Afghans studied, from the State Archives of Kirovohrad region, texts of the Soviet-Afghan educational cooperation agreements, notices and diary records of the USSR ambassador in Afghanistan and other Soviet officials on meetings and conversation with Afghan politicians. It was proven that the studying of Afghans in the USSR was one of the means of the Soviet policy toward Afghanistan aimed at its forced socialist modernization. The studying of Afghans in the Soviet Union led to emergence of a large pro-Soviet stratum of the Afghan society. The factors that determined the different attitudes of Afghan students studying in the Ukrainian SSR to the armed Soviet intervention in the Afghan crisis in December 1979 were identified. Most Afghans endorsed the USSR's military intervention in the "Afghan crisis". They believed that this was necessary to protect the achievements of the "April Revolution" and to counter "world imperialism". Some of them expressed concern, fear, and even negative attitudes toward the USSR policies. These sentiments were influenced by a factional affiliation: supporters of the "Parcham" and the "Hulk" group associated with N. M. Taraki endorsed the Soviet intervention, while supporters of H. Amin condemned it. The Afghan students in the Ukrainian SSR largely rejected the withdrawal of the Soviet troops from Afghanistan in February 1989. Most of them viewed it as a betrayal by the Soviet Union. They were convinced that this would lead to the fall of M. Najibullah's regime and the defeat of the "April Revolution" in Afghanistan.
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Ventevogel, Peter, Ruhullah Nassery, Sayed Azimi, and Hafizullah Faiz. "Psychiatry in Afghanistan." International Psychiatry 3, no. 2 (2006): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600001594.
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Afghanistan's historic strategic position between the great civilisations of India, Persia and Central Asia has made it from the very beginning both a crossroads for trade and cultural exchange and an almost continuous battlefield. In the years since the Soviet invasion in 1979 the country has become the stage of an ongoing complex humanitarian emergency. The period of Soviet occupation was characterised by massive human rights violations. The Soviet army and its allies were involved in indiscriminate bombardments and targeted executions, while the mujahedeen were involved in guerrilla warfare. The USSR was forced to withdraw in 1989 and the remnants of Afghanistan's communist regime were defeated in 1992.
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Ali Mustafa, Aram, and Goran Ibrahim Salih. "The Impact of Ocupation and Soviet-American Conflict On Afghanistan (1979-1989)." Halabja University Journal 5, no. 2 (2016): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.32410/huj-10298.
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AL-MUGHAIRI, Alghalia Salim. "POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SOVIET UNION AND AFGHANISTAN SOVIET OCCUPATION OF AFGHANISTAN 1979-1989 AD AS A MODEL." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 07 (2021): 215–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.7-3.19.
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The research deals with the study of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan during the period from 1979 to 1989 as an example of the political relations between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan, where the world witnessed the outbreak of the Cold War between the two poles: the Soviet Union and the United States of America after the end of World War II in 1945 AD, and both of these two great powers were keen to highlight Its dominance in various aspects, especially the military, and this war received strong and strict international reactions, and the United States of America was one of the most prominent countries that condemned this war and demanded the withdrawal of the Soviet Union. The research aims to shed light on the roots of the interest of Russia and then the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and focus on the reasons that prompted the Soviet Union to launch war on Afghanistan and follow the events of the war and its escalation between 1979 and 1989 and focus on some international attitudes towards the war, especially the United States of America, and also clarify the reasons for the withdrawal of forces The Soviet Union of Afghanistan and its consequences. The research adopts the descriptive historical method, which was employed in deriving historical facts and talking about all aspects covered by the study, and the analytical method that was used in analyzing the information of documents and texts, and comparing them to reach information related to the subject of the study.
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Saldanha-Alvarez, Jose Mauricio. "War in Afghanistan: Europe and America, between Films and Documentaries. 1979-2014." Asian Culture and History 9, no. 1 (2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v9n1p26.
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This research looks at the Afghanistan War from the Soviet invasion of 1979 until the withdrawal of North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 2014 through films chosen. This research demonstrates how the Soviets, supported by the USA and the Muslim world, operated on misconceptions during an insurrectional conflict against the Mujahedin. After September 11, the Bush-Cheney administration invaded Afghanistan, restricting the informative role of the corporate media system. According to Kellner, this action triggered a creative revolution in American cinema. Turning to the production of documentaries, directors abandoned large-scale productions, preferring highly dramatically charged narratives of real soldiers and real action. The Afghan war, a fragmented, relentless, and unremitting struggle, is portrayed in 9th Company (Rus), Restrepo (USA). And Armadillo (Denmark); and Kajaki (UK), films that narrates the conflict from the NATO perspective, can not be won.
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Ali, Imran, and Xiaochuan Dong. "The Revenge Game: U.S Foreign Policy During Afghan-Soviet War and Afghan-Pakistan Falling Into Hell." Asian Social Science 11, no. 27 (2015): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v11n27p43.
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<p>The U.S Foreign policy during the Soviets encroachment of Afghanistan at the height of Cold War has been evaluated, as well as its negative effects in Afghanistan-Pakistan (Af-Pak). During 1979, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U.S.S.R) landed on Afghanistan in order to secure Warm Water Ports and Persian Gulf Oil. (This was called as the “Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan”). By having this situation, The U.S government established a mission in Afghanistan which consisted on two main purposes. One of them was to stand against the invasion of Afghanistan provoked by U.S.S.R. and the second one was to provide Afghan Mujahedeen Movements with some help and be prepared for the coming situation. So, the provision of the most dangerous weapons and the need of billions of dollars were made to these fundamentalist Afghan mujahedeen. Thus, they could protect themselves and fight against the U.S.S.R invasion. As a matter of fact, the Taliban groups were founded due to U.S policy. Nevertheless, the establishment of them has become the biggest general threat to global peace, particularly for Afghanistan and Pakistan. This research consists of three parts which are going to be developed in the order as follows: The internal milieu of Afghanistan and the intervention by U.S.S.R, The U.S policy interests and the outcomes of these policies, The Afghan and Pakistan consequences which were gotten by these policies. This Research is going to be a new source of knowledge for understanding the U.S foreign policy during this War and their negative effects on Afghanistan and Pakistan such as refugee’s settlement and number of other problems. Although Americans just revenge from Soviets but this game also destroyed the Pakistan. Also as an explanation on the nowadays coming international terrorism and how the Afghan insurgents have become strong enough. </p>
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Dziwisz, Marcin. "Elementy kultury trzeciej oraz realia wojny afgańskiej w rosyjskim w przekładzie utworu Żmija Andrzeja Sapkowskiego." Acta Polono-Ruthenica 3, no. XXIV (2019): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/apr.4665.
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This text focuses on the issue of war in Afghanistan from 1979–1989 and its realities. The lexicon associated with the everyday life of Afghanistan civilians and Soviet soldiers was analysed. The observations indicate that additional information appears more often in the translated text, which makes it much more transparent for the final recipient. This fact was confirmed by the statistical data, only one footnote can be found in the Polish text and 173 in the Russian text.
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Duffy Toft, Monica. "Death by demography: 1979 as a turning point in the disintegration of the Soviet Union." International Area Studies Review 17, no. 2 (2014): 184–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865914535597.
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The 1979 census conducted across the vast expanse of the Soviet Union revealed that the make-up of the country’s population had undergone enormous change. The census recorded low birth-rates among the Slavic population relative to their Central Asian compatriots, among other trends. The results were worrisome to Soviet planners in that they feared that these domestic population trends were going to undermine the country’s power. At the same time, Soviets faced the defeat of communist allies in Afghanistan at the hands of fighters beholden to religion, and an Islamic revolution in Iran. What these dynamics revealed was a complex interplay between domestic, regional and international politics. Interpreted through the lens of population dynamics, the convergence of these events revealed 1979 to be a critical turning point in the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
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Kovalkov, Oleksandr Leonidovych. "Institute of the Soviet Advisors in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan." Dnipropetrovsk University Bulletin. History & Archaeology series 25, no. 1 (2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/261715.
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А role and place of soldiery and civil advisers as an important instrument of soviet politics in the Democratic republic of Afghanistan are investigated in the article. It is well-proven that on a quantity, scales of activity and sphere of plenary powers the institute of soviet advisers in Afghanistan did not have analogues in history of the "cold war". The attempt of determination of degree of efficiency of realization of orders of soviet guidance by advisers is realizable. Factors that influenced on their activity are found out. Question about responsibility of soviet advisers for the failure of socialistic experiment in the Democratic republic of Afghanistan discussed in the article. Also heaved up the problem of interpretation of institute of the soviet advisers as an important instrument of the soviet occupation Afghanistan in 1979–1989. The researches based foremost on the memoirs of the soviet advisers. Like research is at first carried out in Ukrainian historiography.
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Meharry, J. Eva. "The archaeology of Afghanistan revisited." Antiquity 94, no. 376 (2020): 1084–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2020.96.
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The discipline of archaeology in Afghanistan was at a turning point when the original editions of The archaeology of Afghanistan and the Archaeological gazetteer of Afghanistan were published in 1978 and 1982, respectively. The first three decades of modern archaeological activity in Afghanistan (1920s–1940s) were dominated by French archaeologists who primarily focused on the pre-Islamic past, particularly the Buddhist period. Following the Second World War, however, Afghanistan gradually opened archaeological practice to a more international community. Consequently, the scope of archaeological exploration expanded to include more robust studies of the prehistoric, pre-Islamic and Islamic periods. In the 1960s, the Afghan Institute of Archaeology began conducting its own excavations, and by the late 1970s, national and international excavations were uncovering exciting new discoveries across the country. These archaeological activities largely halted as Afghanistan descended into chaos during the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989) and the Afghan Civil War (1989–2001); the Afghan Institute of Archaeology was the only archaeological institute continuing operations. The original editions of the volumes under review were therefore timely and poignant publications that captured the peak of archaeological activity in twentieth-century Afghanistan and became classic texts on the subject.
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HALLIDAY, FRED. "Soviet foreign policymaking and the Afghanistan war: from ‘second Mongolia’ to ‘bleeding wound’." Review of International Studies 25, no. 4 (1999): 675–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210599006750.
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The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, lasting from 1979 to 1989, was one of the major chapters in the Cold War. Analysis of how Soviet policy was made has, hitherto, focused on the decision to intervene, in December 1979. Equally important, however, as an episode in the final stages of the Cold War, and as an example of Soviet policy formulation, was the decision to withdraw. Basing itself on declassified Soviet documents, and on a range of interviews with former Soviet and Afghan officials, this article charts the protracted history of the Soviet decision and sets it in context: as with the decision to invade, the withdrawal reflected assessment of multiple dimensions of policymaking, not only the interests and calculation of Soviet leaders, but also relations within the Afghan communist leadership on the one hand, and strategic negotiation with the West on the other.
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Krishnaiah, Jothik, Nancy Signorielli, and Douglas M. McLeod. "The Evil Empire Revisited: New York Times Coverage of the Soviet Intervention in and Withdrawal from Afghanistan." Journalism Quarterly 70, no. 3 (1993): 647–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909307000315.
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This study examines the New York Times coverage of the Soviet intervention and withdrawal from Afghanistan from 1979 to 1989. Changes in coverage are examined in the context of easing tensions between the U.S. and the former Soviet Union. Findings indicate that the treatment of major story elements was consistent with Herman and Chomsky's propaganda framework. However, changes in the tone of coverage may imply a slight weakening in the explanatory power of the propaganda framework as anti-Soviet ideology diminished.
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Ostrovyk, Dmytro. "Appeals of Afghanistan during war of 1979-1989: view of the soviet soldier." Skhid, no. 6(152) (February 2, 2018): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2017.6(152).122347.
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Artwińska, Anna. "Ołowiane żołnierzyki, cynkowe trumny. Swietłany Aleksijewicz opowieść o wojnie w Afganistanie i granice świadectwa." Narracje o Zagładzie, specjalny (June 21, 2021): 255–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/noz.2021.dhc.11.
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The novel Zinky Boys (1989; Polish editions in 2007 and 2015) by Belarusian author Svetlana Alexievich is more than just a story of the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan (1979–1989) told from the perspective of the soldiers who participated in it. It also confronts readers with the contractual nature of the line that separates “artistic” and “documentary” prose and probes the complexities of the discourse on memory in Russian culture. This article discusses the key motifs of Zinky Boys: “zinc coffins” and “lead soldiers”. It also examines and ponders the reasons for the lawsuit against the author for the publication of passages from the novel. Drawing on Michael Rothberg, Anna Artwińska argues that, in order to be able to understand the drama of the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, one needs to assume the position of an “implicated subject”, i.e., of a person who understands the need for shared ethical responsibility for traumatic past events, even though they neither participated in those events nor witnessed them.
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Behrends, Jan Claas. "“Some call us heroes, others call us killers.” Experiencing violent spaces: Soviet soldiers in the Afghan War." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 5 (2015): 719–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1048674.
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Using memories of and interviews with Soviet soldiers, the article discusses their experience of combat and physical violence during the Soviet War in Afghanistan (1979–1989). With Afghan statehood rapidly dissolving and little interest on the side of the Soviet military to enforce international law, Afghanistan quickly turned into a space where violence became the most important social resource. The soldiers and other Soviet personnel had to adapt to these conditions, which differed immensely from the late socialist society in the USSR. The article traces their immersion into the violent space and discusses their behavior while in Afghanistan. It points to the brutality of counterinsurgency combat and to the atrocities committed by both sides. In addition, it sheds light on the experience of serving in the Soviet Army during the last decade of the USSR. Many of the dysfunctions of the late socialist society were also prevalent – even amplified – while serving in the Soviet Army in Afghanistan. These problems were often exacerbated during the war and impeded the abilities of the Soviet Army. Upon their return from Afghanistan, many veterans found it difficult to return to civilian life in the USSR. Their immersion into the violent space was more rapid and formative than their return to socialist “normality.”
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Kalinovsky, Artemy. "Decision-Making and the Soviet War in Afghanistan: From Intervention to Withdrawal." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 4 (2009): 46–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.4.46.
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The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan sparked acute Cold War tensions. The war soon became an undesirable distraction and burden for Soviet leaders, who did not expect to spend most of the 1980s propping up a client regime in Kabul. Drawing on archival sources and interviews, this article traces Soviet decision-making from the intervention in late 1979 to the final withdrawal in early 1989. The article shows that the supporters of the Soviet intervention believed that Soviet military and economic aid efforts were making progress and should not be aborted early. They warned that a premature withdrawal would undermine Soviet prestige in the Third World. Before Mikhail Gorbachev came to power and to some extent afterward, the supporters of intervention were usually able to silence or sideline their critics through deft political maneuvering.
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Rabush, Taisiya. "Role of the United States and the Soviet Union in Settling the Regional Armed Conflict in Afghanistan (1979–1989)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series "Humanitarian and Social Sciences", no. 6 (December 20, 2017): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17238/issn2227-6564.2017.6.27.
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Daugherty, Leo J. "The bear and the scimitar soviet central asians and the war in Afghanistan 1979–1989." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 8, no. 1 (1995): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518049508430178.
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McIntosh, Scott E. "Leading with the Chin: Using Svechin to analyze the Soviet incursion into Afghanistan, 1979–1989." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 8, no. 2 (1995): 415–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518049508430193.
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A.A. VOSTROKNUTOV. "Command and Control of the Soviet Air Force during Combat Actions in Afghanistan (1979-1989)." Military Thought 26, no. 001 (2017): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/mth.48907737.
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Eldholm, Vegard, John H. O. Pettersson, Ola B. Brynildsrud, et al. "Armed conflict and population displacement as drivers of the evolution and dispersal ofMycobacterium tuberculosis." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 48 (2016): 13881–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1611283113.
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The “Beijing”Mycobacterium tuberculosis(Mtb) lineage 2 (L2) is spreading globally and has been associated with accelerated disease progression and increased antibiotic resistance. Here we performed a phylodynamic reconstruction of one of the L2 sublineages, the central Asian clade (CAC), which has recently spread to western Europe. We find that recent historical events have contributed to the evolution and dispersal of the CAC. Our timing estimates indicate that the clade was likely introduced to Afghanistan during the 1979–1989 Soviet–Afghan war and spread further after population displacement in the wake of the American invasion in 2001. We also find that drug resistance mutations accumulated on a massive scale inMtbisolates from former Soviet republics after the fall of the Soviet Union, a pattern that was not observed in CAC isolates from Afghanistan. Our results underscore the detrimental effects of political instability and population displacement on tuberculosis control and demonstrate the power of phylodynamic methods in exploring bacterial evolution in space and time.
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Rabush, Taisiya V. "Regional Russian Books of Memory as a Form of Preservation and Transfer of Cultural-Historical Memory about the Afghanistan War of 1979-1989." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 2 (2021): 247–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-2-247-257.
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The historical memory of the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan (1979-1989) is studied through the prism of memory books dedicated to the participants of the war and those who died in it. The present paper is the first study of the Afghan books of memory that were published over the past decades in different regions of Russia. The first part of this paper analyzes the regional books of memory published in various regions of the Russian Federation from 1991 to the present day; the second part analyzes the books of memory published in small cities of Russia as a separate cultural phenomenon. In conclusion, the author describes the main features of regional Afghan books of memory, emphasizing that the memory books are published with the active participation of various regional organizations - from local archives to representatives of municipalities - revealing that the publication of these books is part of cultural policy in the regions. Many memory books have been reprinted, which indicates the continued collection and processing of information about the military casualties in Afghanistan. The regional books of memory are one of the most important forms of preserving and transmitting the historical memory of the Afghanistan war.
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Mukhopadhyay, Dipali. "The Slide from Withdrawal to War: The UN Secretary General’s Failed Effort in Afghanistan, 1992." International Negotiation 17, no. 3 (2012): 485–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341240.
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Abstract The United Nations represented an organization of severely limited means during the Cold War. The Secretary-General’s office became one of the few instruments in the UN system with the power to influence international relations, albeit in limited ways. As Afghanistan emerged from one war in 1989, it risked falling into another involving the various Afghan stakeholders left to fight each other in the wake of their victory over the Soviets. The office of the Special Representative to the Secretary-General emerged as a key exponent of “quiet diplomacy,” as various emissaries shuttled across the globe working to prevent this fragile post-conflict state’s return to violent conflict. The operating environment was saturated with mistrust as a result of superpower tensions, regional agendas, ethno-religious differences, and a highly militarized landscape. This article considers the geopolitical, institutional, operational, and personal dimensions of this diplomatic campaign from the time of Soviet withdrawal until 1992. Ultimately, the campaign’s limitations overwhelmed its advantages and the Afghan state dissolved into a dark period of warlordism and violence. This article explores the reasons for the eventual failure of diplomacy and its implications for quiet diplomatic efforts that have resurfaced in Afghanistan since 2001.
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Bazan, Yuliia. "Diplomatic Settlement Projects of the “Afghan Issue” (1980–1981)." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.14.
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The Soviet war in Afghanistan lasted for over nine years, from December 1979 to February 1989. The Afghan conflict became the largest military campaign of the Cold War. The continuing war in Afghanistan actually began to threaten peace and stability not only in Central Asia but in the whole world. It became a dead end for the occupiers, too. The international community perceived Soviet aggression as a significant threat to international peace and security. In the early 1980s the search for a diplomatic settlement to the situation around Afghanistan began. The purpose of the article is to investigate the ways of diplomatic settlement of the “Afghan issue” in 1980—1981 (before the Geneva Peace Talks) on the basis of official documents of the United Nations and the US National Security Archive. At the core of the research methodology there are typological, comparative аnd problem-chronological methods. In 1980–1981 a number of countries and international organizations initiated projects for a diplomatic settlement of the Afghan conflict. These countries were the following: the United States, Great Britain, France, Pakistan and others. The United Kingdom proposed a two-stage international conference to discuss the ending of foreign interference in Afghanistan and withdrawing foreign troops. According to the plan proposed by Pakistan, Soviet troops were to leave the DRA and be replaced by “international peacekeepers”. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (the President of France) proposed to convene an international conference with the participation of countries suspected of interfering in the internal affairs of the DRA in order to develop commitments on non-interference and refusal to supply weapons to Afghanistan. These projects were rejected by the USSR and the DRA. They argued that the official government of Afghanistan had not been invited to the proposed international conferences. The world community did not recognize the official government of Afghanistan. The authority of the USSR in the international arena fell significantly. Thus, the main reason for the delay in the negotiation process was the Soviet leadership’s adherence to the force line of conduct in relation to Afghanistan and the transfer of all responsibility for the Afghan crisis to its ideological opponents in the Cold War.
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Oghli, Sardar Mohammad Rahman. "Strengthening of Friendship between Ukraine and Afghanistan." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 250–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-14.
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The interview is dedicated to the life and work of Sardar Mohammad Rahman Oghli, the Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to Ukraine. It mentions the countries, in which the Ambassador served before his appointment to Ukraine, as well as the difficulties he had to deal with. The article provides an insight on the current state of cooperation between Ukraine and Afghanistan, identifies the priorities for the Embassy team, outlines the most promising areas of cooperation. The historical question of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979–1989 was discussed, and a parallel was drawn with the present-day war between Ukraine and Russia in the Donbass, as well as the occupation of Crimea. A lot of attention was paid to his years of study at the Vinnytsia Polytechnic Institute and experience gained during the student years, which helps him in his today’s work in Ukraine. According to the Ambassador, the Ukrainian people have great human capital and potential, particularly in scientific and technical field. The Ambassador sincerely wishes to strengthen friendship between the peoples of Ukraine and Afghanistan. After the establishment of the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in Ukraine, the two states began to cooperate in the areas of politics, trade, economy, higher education, technical and military fields, consular assistance. Kabul and Kyiv have signed agreements on cooperation and exchange of scientific information between polytechnic universities, on transit, agreement between the Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the one of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Regarding the priorities, the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan strives to intensify bilateral political relations, develop and strengthen trade cooperation, achieve simplification of investment conditions for Ukrainian entrepreneurs in Kabul. All of this indicates that the relations between the two countries are at a high level. Keywords. Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, Ukraine, Kabul, cooperation, high level of relations, Vinnytsia Polytechnic Institute.
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Marwat, Faisal Ameer. "Pakistan - United States of America Relations: Impediments and way forward." Journal of Law & Social Studies 3, no. 1 (2021): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.03.01.6772.
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During the past seven decades, the relations among America and Pakistan have seen such a significant number of ups and downs. Hindered by different commitment, solid and particular irritation, both of states have attempted to impact each other, but have been unsuccessful at significant number of stages. Pakistan once saw, as the most associated partner when fits to United States of America interests in 50s, twisted hooked on utmost endorsed companion of America in 90s. The centralization of relations fluctuated from one perilous to that of totally overlooking the different as in 1971, to that of critical activity as was seen following the intrusion of Afghanistan by the Soviets in December 1979 and during the war on psychological warfare after 9/11 assaults, which totally changed the image of the relations. Meanwhile the occasions of 9/11, Pakistan devours embraced a proactive and realistic methodology in its isolated relations that helped nation to organize a discretionary rebound at provincial and all-inclusive echelons. Pakistan had option towards successfully modification post-9/11 difficulties hooked on situations and thus become cutting edge worldwide actions against psychological combat. Global network properly recognized commitment in contradiction of anxiety mongering; activities make stable local complaint by preliminary procedures towards improved relations by way of India and Afghanistan. Following finish of the Taliban system in Afghanistan and an adjustment in Pakistan’s Afghan approach, a significant prevention in improving relations with Russia and the Central Asian states has been evacuated and there are solid indications of progress in respective relations.
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Müller, Mathias. "Signs of the Merciful." Journal of Religion and Violence 7, no. 2 (2019): 91–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv2019112668.
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This article explores how battlefield miracles were experienced, explained, and debated in jihadist literature in the period between 1982–2002. Competing with the secular histories written by foreign journalists, diplomats, and communists, the study argues that the influential jihadist scholar ’Abdullah ‘Azzam (d. 1989) endeavored to write an alternate sacred history of the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1989), the course of which was determined neither by military prowess or luck, but by the miracles granted by God. Perusing more than three hundred miracle stories compiled by ’Azzam, the article demonstrates that the wonderworking mujahidin were indebted to a longstanding and complex tradition that determined the varieties of miracles experienced in Afghanistan. Moreover, the mujahidin’s own miracle stories shed light on when and how miracles paralleled or diverged from past tradition while raising important questions about the threshold of the supernatural, the mujahidin’s spiritual rank, and their abilities to encounter miracles. However, both mujahidin and the general public occasionally doubted whether miracles had really occurred, and so the article attempts to replay the discussions that surrounded ‘Azzam’s miracle stories, paying attention to how they were published, circulated, and received in the Muslim world. In conclusion, the article remarks on how ‘Azzam’s writings have influenced the development of miracle stories in later jihadist literature by looking specifically at al-Qa’ida’s portrayal of 9/11.
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Domanskaitė-Gota, Vėjūnė, Danutė Gailienė, and Evaldas Kazlauskas. "POTRAUMINIO STRESO SUTRIKIMĄ TURINČIŲ LIETUVOS AFGANISTANO KARO VETERANŲ TRAUMINĖS PATIRTIES IR POTRAUMINĖS SIMPTOMATIKOS RYŠYS." Psichologija 39 (January 1, 2009): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/psichol.2009.0.2598.
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Šio straipsnio tikslas yra nustatyti, su kokiais potencialiai trauminiais gyvenimo įvykiais ir patirtimis susijęs didesnis potrauminio streso sutrikimo (PTSS) pasireiškimas Lietuvos Afganistano karo veteranų grupėje (N = 174). Lietuvos Afganistano karo veteranų, kuriems buvo nustatytas potrauminio streso sutrikimas, ir veteranų, kuriems toks sutrikimas nebuvo nustatytas, karo veiksmų ir mūšių patirtis yra labai panaši, jų tarnybos trukmė taip pat nesiskiria. Afganistano karo veteranai, turintys potrauminio streso sutrikimą ir subklinikinio lygio potrauminio streso sutrikimą, yra patyrę daugiau trauminių įvykių ir išgyvenimų nei neturintys potrauminio streso sutrikimo. Turintys subklinikinio lygio PTSS ir PTSS Afganistano karo veteranai kur kas dažniau nei turinys PTSS išgyveno traumines patirtis, susijusias su šeima, bei smurtinius užpuolimus ir kovą už būvį. Lietuvių Afganistano karo veteranų grupėje potrauminio streso sutrikimo ir subklinikinio lygio potrauminio streso sutrikimo pasireiškimą geriausiai prognozavo psichikos ligos šeimoje, šeimos nario netektis ir patirtas smurtinis užpuolimas.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: PTSS, subklinikinio lygio PTSS, trauminė patirtis, Lietuvos Afganistano karo veteranai.Relation between traumatic experience and post-traumatic symptomatics in Lithuanian Afganistan war veterans with post-traumatic stress disorderVėjūnė Domanskaitė-Gota, Danutė Gailienė, Evaldas Kazlauskas SummaryThe aim of this paper is to assess what potential traumatic life-events and experiences are related to PTSD in the Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans (N = 174).Data in this study were collected from a questionnaire survey with a sample of 268 Lithuanian men aged 32 to 52, who were on military duty (compulsory military service) in the Soviet army in 1979–1989. Four regions (capital cities, cities, small cities, and countryside), with the sample allocation proportionate to the distribution of Lithuanian population, geographically stratified the sample; 174 men served in Afghanistan during the Soviet Union – Afghanistan war. They were divided into two groups according to the manifestation of posttraumatic stress disorder. One group consists of 108 men without PTSD and 46 men with PTSD and sub-clinical level of PTSD (25 and 21 respectively). The following variables were investigated: demographics, traumatic life-events or conditions, PTSD and sub-clinical level of PTSD (Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (Mollica et al., 1992)).The Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans with PTSD and sub-clinical level of PTSD reported significantly more lifetime traumatic events and conditions. The average number of traumatic events per man with PTSD and sub-clinical level of PTSD was 12.4 and 10 for those without PTSD (F = 1.58, df =152, p < 0.05). The average number of direct exposure events per Lithuanian Afghanistan war veteran with PTSD and sub-clinical level of PTSD was 8 and 6 for veterans without PTSD (F = 10.2, df = 152, p < 0.002). There was a significant correlation between PTSD and the amount of direct exposure and particular traumatic experience: neglect in childhood, loss of a family member, mental illness in the family, absence of parents, violent assault, persecution, and struggle for existence.The Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans with PTSD and without PTSD had a very similar experience of military operations and combats and the duration of their service didn’t differ. Afghanistan war veterans with PTSD and sub-clinical level of PTSD experienced more traumatic life-events and conditions than did veterans without PTSD, Veterans with PTSD and a sub-clinical level of PTSD, more often than veterans without PTSD, experienced traumatic exposure related to the family, violent assault and struggle for existence. Mental illness in the family, loss of a family member and violent assault were predictive of PTSD and sub-clinical level of PTSD in the Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans. Keywords: PTSD, sub-clinical level of PTSD, traumatic experience, Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans.
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Grau, Lester W. "Rodric Braithwaite, Afgantsy: The Russians in Afghanistan 1979–1989. London: Profile Books, 2011, $29.95 hardcover. Artemy M. Kalinovsky, A Long Goodbye: The Soviet Withdrawal from Afghanistan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011, $27.95 hardcover." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 4 (2012): 250–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00295.
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Grau, Lester W. "Rodric Braithwaite, Afgantsy: The Russians in Afghanistan 1979–1989. London: Profile Books, 2011. 432 pp. $29.95. Artemy M. Kalinovsky, A Long Goodbye: The Soviet Withdrawal from Afghanistan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011. 320 pp. $27.95." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 2 (2012): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00240.
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Novitskii, A. A., and M. G. Kobiashvili. "The role of the syndrome of chronic adaptive overstrain in the pathogenesis of wound disease." Medicо-Biological and Socio-Psychological Problems of Safety in Emergency Situations, no. 2 (June 22, 2019): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25016/2541-7487-2019-0-2-53-61.
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Relevance. More than 13.2 million injuries are recorded every year in Russia. For example, in 2005–2015 the level of injuries among the population of Russia was 92 ‰. Severe and combined injuries can be complicated by traumatic disease, which often occurred in the military when conducting combat operations.Intention.To present the mechanism of chronic adaptive overstrain syndrome in the pathogenesis of wound disease.Methodology. Wound disease is a special case of a traumatic disease, with an open wound with disrupted integrity of the skin and adjacent internal organs due to traumatic factors. The basis of the material was the author’s research on the study of chronic adaptive overstrain syndrome in 2500 servicemen of the Soviet Army in combat operations in the Republic of Afghanistan in 1979–1989.Results and Discussion. In contrast to a traumatic disease of peacetime, wound disease in a war is accompanied by impaired functional reserves in the form of an adaptive (environmental-occupational) stress syndrome due to “disturbing” combat stress factors. The main manifestations of chronic adaptive overstrain syndrome in military personnel are decreased body resistance to banal infections; high infectious morbidity throughout the year, regardless of the season; the growth of areactive forms of infectious diseases against the background of allergization; chronic inflammatory and recurrent processes; low rates of wound and other injuries healing; high frequency of infectious complications in the treatment of wounds; a significant weakening of the bactericidal properties of the skin; frequent occurrence of reactive arthritis in diseases for which joint damage is not typical.Conclusion. Extreme military factors result in depletion of the functional and structural reserve of compensatory processes of the body, with a state of pre-disease and complicated wound healing. Thus, initial manifestations of chronic adaptive overstrain syndrome due to combat stress in soldiers should be corrected as soon as possible.
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Rabush, T. V. "The Question of Increased Growth of Soviet Military Assistance in Afghanistan between 1978–1979." History 17, no. 8 (2018): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2018-17-8-127-135.
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The article examines the issue of increased volume of military and military-technical assistance of the USSR to Afghanistan for about a year and a half – from the end of spring of 1978, when the April Revolution took place in Afghanistan, until the end of 1979 – up until the date of the entry of a limited contingent of Soviet troops into Afghanistan. Based on released top secret Soviet documents, the Soviet Union increased its military and military-technical assistance to Afghanistan becoming increasingly involved in its internal events. During the course of a year from spring 1978 until the spring of 1979 Soviet military assistance to Afghanistan increased very gradually. The number of requests by the Afghan leadership for increasing Soviet military assistance rose sharply after the Herat insurgency, which took place in March 1979. The size of Soviet military and military-technical assistance had grown significantly since the spring of 1979, also after the Herat insurgency. However as is evident from the analysis of Soviet documents, the Soviet Union chose not to resort to direct military intervention for a long time, withstanding the persistent requests of Afghan political leaders not only for providing more military assistance, but also for direct military intervention and the sending of troops. Nevertheless, the result of this ever-increasing military and military-technical assistance to Afghanistan was the Soviet military’s intervention in the civil war of a country. According to the author, Soviet involvement during the events in Afghanistan through the provision of military and military-technical assistance in ever-increasing amounts was due, not least, for the fear of losing a loyal ally on the southern borders of the USSR.
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Maley, William. "Images of Afghanistan." Review of International Studies 13, no. 4 (1987): 311–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113543.
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The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 has prompted a large number of scholars and journalists to embark on the analysis of Afghan affairs. Even before the invasion, much valuable material was available in Western languages to the interested reader. The internal politics of Afghanistan had been studied by Louis Dupree, Vartan Gregorian, Hasan Kakar, Leon B. Poullada, and Richard S. Newell; Maxwell J. Fry and Gilbert Etienne had analysed the Afghan economy; and Afghanistan's international relations had been examined in detail by Ludwig W. Adamec. Indeed, a recent bibliography of works on Afghanistan has listed no fewer than 1,611 items dealing with Afghan history and politics. None the less, had it not been for the Soviet invasion, the study of Afghanistan would surely have remained the province of a few cognoscenti. In the wake of the invasion, however, a large body of literature on Afghanistan has been published, containing works varying in quality from the outstanding to the atrocious. An appraisal of the relative merits of some of the more widely cited studies therefore seems to be in order.
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Milani, Mohsen M. "Iran's Policy Towards Afghanistan." Middle East Journal 60, no. 2 (2006): 235–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.2.12.
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Since 1979, Iran's objectives in Afghanistan have changed as Afghanistan's domestic landscape changed. Still, Iran has consistently sought to see a stable and independent Afghanistan, with Herat as a buffer zone and with a Tehran-friendly government in Kabul, a government that reflects the rich ethnic diversity of the country. Toward those and other goals, Iran has created “spheres of influence” inside Afghanistan. During the Soviet occupation (1979-88), Iran created an “ideological sphere of influence” by empowering the Shi'ites. Iran then created a “political sphere of influence” by unifying the Dari/Persian-speaking minorities, who ascended to power. Iranian policies added fuel to the ferocious civil war in the 1990s. Astonishingly slow to recognize the threat posed by the Taliban, Iran helped create a “sphere of resistance” to counter the “Kabul-Islamabad-Riyadh” axis by supporting the Northern Alliance. Since the liberation of Afghanistan, Iran has also established an “economic sphere of influence” by engaging in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Today, Iran's goals are to pressure the Afghan government to distance itself from Washington, and for Iran to become the hub for the transit of goods and services between the Persian Gulf and Afghanistan, Central Asia, India, and China. While Iran has been guilty of extremism and adventurism in some critical aspects of its foreign policy, its overall Afghan policy has contributed more to moderation and stability than to extremism and instability.
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Koval ́kov, Olexandr. "Soviet Intervention in Afghanistan in the Documents of J. Carter Administration." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.8.
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The article examines the documents of Jimmy Carter Administration (1977-1981) published in «Foreign Relations of the United States» series that represent the U.S. position on the Soviet intervention in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in December 1979. The author argues that the growing Soviet presence and finally a military intervention in Afghanistan was taken seriously in the United States and made Washington watch the developments in this country closely. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan became one of the major themes in the U.S. foreign policy. It was presented in a large array of documents of various origins, such as the Department of State correspondence with the U.S. Embassies in Afghanistan and the Soviet Union; analytical reports of the Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency, and Bureau of Intelligence and Research; exchanges of memorandums between National Security Council officers and other officials; memos from National Security Adviser Z. Brzezinski to J. Carter, and others. They represented the preconditions, preparations and implementation of Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The authors of the documents discussed in details the possible motives of the Soviet leaders, and predicted the short-term consequences of the USSR’s intervention for the region and the whole world. Due to the clear understanding of the developments in Afghanistan in December 1979 by the J. Carter administration, it completely rejected the Soviet official version of them that adversely affected the bilateral Soviet-U.S. relations and international relations in general. Due to the lack of accessible Soviet sources on the USSR’s intervention in Afghanistan, the documents of Jimmy Carter’s administration fill this gap and constitute a valuable source for a researcher.
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Sidos, Philippe. "La contre-insurrection soviétique en Afghanistan (1979-1989)." Stratégique N° 100-101, no. 2 (2012): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/strat.100.0137.
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Rabush, Taisiуa. "Involvement of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in the Events in Afghanistan in the Late 1970s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.12.
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Introduction. In this article, the author examines the position of the countries of the Middle East region in the late 1970s with regard to the armed conflict in Afghanistan. The emphasis is on the period on the eve of the entry of the Soviet troops to Afghanistan – from the April Revolution of 1978 until December 1979. The author’s focus is on two states: Pakistan directly bordering on Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, which is a major geopolitical actor in the region. Methods and materials. The author relies on documentary sources such as “Department of state bulletin”, documents of secret correspondence of the U.S. foreign policy agencies, documents of the U.S. National Security Archive, and special volumes on Afghanistan and the Middle East in “Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1977–1980”. Thanks to these sources, it is possible to prove that the involvement of the states of the region in the Afghan armed conflict and its internationalization began even before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Analysis. First, an overview of the objectives pursued by these states in Afghanistan and in the internal Afghan armed conflict is given. Following this, the author consistently reveals the position of these states in relation to the April Revolution of 1978, the ever-increasing Soviet involvement in the Afghan events (1978–1979) and the civil war that started against the Kabul government. Results. In conclusion the article reveals the role of these states in the process of internationalization of the Afghan armed conflict, which, according to the author, began before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan.
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Rabush, Taisiya Vladimirovna. "Iran’s position regarding the afghan military conflict in 1978-1979." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 1 (2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-1-7-20.
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The author considers the position of Iran regarding the Afghan armed conflict (1978-1979) before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan, as well as the consistent evolution of this position and the involvement of Iran in internal Afghan events. The author relies mainly on documentary sources, but also attracts scientific works in Russian and English (including the works of Iranian authors). According to the author, the analysis and study of Irans position on Afghanistan and the evolution of this position deserve a separate article because, firstly, the religious factor began to especially influence Irans foreign policy after the events of the Islamic Revolution of 1979; secondly, for the two years chosen for consideration in an article in Iran, the political regime has radically changed, and it is useful to consider the transformation of Irans foreign policy from the reign of the shah to the theocratic regime. In the first part of the article, the author analyzes the position of the Shah of the Iranian regime regarding the April Revolution of 1979 and the political changes that took place in Afghanistan after the revolution. The second part is devoted to the policy of Iran with respect to Afghanistan in 1979, and in this part the author argues that the Herat rebellion, which took place in March 1979, became the main trigger for transforming Irans attitude towards Afghanistan from a wait-and-see attitude to active involvement. The author also notes, that Irans policy towards Afghanistan in 1978-1979 developed sequentially, despite the radical transformation of power in Iran itself during this period.
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Fatima, Noor, and Iqra Jathol. "Afghanistan Factor in Pak-US Relations." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (2018): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).05.
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Afghan's interference of the Soviet Union in 1979 made anger worldwide and demonstrated a definitive minute in the universal political situation. Soviet imperialism strategy when tested the security of Pakistan, it showed up as a front - line nation and the primary course to give help to Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has logically surveys the Pakistan's choice to join 1979 Afghan war and assessed how it profited financial and barrier states of Pakistan. All the while, the article exhibits how this Afghan war postured grave dangers to security (inside and additionally outer) of the nation because of outsiders surge that came about not just in complicated situation regarding the economy, governmental issues, and society yet in addition delivered organic challenges. Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, battered soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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Johnson, Thomas H., and M. Chris Mason. "No Sign until the Burst of Fire: Understanding the Pakistan-Afghanistan Frontier." International Security 32, no. 4 (2008): 41–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.32.4.41.
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The Pakistan-Afghanistan border area has become the most dangerous frontier on earth, and the most challenging for the United States' national security interests. Critically, the portion of the border region that is home to extremist groups such the Taliban and al-Qaida coincides almost exactly with the area overwhelmingly dominated by the Pashtun tribes. The implications of this salient fact—that most of Pakistan's and Afghanistan's violent religious extremism, and with it much of the United States' counterterrorism challenge, are contained within a single ethnolinguistic group—have unfortunately not been fully grasped by a governmental policy community that has long downplayed cultural dynamics. The threat to long-term U.S. security interests in this area is neither an economic problem, nor a religious problem, nor a generic “tribal” problem. It is a unique cultural problem. In both southern Afghanistan and the tribal areas of Pakistan, rather than seeking to “extend the reach of the central government,” which simply foments insurgency among a proto-insurgent people, the United States and the international community should be doing everything in their means to empower the tribal elders and restore balance to a tribal/cultural system that has been disintegrating since the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979.
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KAJETANOWICZ, Jerzy. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL EFFECTS OF USSR INTERVENTION IN AFGHANISTAN." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 165, no. 3 (2012): 249–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3494.
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The paper presents political and historical changes in Afghanistan related to the Soviet military intervention. The first part describes the period from the establishment of an independent state in 1921 to the seizing of power by Amin Hafizullah in September 1979. The second part deals with the influence of the Soviet aggression on the process of the gradual disintegration of social structures. The third part explains the effects of the intervention, the final result of which was the creation of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.
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Payind, Alam. "Soviet – Afghan Relations From Cooperation to Occupation." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 1 (1989): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380003213x.
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In the field of international relations, the 1979 Soviet occupation of Afghanistan has raised major issues concerning regional security and superpower relations. By introducing Soviet military forces in a traditionally nonaligned country, the Kremlin initiated a more aggressive pattern in its foreign policies. This occupation was the Soviet Union's first territorial expansion by direct use of military power since World War II.
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Arakelova, Victoria, and Nelli Khachaturian. "A Struggle for Identity: The Ismailis in the Afghan War (1979-1989)." Iran and the Caucasus 25, no. 2 (2021): 168–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20210206.
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The paper is a part of a wider research on the Ismaili identity, peculiarities of the Ismailis’ self-identification in various parts of the world under different historical circumstances. The ambiguous status of the Ismailis in Afghanistan turned to be particularly problematic by the end of the 19th century when the Pashtuns became dominant in the traditionally Ismaili-inhabited areas. In a hostile milieu, under severe persecutions, the local Ismaili identity acquired a tendency of unification with other ethno-religious identities, the principle of taqiyya having been widely spread. Since then, the Ismailis became especially dependent on the political situation in Afghanistan and the policy of its rulers towards ethnic and religious minorities. The War of 1979-1989 turned to be the most dramatic episode in the history of the Ismaili community in Afghanistan when its very survival appeared to be questioned: Ismaili intellectuals left the region, and lower social layers got involved in drug cultivation and trafficking. Supporting any of the conflict’s sides could have led to a community tragedy, possibly to its complete annihilation. The limited information we obtained, including the memoirs of the Afghan War veterans, demonstrate the identity split in the Ismaili community of Afghanistan whose members were fighting on the opposite sides of the armed conflict.
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Azmi, Muhammad R. "Soviet Politico-Military Penetration in Afghanistan 1955 to 1979." Armed Forces & Society 12, no. 3 (1986): 329–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x8601200301.
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Ali, Mubbshar, Muhammad Imran Ashraf, and Iqra Jathol. "Pakistan – U.S. Relations and its Impact on Afghanistan." Global International Relations Review III, no. I (2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2020(iii-i).01.
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Afghan's invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 created panic worldwide and proved a decisive moment in the international political scenario. Soviet expansionism policy when challenged the security of Pakistan, it appeared as a front - line country and the main route to provide aid for Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has analytically reviews the Pakistan's decision to join 1979 Afghan war and evaluated how it benefited economic and defense conditions of Pakistan. Simultaneously, the article presents how this Afghan war posed grave threats to security (internal as well as external) of the country due to refugees flood that resulted not only in problematic scenario with respect to the economy, politics, and society but also produced ecological difficulties. Moreover, Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, eroded soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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Bromley, Simon. "Connecting Central Eurasia to the Middle East in American Foreign Policy Towards Afghanistan and Pakistan: 1979-Present." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207685.
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AbstractDuring the Cold War, United States (US) policies towards the Middle East and towards Afghanistan and Pakistan were largely unrelated. India's non-alignment and relations with the Soviet Union were reasons for close US-Pakistani relations, but the Chinese success in the war with India in 1962 also highlighted the importance to the West of India's position. 1979 marked a major turning point in US foreign policy towards the Middle East and Central Eurasia (CEA) because of the two events which were to shape so much of politics and geopolitics in those regions as well as in the wider international system: namely, the Iranian revolution in February and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December. Taken together, these developments posed a major challenge to US strategy towards the Soviet Union, to the wider Middle East and to relations with China, Pakistan, and India. After the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan during 1988/89, the US lost interest in Afghanistan and followed the policies of Pakistan for most of the 1990s. Then came 9/11 and President Musharraf took the historic decision to break with the Taliban. In March 2003, the US began its second war against Iraq. Whatever the rationale for the conflict, the outcome has been to turn the future of Iraq into a key fault-line of geopolitics in the Greater Middle East. Now, with the instability following the collapse of the Soviet Empire in CEA, the defeat of the Taliban and the ongoing future of Iraq, the US faces what the Department of Defense describes as an "arc of instability" running from the Middle East through CEA to Northeast Asia. This is the region that lies at the centre of planning for the "long war" announced in the Pentagon's 2006 quadrennial review.
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Bradsher, Henry S., and M. Hassan Kakar. "Afghanistan: The Soviet Invasion and the Afghan Response, 1979-1982." Russian Review 55, no. 3 (1996): 520. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131818.
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Legvold, Robert, and M. Hassan Kakar. "Afghanistan: The Soviet Invasion and the Afghan Response, 1979-1982." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 6 (1995): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047424.
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Shaw, Geoff, and David Spencer. "Fighting in Afghanistan: Lessons from the Soviet intervention, 1979–89." Defense & Security Analysis 19, no. 2 (2003): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475179032000083389.
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