Journal articles on the topic 'Spacial analysis (Statistics) in archaeology'

The purpose of the research is to theoretically ground and experimentally verify the effectiveness of the effect of artistic gymnastics exercises on the development of coordination abilities of female high-schoolers.
 To achieve the tasks set, the research used the following methods: study and analysis of pedagogical, scientific and methodological literature, interviews with experts, pedagogical observations, pedagogical testing, methods of mathematical statistics.
 Research results. The paper grounds and experimentally verifies the effectiveness of the effect of artistic gymnastics exercises on the development of coordination abilities in female high-schoolers. It proves that the use of exercises borrowed from artistic gymnastics in physical training classes of high school (particularly: with no object (specific movements, balance, turns and jumps) and with objects (skipping rope, hoop, ball)) and of auxiliary exercises (classical choreography, ballroom and folk dances, musical-rhythmic and acrobatic exercises) helps improve the ability to feel the rhythm, movement coordination, the ability to maintain balance and spacial awareness.

Since Kaminaljuyu was first systematically excavated in the 1930s, the chronology of the site has been fraught with confusion and scholarly disagreement. In recent years, scholars generally adopted the chronology presented by Shook and Popenoe de Hatch (1999) as the most authoritative account. In 2014, however, Inomata and colleagues proposed a revision of this chronology by shifting its Preclassic portion (including the Las Charcas and Providencia phases) roughly 300 years later in time. In this article, we analyze a total of 108 radiocarbon dates with Bayesian statistics, tying them to detailed ceramic analysis. These dates include previously reported dates, measured after the year 2000, as well as 68 new radiocarbon dates obtained from Kaminaljuyu and nearby sites. The results largely support Inomata and coauthors’ (2014) revised Preclassic chronology, placing the Las Charcas–Providencia transition around 350 BC and the Providencia–Verbena transition around 75 BC. In addition, we present new dates on the Early Classic period, although some ambiguity remains for the Esperanza phase, when Teotihuacan-related elements were introduced to Kaminaljuyu. The revised chronology, combined with environmental data, suggests an explosive increase in population and construction activity during the Verbena and Arenal phases.

Introduction: Cutaneous leishmaniasis is an infectious disease transmitted by phlebotomine sandflies and is considered a great environmental and public health problem. Thus, this work presents initial results of the analyses about the relationship between the spatial distribution of this disease and its environmental risk factors in three municipalities, in the state of Pará, Brazil, from 2012 to 2016.
 Methodology: It was used data from the Ministry of Health, the National Institute for Space Research and the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. The statistical and spacial analysis of the variables were done using G-test goodness-of-fit, kernel interpolation technique and the Bivariate Global Moran Index (I).
 Results: The analyses showed that the most affected individuals were males, adults, low schooling, residents in rural areas and small farmers. The disease spatial distribution was not homogeneous in the municipalities and it was associated to different relationships between the land use and occupation and the notificated cases density, with direct spatial autocorrelation.
 Conclusions: The deforestation was the most significant risk factor linked to the cases occurrence in all the studied area. We emphasize the need of intensification of epidemiological and environmental surveillance actions in the studied areas.

This article considers the results of an analysis undertaken on pottery recovered mostly from multi-phase Iron Age sites in the Trans-Urals region of Russia. It focuses on a particular project involving fieldwork and the subsequent analysis of archaeological contexts and the laboratory studies of pottery morphology, ornamentation, technology, and statistics, with an attempt to apply the concept of style. This type of research project is unusual for Russian ceramic studies and the article begins with a consideration of the formal typological approach to the study of artefacts, which is a traditional aspect of Russian archaeology and is still the primary focus of many research programmes.

By means of the Bayesian analysis of radiocarbon dates, a comparison of chronologies of the Kamennyi Ambar settlement and the cemetery of Kamennyi Ambar-5 of the Late Bronze Age Syntashta-Petrovka period has been carried out. Both sites are situated in the valley of the Karagaily-Ayat River in Kartalinsky district of Chelyab-insk Region (Russia). Comparison of the pottery assemblages of the settlement and the cemetery demonstrates their similarity, which suggests existence of a genetic link between the sites. The purpose of this work is devel-opment of a generalized chronological model of the two monuments. This is achieved by comparison of uncali-brated intervals of radiocarbon dates and calculation of chronological boundaries of the existence of the settle-ment and cemetery by means of Bayesian modeling of the calibrated dates. The method consists in that, in the beginning, the stratigraphic position of each date is determined, and then the dates suitable for the analysis are arranged in the chronological order and calibrated, while the algorithm of the OxCal 4.4 calibration program is queried for calculation of the boundaries of the given periods and their duration. Also, the paper reports complete sets of the radiocarbon dates: 61 dates have been obtained from the materials of the settlement of Kamennyi Ambar, while 19 measurements originate from the Kamennyi Ambar-5 cemetery. Correlation of the radiocarbon dates and development of the Bayesian chronological models have demonstrated contemporaneousness of the settlement and the cemetery with slightly later beginning of the activity at the latter. This observation is in agree-ment with the concept of the genetic link between the sites and, arguably, can be extended onto other pairs of fortified settlement — kurgan cemetery attributed to the Sintashta-Petrovka period. Our conclusion is also consis-tent with the concept of building the complex of monuments by a newly-arrived population, who founded a settle-ment, occupied the new territory for some time, while the first deaths occurred some time afterwards. That said, the settlement of Kamennyi Ambar existed for no longer than a century in the 1950s — 1860s BC, while the cemetery of Kamennyi Ambar-5 was used for 70–80 years within the same chronological interval.

AbstractThe aim of this paper is to develop a systematic approach to understanding daily life at Late Palaeolithic camps and identifying its impact on broader site formation processes. Late Palaeolithic contexts are often poorly preserved, especially those found in the sandy sediments of the North European Plain. However, taphonomic obstacles may be overcome through the introduction of spatial statistics into research procedures. We illustrate our approach using a case study of Federmesser and Swiderian campsites at the site of Lubrza 10, Western Poland. The locational analysis of hearths, features that constitute the most important integrative social foci of Palaeolithic camps, provides information on activity areas, seasonality and occupational duration. Additionally, we examine the function of spatially distinct artefact concentrations and their methods of aggregation. The presented research procedure enables us to trace the contribution of individuals to group behaviour, as well as specific individual activities at both camps.

AbstractIt has been known for several decades that certain regions of the Maya Lowlands were characterized by specialized production of chert tools in ancient times. The extent, intensity, organization, and net social effects of centralized lithic production in the Maya area as a whole, however, are not well understood. In order to address issues of broader relevance to social and economic processes, lithicists working in the Maya region need to develop analytical approaches suited to the study of complex economies. The research presented here attempts to establish simple baseline measures for use in comparing the production of siliceous stone tools, both formal and expedient, at different scales across the Maya area. Scholarship in this region has been chronically plagued by prolonged, unresolved debates—mostly a factor of the multitude of single-site-focused projects employing different methodologies and research emphases. The present study therefore proposes a new direction in Maya lithic studies with the goal of enhancing comparability of data on ancient economic structure through the use of standardized statistics that facilitate spatial analysis. Using the proportion of early-stage core reduction debris to the total of all debitagefrom a given context, for instance, enables the analyst to roughly assess the amount of tool manufacture taking place locally. By extension, inferences can be made about the degree of economic integration and interdependence characterizing any given geographic scale, including the architectural group, site, region, and so on. Preliminary analysis of patterns in early-stage reduction illustrates differential spatial distributions of chert tool production and consumption at several scales from across the southern Lowlands, allowing for the refinement of current models of ancient Maya lithic economy.

Com este ensaio pretendeu-se complementar o estudo do Alto Douro do III e II milénio a.C. oferecendo uma perspectiva cartesiana do espaço como complemento aos estudos que têm sido feitos com base na percepção presencial de investigadores como João Muralha Cardoso, Vítor Oliveira Jorge, Susana Oliveira Jorge, Ana Margarida Vale, António Sá Coixão e outros. Esta análise permitiu testar a falibilidade dos Sistemas de Informação Geográfica (SIG), ferramenta que possibilitou a concretização de uma série de mapas (Heatmap, Terrain Profile, Viewshed, etc.) que permitiram percepcionar o território à macro escala e reflectir sobre a disposição e a relação entre sítios como Castanheiro do Vento e Castelo Velho, além de outros da mesma cronologia e território, mas que, sobretudo por falta de intervenções arqueológicas, não conhecemos tão bem. Entendeu-se que todos estes sítios, formando dois grandes núcleos, poderão ter funcionado de forma articulada; e que sítios como Castanheiro do Vento, Castelo Velho, Santa Columba ou Montes se situam em zonas que possibilitam um amplo controlo visual sobre o território, o que reforça noções como a de hierarquia e controle.
 GIS and Archaeology: essay for the comprehension of Alto Douro in III and II millenium b.C - We intend, with this essay, to complement the study of the Alto Douro region, between the 3rd and 2nd millenium b.C., offering a cartesian insight of this space, investigated by archaeologists such as João Muralha Cardoso, Vítor Oliveira Jorge, Susana Oliveira Jorge, Ana Margarida Vale and António Sá Coixão. This analysis allowed us to test the fallibility of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) – a tool that allowed us to perform spacial analysis operations (Heatmaps, Terrain Profiles, Viewshed Analysis, etc.). Thus, we could understand the territory at a larger scale, and reflect on how sites such as Castanheiro do Vento and Castelo Velho are disposed and related, as well as other ones from the same period, that due to the lack of archaeological research, we don’t know quite well. It is understood that all these sites, which form two groups, that might have worked in an articulated way; and that sites as Castanheiro do Vento, Castelo Velho, Santa Columba or Montes, located in areas which allowed a good visual control over the territory, reinforce concepts as hierarchy and control.

Following some 30 years of radiocarbon research during which the mathematical principles of 14C-calibration have been on loan to Bayesian statistics, here they are returned to quantum physics. The return is based on recognition that 14C-calibration can be described as a Fourier transform. Following its introduction as such, there is need to reconceptualize the probabilistic 14C-analysis. The main change will be to replace the traditional (one-dimensional) concept of 14C-dating probability by a two-dimensional probability. This is entirely analogous to the definition of probability in quantum physics, where the squared amplitude of a wave function defined in Hilbert space provides a measurable probability of finding the corresponding particle at a certain point in time/space, the so-called Born rule. When adapted to the characteristics of 14C-calibration, as it turns out, the Fourier transform immediately accounts for practically all known so-called quantization properties of archaeological 14C-ages, such as clustering, age-shifting, and amplitude-distortion. This also applies to the frequently observed chronological lock-in properties of larger data sets, when analysed by Gaussian wiggle matching (on the 14C-scale) just as by Bayesian sequencing (on the calendar time-scale). Such domain-switching effects are typical for a Fourier transform. They can now be understood, and taken into account, by the application of concepts and interpretations that are central to quantum physics (e.g. wave diffraction, wave-particle duality, Heisenberg uncertainty, and the correspondence principle). What may sound complicated, at first glance, simplifies the construction of 14C-based chronologies. The new Fourier-based 14C-analysis supports chronological studies on previously unachievable geographic (continental) and temporal (Glacial-Holocene) scales; for example, by temporal sequencing of hundreds of archaeological sites, simultaneously, with minimal need for development of archaeological prior hypotheses, other than those based on the geo-archaeological law of stratigraphic superposition. As demonstrated in a variety of archaeological case studies, just one number, defined as a gauge-probability on a scale 0–100%, can be used to replace a stacked set of subjective Bayesian priors.

Web archives are repositories of unique sources on the history of the information society, including the cultural segment of the World Wide Web. The relevance of studying the web history of museum information resources refers to the need to understand the past and contemporary processes of the development of the museum's digital environment in order to more effectively build strategies for future advancement with a valuable impact on society. The article, for the first time, attempts to assess the information potential of web archives for studying the web history of virtual museums and discusses the limitations that prevent the reconstruction of their web history. Web archives are designed to observe web pages and web sites saved at a certain point in time; they analyze the structure and content of the museum web, interpret the visual aids and sections' titles, and track statistics of publication activity. Tracing changes in the role and significance of the digital environment in museum activities, as well as trends in the development of museums, and predicting future trajectories are possible based on the analysis of the dynamics of museums' web content. At the same time, the peculiarities of search engines in web archives, technical restrictions, incompatibility of modern software with earlier formats, limits on scanning information on the World Wide Web to save it, uneven preservation by domain zones in the Internet Archive, and the lack of specialized web preservation programs at national and regional levels restraint the possibility of a comprehensive study of the history of virtual museums. The author concludes that it is necessary to expand national web archiving programs in favour of a more detailed preservation of the cultural segment of the web as a digital cultural heritage, as well as the content of social networks and mobile applications, for future use by researchers.

Lakes Barrine and Eacham and their small, discrete, forested catchments are sites of intensive sedimentological, palynological and ecological research. The studies that we present here concentrate on integrating population statistics of tree species of the living forest with their histories, as documented by fine-resolution pollen analysis (Green and Dolman 1988). Most of the work has been undertaken at Lake Barrine, where the last 5 ka is recorded in laminated sediments. Additional information about these sites and about aspects of the project is contained in Chen (1986, 1987, 1988), Goodfield (1988), Grindrod (1979), Timms (1976, 1979) and Walker (1988).

ABSTRACTThe main goal of our research project was to date the Early and Middle Copper Age (4500/4450–3800 cal BC) of the Great Hungarian Plain more precisely. In our project, we took samples for accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) dating from both settlement features and burials, and the data were analyzed using Bayesian modeling. We examined the Early and Middle Copper Age finds of the Great Hungarian Plain on several levels (site, microregional, and regional levels) using a bottom-up approach. The AMS measurements were supplemented by statistics-based pottery analysis in order to make our understanding of the relationship between the Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr cultures more detailed. As a result, we can see a significant, 130 (68.2%) 230 years overlap between the two types of find assemblages, which contradicts to the earlier accepted chronological sequences created by the traditional culture-historical approach. According to the stylistic analyzes, the two ceramic styles are not clearly distinguishable.

The semisubterranean whale-bone house is one of the most recognizable aspects of Thule Inuit culture. Following their arrival in the Canadian Arctic approximately 1,000 years ago, Thule peoples built these impressive and often enigmatic dwellings for occupation during the long winter months. Variability in the architectural properties of semisubterranean house forms has traditionally been used by archaeologists to infer cultural and historical relationships between regions, and establish seasonal and/or functional distinctions in usage. An analysis of 31 semisubterranean houses from two Thule winter village sites in the Canadian High Arctic using multivariate statistics and computer-aided drafting reveals a range of architectural variability that may represent attempts by Thule builders to accommodate 1) fluctuations in the availability of key building materials, 2) differences in household mobility, or 3) whaling-related social differentiation between households. These results have important implications for understanding the relationships among house form, environment, and culture in Thule Inuit society.

ABSTRACTWe present a comparative study on a 700-yr sequence of dendrochronologically ordered tree-rings of Pinus cembra originating from Eastern Carpathians for the period AD 1009–1709. This period covers the solar minima of the Little Ice Age. The aim of this study was to assess the accuracy of our radiocarbon (14C) determinations interpreted on the IntCal13 calibration data and to observe any apparent offsets. The 14C measurements on single and double tree-rings were “wiggle-matched” to secure the dendrochronology cross-matching of all the Pinus cembra wood pieces. The results showed a very good agreement between the age datasets for four out of five wood trunks. However, for one of them a new cross-matching was performed after a quality assurance test, establishing an earlier 48-yr position, recommended by wiggle-matching Bayesian statistics and dendrochronological analysis. Following this adjustment, the quantification of the 14C level variability with respect to the IntCal13 calibration curve was obtained by calculating Δ14C for all tree-ring samples. As a final conclusion, an insignificant 14C concentration offset of –0.63 ± 3.76‰ was found for the Romanian samples.

AbstractFrom the invention of Perkin’s Mauve in 1856, to publication of the first edition of theColour Indexin 1924, more than 1200 synthetic organic colourants were introduced. Some achieved commercial success, while others were rarely used for reasons such as high cost, low fastness, and toxicity. This turbulent period of innovation was largely driven by demand of the textile industry; however, synthetic colourants were subsequently adopted in many other applications. An understanding of the most common materials and their properties is therefore important to the study of heritage collections and their preservation. The risk of light damage during exhibition of objects is often a concern due to the fugitive nature of many synthetic colourants.To provide a foundation for focused research on synthetic dye identification and lightfastness, work was carried out to identify the most prominent of these colourants used in North America up to the year 1924 when the first edition of theColour Indexwas published. Information was compiled and analysed from several sources including multiple editions of theColour Index, and government documents related to the manufacture and trade of synthetic dyes that provide data from 1914 onwards. Cross-referencing between the information sources provided a summary of parameters for each colourant including the date of introduction, number of manufacturers, lightfastness, and quantity produced or imported in the United States.A document published in 1916 by the US Department of Commerce listed 259 colours with Schultz number imported during the 1913–1914 fiscal year, in quantities above 10,000 lb (4536 kg). Adding domestic products to the list, and removing duplicates, gave 289 individual colours with Schultz number imported and/or produced in the US. In addition, there were some imports of unknown composition: 96 azo, 23 sulphur, and 68 unclassified. Further review of census data from 1917 through the 1920’s suggested that less than one quarter of the dyes listed in theColour Indexwere imported or manufactured in significant amounts. The results of this analysis are presented as summary statistics, which are complemented by an open dataset publication to facilitate future research.

AbstractSpatial analysis studies in Palaeolithic archaeology arise as indispensable research tools for understanding archaeopalaeontological sites. In general terms, spatial studies have been specialised in the description of the distribution of materials and in the definition of accumulation areas, with the aim of distinguishing intentional activities or studying postdepositional processes. In recent decades, the development of GIS tools has enabled huge strides forward in the field of spatial archaeology research, such as spatial inferential statistics. These tools are particularly useful in the identification and location of clustering from statistical criteria, facilitating the subsequent analysis of accumulations through other archaeological, taphonomic and spatial techniques, such as fabric analysis or directional distribution. The cluster analysis, and its contextualisation considering all the archaeological and stratigraphical variables, allows the inference of some of the processes and factors that could have taken part in the accumulation of materials, as well as assessing how this affected the composition and preservation of the archaeological assemblage. The present article reviews the more traditional and innovative methods for studying horizontal distribution patterns and the objective definition of clusters, highlighting the parameters, uses and limitations of these techniques. We present an application of these methods to different Palaeolithic sites, going through different scenarios, such as location (open-air vs. cave), context, scale (large vs. small area), excavation methodology and spatial record methods.

AbstractKorean hand papermaking is a renowned cultural tradition in the Korean peninsula. It is still practiced while scientific analysis of paper itself from a large data set is rare. In this study, a set of more than three hundred Korean handmade papers, collected in a reference collection book Hanji: Korean handmade paper, were chemically investigated, and their property data such as colour, pH, grammage, thickness, tensile strength, folding endurance were statistically analysed in order to determine general features for Korean papers. The influence of different paper sheet formation methods (Heullimtteugi vs Gadumtteugi) were revealed by multivariate data analysis and the chemical profiles of raw materials were studied by pyrolysis–gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (Py-GC/MS). The Korean handmade paper samples display colour gamut in the colour space L* (69.9–95.9), a* [(−3)-3], b* (0–20), most have neutral/alkaline pH values. Paper density, fiber orientation and physical properties are influenced by the sheet formation techniques. For instance, Gadumtteugi tends to produce papers with strong fiber orientation while Heullimtteugi produces papers with more evenly distribution of fibers. In addition, Py-GC/MS analysis results show that paper mulberry fibers contain less intensity lignin monomers and more terpenic compounds in comparison with gampi and mitsumata fibers. This study provides paper analysis from large sample set, statistics reveal that the material preparing and making craft determined the paper structure which reflected in their physical properties. These properties influenced paper performance and applications in art creations as well as relics conservation and restoration. The characterized paper sample database could be used for handmade paper studies in East Asian region. Consequently, this study contributes to a better understanding of contemporary Hanji properties as well as improves knowledge on handmade papers from the Korean peninsula.

<p style='text-indent:20px;'>This work deals with a mathematical analysis of sodium's transport in a tubular architecture of a kidney nephron. The nephron is modelled by two counter-current tubules. Ionic exchange occurs at the interface between the tubules and the epithelium and between the epithelium and the surrounding environment (interstitium). From a mathematical point of view, this model consists of a 5<inline-formula><tex-math id="M1">\begin{document}$ \times $\end{document}</tex-math></inline-formula>5 semi-linear hyperbolic system. In literature similar models neglect the epithelial layers. In this paper, we show rigorously that such models may be obtained by assuming that the permeabilities between lumen and epithelium are large. We show that when these permeabilities grow, solutions of the 5<inline-formula><tex-math id="M2">\begin{document}$ \times $\end{document}</tex-math></inline-formula>5 system converge to those of a reduced 3<inline-formula><tex-math id="M3">\begin{document}$ \times $\end{document}</tex-math></inline-formula>3 system without epithelial layers. The problem is defined on a bounded spacial domain with initial and boundary data. In order to show convergence, we use <inline-formula><tex-math id="M4">\begin{document}$ {{{\rm{BV}}}} $\end{document}</tex-math></inline-formula> compactness, which leads to introduce initial layers and to handle carefully the presence of lateral boundaries. We then discretize both 5<inline-formula><tex-math id="M5">\begin{document}$ \times $\end{document}</tex-math></inline-formula>5 and 3<inline-formula><tex-math id="M6">\begin{document}$ \times $\end{document}</tex-math></inline-formula>3 systems, and show numerically the same asymptotic result, for a fixed meshsize.</p>

ABSTRACT The radiocarbon (14C) dating facility at the Centre for Isotope Research, University of Groningen went through a major upgrade in 2017 and this included installation of a MICADAS accelerator mass spectrometer (AMS). In the first 18 months, we performed 4000 sample and 3000 reference measurements. A careful evaluation of those measurement results is presented, to characterize the various sources of uncertainty and to ultimately assign, for every sample measurement, a realistic expanded uncertainty. This analysis was performed on the measurements of secondary references and sample duplicates in various phases of their processing steps. The final expanded uncertainty includes both the 14C measurement uncertainties and uncertainties originating from pretreatment steps. Where the 14C measurement uncertainty includes straightforward uncertainties arising from Poisson statistics, background subtraction, calibration on Oxalic Acid II and δ13C correction, the uncertainties originating from pretreatment steps are based on the spread of actual measurement results for secondary references and sample duplicates. We show that the 14C measurement uncertainty requires expansion, depending on the number of processing steps involved prior to a 14C measurement, by a maximum factor of 1.6 at our laboratory. By using these expansion (multiplication) factors, we make our reported uncertainty both more realistic and reliable.

Abstract Background In patients with pulmonary embolism (PE), there is a growing interest in quantifying the pulmonary vascular obtruction index (PVOI), which may be an independent risk factor for PE recurrence. Perfusion SPECT/CT is a very attractive tool to provide an accurate quantification of the PVOI. However, there is currently no reliable method to automatically delineate and quantify it. The aim of this phantom study was to assess and compare 3 segmentation methods for PVOI quantification with perfusion SPECT/CT imaging. Methods Three hundred ninety-six SPECT/CT scans, with various PE scenarios (n = 44), anterior to posterior perfusion gradients (n = 3), and lung volumes (n = 3) were simulated using Simind software. Three segmentation methods were assesssed: (1) using an intensity threshold expressed as a percentage of the maximal voxel value (MaxTh), (2) using a Z-score threshold (ZTh) after building a Z-score parametric lung map, and (3) using a relative difference threshold (RelDiffTh) after building a relative difference parametric map. Ninety randomly selected simulations were used to define the optimal threshold, and 306 simulations were used for the complete analysis. Spacial correlation between PE volumes from the phantom data and the delineated PE volumes was assessed by computing DICEPE indices. Bland-Altman statistics were used to calculate agreement for PVOI between the phantom data and the segmentation methods. Results Mean DICEPE index was higher with the RelDiffTh method (0.85 ± 0.08), as compared with the MaxTh method (0.78 ± 0.16) and the ZTh method (0.67 ± 0.15). Using the RelDiffTh method, mean DICEPE index remained high (> 0.81) regardless of the perfusion gradient and the lung volumes. Using the RelDiffTh method, mean relative difference in PVOI was − 12%, and the limits of agreement were − 40% to 16%. Values were 3% (− 75% to 81%) for MaxTh method and 0% (− 120% to 120%) for ZTh method. Graphycal analysis of the Bland-Altman graph for the RelDiffTh method showed very close estimation of the PVOI for small and medium PE, and a trend toward an underestimation of large PE. Conclusion In this phantom study, a delineation method based on a relative difference parametric map provided a good estimation of the PVOI, regardless of the extent of PE, the intensity of the anterior to posterior gradient, and the whole lung volumes.

Abstract Collagen is the main structural and most abundant protein in the human body, and it is routinely extracted and analysed in scientific archaeology. Its degree of preservation is, therefore, crucial and several approaches are used to determine it. Spectroscopic techniques provide a cost-effective, non-destructive method to investigate the molecular structure, especially when combined with multivariate statistics (chemometric approach). In this study, we used FTIR-ATR spectroscopy to characterise collagen extracted from skeletons recovered from necropoleis in NW Spain spanning from the Bronze Age to eighteenth century AD. Principal components analysis was performed on a selection of bands and structural equation models (SEM) were developed to relate the collagen quality indicators to collagen structural change. Four principal components represented: (i) Cp1, transformations of the backbone protein with a residual increase in proteoglycans; (ii) Cp2, protein transformations not accompanied by changes in proteoglycans abundance; (iii) Cp3, variations in aliphatic side chains and (iv) Cp4, absorption of the OH of carbohydrates and amide. Highly explanatory SEM models were obtained for the traditional collagen quality indicators (collagen yield, C, N, C:N), but no relationship was found between quality and δ13C and δ15N ratios. The observed decrease in C and N content and increase in C:N ratios is controlled by the degradation of protein backbone components and the relative preservation of carbon-rich compounds, proteoglycans and, to a lesser extent, aliphatic moieties. Our results suggest that FTIR-ATR is an ideal technique for collagen characterization/pre-screening for palaeodiet, mobility and radiocarbon research.

Babies and toddlers are amassing huge followings on social media, achieving microcelebrity status, and raking in five figure sums. In East Asia, many of these lucrative “micro­-microcelebrities” rise to fame by inheriting exposure and proximate microcelebrification from their social media Influencer mothers. Through self-branding techniques, Influencer mothers’ portrayals of their young’ children’s lives “as lived” are the canvas on which (baby) products and services are marketed to readers as “advertorials”. In turning to investigate this budding phenomenon, I draw on ethnographic case studies in Singapore to outline the career trajectory of these young children (under 4yo) including their social media presence, branding strategies, and engagement with their followers. The chapter closes with a brief discussion on some ethical considerations of such young children’s labour in the social media age.Influencer MothersTheresa Senft first coined the term “microcelebrity” in her work Camgirls as a burgeoning online trend, wherein people attempt to gain popularity by employing digital media technologies, such as videos, blogs, and social media. She describes microcelebrities as “non-actors as performers” whose narratives take place “without overt manipulation”, and who are “more ‘real’ than television personalities with ‘perfect hair, perfect friends and perfect lives’” (Senft 16), foregrounding their active response to their communities in the ways that maintain open channels of feedback on social media to engage with their following.Influencers – a vernacular industry term albeit inspired by Katz & Lazarsfeld’s notion of “personal influence” that predates Internet culture – are one type of microcelebrity; they are everyday, ordinary Internet users who accumulate a relatively large following on blogs and social media through the textual and visual narration of their personal lives and lifestyles, engage with their following in “digital” and “physical” spaces, and monetize their following by integrating “advertorials” into their blog or social media posts and making physical appearances at events. A pastiche of “advertisement” and “editorial”, advertorials in the Influencer industry are highly personalized, opinion-laden promotions of products/services that Influencers personally experience and endorse for a fee. Influencers in Singapore often brand themselves as having “relatability”, or the ability to persuade their followers to identify with them (Abidin). They do so by make consciously visible the backstage (Goffman) of the usually “inaccessible”, “personal”, and “private” aspects of mundane, everyday life to curate personae that feel “authentic” to fans (Marwick 114), and more accessible than traditional celebrity (Senft 16).Historically, the Influencer industry in Singapore can be traced back to the early beginnings of the “blogshop” industry from the mid-2000s and the “commercial blogging” industry. Influencers are predominantly young women, and market products and services from diverse industries, although the most popular have been fashion, beauty, F&B, travel, and electronics. Most prominent Influencers are contracted to management agencies who broker deals in exchange for commission and assist in the production of their vlogs. Since then, the industry has grown, matured, and expanded so rapidly that Influencers developed emergent models of advertorials, with the earliest cohorts moving into different life stages and monetizing several other aspects of their personal lives such as the “micro-microcelebrity” of their young children. What this paper provides is an important analysis of the genesis and normative practices of micro-microcelebrity commerce in Singapore from its earliest years, and future research trajectories in this field.Micro-Microcelebrity and Proximate MicrocelebrificationI define micro-microcelebrities as the children of Influencers who have themselves become proximate microcelebrities, having derived exposure and fame from their prominent Influencer mothers, usually through a more prolific, deliberate, and commercial form of what Blum-Ross defines as “sharenting”: the act of parents sharing images and stores about their children in digital spaces such as social networking sites and blogs. Marwick (116-117), drawing from Rojek’s work on types of celebrity – distinguishes between two types of microcelebrity: “ascribed microcelebrity” where the online personality is made recognizable through the “production of celebrity media” such as paparazzi shots and user-produced online memes, or “achieved microcelebrity” where users engage in “self-presentation strateg[ies]”, such as fostering the illusion of intimacy with fans, maintaining a persona, and selective disclosure about oneself.Micro-microcelebrities lie somewhere between the two: In a process I term “proximate microcelebrification”, micro-microcelebrities themselves inherit celebrity through the preemptive and continuous exposure from their Influencer mothers, many beginning even during the pre-birth pregnancy stages in the form of ultrasound scans, as a form of “achieved microcelebrity”. Influencer mothers whose “presentational strategies” (cf. Marshall, “Promotion” 45) are successful enough (as will be addressed later) gain traction among followers, who in turn further popularize the micro-microcelebrity by setting up fan accounts, tribute sites, and gossip forums through which fame is heightened in a feedback loop as a model of “ascribed microcelebrity”.Here, however, I refrain from conceptualizing these young stars as “micro-Influencers” for unlike Influencers, these children do not yet curate their self-presentation to command the attention of followers, but instead are used, framed, and appropriated by their mothers for advertorials. In other words, Influencer mothers “curate [micro-microcelebrities’] identities into being” (Leaver, “Birth”). Following this, many aspects of their micro-microcelebrities become rapidly commodified and commercialized, with advertisers clamoring to endorse anything from maternity hospital stays to nappy cream.Although children of mommybloggers have the prospect to become micro-microcelebrities, both groups are conceptually distinct. Friedman (200-201) argues that among mommybloggers arose a tension between those who adopt “the raw authenticity of nonmonetized blogging”, documenting the “unglamorous minutiae” of their daily lives and a “more authentic view of motherhood” and those who use mommyblogs “primarily as a source of extra income rather than as a site for memoir”, focusing on “parent-centered products” (cf. Mom Bloggers Club).In contrast, micro-microcelebrities and their digital presence are deliberately commercial, framed and staged by Influencer mothers in order to maximize their advertorial potential, and are often postured to market even non-baby/parenting products such as fast food and vehicles (see later). Because of the overt commerce, it is unclear if micro-microcelebrity displays constitute “intimate surveillance”, an “almost always well-intentioned surveillance of young people by parents” (Leaver, “Born” 4). Furthermore, children are generally peripheral to mommybloggers whose own parenting narratives take precedence as a way to connect with fellow mothers, while micro-microcelebrities are the primary feature whose everyday lives and digital presence enrapture followers.MethodologyThe analysis presented is informed by my original fieldwork with 125 Influencers and related actors among whom I conducted a mixture of physical and digital personal interviews, participant observation, web archaeology, and archival research between December 2011 and October 2014. However, the material presented here is based on my digital participant observation of publicly accessible and intentionally-public digital presence of the first four highly successful micro-microcelebrities in Singapore: “Baby Dash” (b.2013) is the son of Influencer xiaxue, “#HeYurou” (b.2011) is the niece of Influencer bongqiuqiu, “#BabyElroyE” (b.2014) is the son of Influencer ohsofickle, and “@MereGoRound” (b.2015) is the daughter of Influencer bongqiuqiu.The microcelebrity/social media handles of these children take different forms, following the platform on which their parent/aunt has exposed them on the most. Baby Dash appears in all of xiaxue’s digital platforms under a variety of over 30 indexical, ironic, or humourous hashtags (Leaver, “Birth”) including “#pointylipped”, #pineappledash”, and “#面包脸” (trans. “bread face”); “#HeYurou” appears on bongqiuqiu’s Instagram and Twitter; “#BabyElroyE” appears on ohsofickle’s Instagram and blog, and is the central figure of his mother’s new YouTube channel; and “@MereGoRound” appears on all of bongqiuqiu’s digital platforms but also has her own Instagram account and dedicated YouTube channel. The images reproduced here are screenshot from Influencer mothers’ highly public social media: xiaxue, bongqiuqiu, and ohsofickle boast 593k, 277k, and 124k followers on Instagram and 263k, 41k, and 17k followers on Twitter respectively at the time of writing.Anticipation and Digital EstatesIn an exclusive front-pager (Figure 1) on the day of his induced birth, it was announced that Baby Dash had already received up to SGD25,000 worth of endorsement deals brokered by his Influencer mother, xiaxue. As the first micro-microcelebrity in his cohort (his mother was among the pioneer Influencers), Baby Dash’s Caesarean section was even filmed and posted on xiaxue’s YouTube channel in three parts (Figure 2). xiaxue had announced her pregnancy on her blog while in her second trimester, following which she consistently posted mirror selfies of her baby bump.Figure 1 & 2, screenshot April 2013 from ‹instagram.com/xiaxue›In her successful attempt at generating anticipation, the “bump” itself seemed to garner its own following on Twitter and Instagram, with many followers discussing how the Influencer dressed “it”, and how “it” was evolving over the weeks. One follower even compiled a collage of xiaxue’s “bump” chronologically and gifted it to the Influencer as an art image via Twitter on the day she delivered Baby Dash (Figure 3 & 4). Followers also frequently speculated and bantered about how her baby would look, and mused about how much they were going to adore him. Figure 3 & 4, screenshot March 2013 from ‹twitter.com/xiaxue› While Lupton (42) has conceptualized the sharing of images that precede birth as a “rite of passage”, Influencer mothers who publish sonograms deliberately do so in order to claim digital estates for their to-be micro-microcelebrities in the form of “reserved” social media handles, blog URLs, and unique hashtags for self-branding. For instance, at the 3-month mark of her pregnancy, Influencer bongqiuqiu debuted her baby’s dedicated hashtag, “#MereGoRound” in a birth announcement on her on Instagram account. Shortly after, she started an Instagram account, “@MereGoRound”, for her baby, who amassed over 5.5k followers prior to her birth. Figure 5 & 6, screenshot March 2015 from instagram.com/meregoround and instagram.com/bongqiuqiuThe debut picture features a heavily pregnant belly shot of bongqiuqiu (Figure 5), creating much anticipation for the arrival of a new micro-microcelebrity: in the six months leading up to her birth, various family, friends, and fans shared Instagram images of their gifts and welcome party for @MereGoRound, and followers shared congratulations and fan art on the dedicated Instagram hashtag. During this time, bongqiuqiu also frequently updated followers on her pregnancy progress, not without advertising her (presumably sponsored) gynecologist and hospital stay in her pregnancy diaries (Figure 6) – like Baby Dash, even as a foetus @MereGoRound was accumulating advertorials. Presently at six months old, @MereGoRound boasts almost 40k followers on Instagram on which embedded in the narrative of her growth are sponsored products and services from various advertisers.Non-Baby-Related AdvertorialsPrior to her pregnancy, Influencer bongqiuqiu hopped onto the micro-microcelebrity bandwagon in the wake of Baby Dash’s birth, by using her niece “#HeYurou” in her advertorials. Many Influencers attempt to naturalize their advertorials by composing their post as if recounting a family event. With reference to a child, parent, or partner, they may muse or quip about a product being used or an experience being shared in a bid to mask the distinction between their personal and commercial material. bongqiuqiu frequently posted personal, non-sponsored images engaging in daily mundane activities under the dedicated hashtag “#HeYurou”.However, this was occasionally interspersed with pictures of her niece holding on to various products including storybooks (Figure 8) and shopping bags (Figure 9). At first glance, this might have seemed like any mundane daily update the Influencer often posts. However, a close inspection reveals the caption bearing sponsor hashtags, tags, and campaign information. For instance, one Instagram post shows #HeYurou casually holding on to and staring at a burger in KFC wrapping (Figure 7), but when read in tandem with bongqiuqiu’s other KFC-related posts published over a span of a few months, it becomes clear that #HeYurou was in fact advertising for KFC. Figure 7, 8, 9, screenshot December 2014 from ‹instagram.com/bongqiuqiu›Elsewhere, Baby Dash was incorporated into xiaxue’s car sponsorship with over 20 large decals of one of his viral photos – dubbed “pineapple Dash” among followers – plastered all over her vehicle (Figure 10). Followers who spot the car in public are encouraged to photograph and upload the image using its dedicated hashtag, “#xiaxuecar” as part of the Influencer’s car sponsorship – an engagement scarcely related to her young child. Since then, xiaxue has speculated producing offshoots of “pineapple Dash” products including smartphone casings. Figure 10, screenshot December 2014 from ‹instagram.com/xiaxue›Follower EngagementSponsors regularly organize fan meet-and-greets headlined by micro-microcelebrities in order to attract potential customers. Photo opportunities and the chance to see Baby Dash “in the flesh” frequently front press and promotional material of marketing campaigns. Elsewhere on social media, several Baby Dash fan and tribute accounts have also emerged on Instagram, reposting images and related media of the micro-microcelebrity with overt adoration, no doubt encouraged by xiaxue, who began crowdsourcing captions for Baby Dash’s photos.Influencer ohsofickle postures #BabyElroyE’s follower engagement in a more subtle way. In her YouTube channel that debut in the month of her baby’s birth, ohsofickle produces video diaries of being a young, single, mother who is raising a child (Figure 11). In each episode, #BabyElroyE is the main feature whose daily activities are documented, and while there is some advertising embedded, ohsofickle’s approach on YouTube is much less overt than others as it features much more non-monetized personal content (Figure 12). Her blog serves as a backchannel to her vlogs, in which she recounts her struggles with motherhood and explicitly solicits the advice of mothers. However, owing to her young age (she became an Influencer at 17 and gave birth at 24), many of her followers are teenagers and young women who respond to her solicitations by gushing over #BabyElroyE’s images on Instagram. Figure 11 & 12, screenshot September 2015 from ‹instagram.com/ohsofickle›PrivacyAs noted by Holloway et al. (23), children like micro-microcelebrities will be among the first cohorts to inherit “digital profiles” of their “whole lifetime” as a “work in progress”, from parents who habitually underestimate or discount the privacy and long term effects of publicizing information about their children at the time of posting. This matters in a climate where social media platforms can amend privacy policies without user consent (23), and is even more pressing for micro-microcelebrities whose followers store, republish, and recirculate information in fan networks, resulting in digital footprints with persistence, replicability, scalability, searchability (boyd), and extended longevity in public circulation which can be attributed back to the children indefinitely (Leaver, “Ends”).Despite minimum age restrictions and recent concerns with “digital kidnapping” where users steal images of other young children to be re-posted as their own (Whigham), some social media platforms rarely police the proliferation of accounts set up by parents on behalf of their underage children prominently displaying their legal names and life histories, citing differing jurisdictions in various countries (Facebook; Instagram), while others claim to disable accounts if users report an “incorrect birth date” (cf. Google for YouTube). In Singapore, the Media Development Authority (MDA) which governs all print and digital media has no firm regulations for this but suggests that the age of consent is 16 judging by their recommendation to parents with children aged below 16 to subscribe to Internet filtering services (Media Development Authority, “Regulatory” 1). Moreover, current initiatives have been focused on how parents can impart digital literacy to their children (Media Development Authority, “Empowered”; Media Literacy Council) as opposed to educating parents about the digital footprints they may be unwittingly leaving about their children.The digital lives of micro-microcelebrities pose new layers of concern given their publicness and deliberate publicity, specifically hinged on making visible the usually inaccessible, private aspects of everyday life (Marshall, “Persona” 5).Scholars note that celebrities are individuals for whom speculation of their private lives takes precedence over their actual public role or career (Geraghty 100-101; Turner 8). However, the personae of Influencers and their young children are shaped by ambiguously blurring the boundaries of privacy and publicness in order to bait followers’ attention, such that privacy and publicness are defined by being broadcast, circulated, and publicized (Warner 414). In other words, the publicness of micro-microcelebrities is premised on the extent of the intentional publicity rather than simply being in the public domain (Marwick 223-231, emphasis mine).Among Influencers privacy concerns have aroused awareness but not action – Baby Dash’s Influencer mother admitted in a national radio interview that he has received a death threat via Instagram but feels that her child is unlikely to be actually attacked (Channel News Asia) – because privacy is a commodity that is manipulated and performed to advance their micro-microcelebrities’ careers. As pioneer micro-microcelebrities are all under 2-years-old at present, future research warrants investigating “child-centred definitions” (Third et al.) of the transition in which they come of age, grow an awareness of their digital presence, respond to their Influencer mothers’ actions, and potentially take over their accounts.Young LabourThe Ministry of Manpower (MOM) in Singapore, which regulates the employment of children and young persons, states that children under the age of 13 may not legally work in non-industrial or industrial settings (Ministry of Manpower). However, the same document later ambiguously states underaged children who do work can only do so under strict work limits (Ministry of Manpower). Elsewhere (Chan), it is noted that national labour statistics have thus far only focused on those above the age of 15, thus neglecting a true reflection of underaged labour in Singapore. This is despite the prominence of micro-microcelebrities who are put in front of (video) cameras to build social media content. Additionally, the work of micro-microcelebrities on digital platforms has not yet been formally recognized as labour, and is not regulated by any authority including Influencer management firms, clients, the MDA, and the MOM. Brief snippets from my ethnographic fieldwork with Influencer management agencies in Singapore similarly reveal that micro-microcelebrities’ labour engagements and control of their earnings are entirely at their parents’ discretion.As models and actors, micro-microcelebrities are one form of entertainment workers who if between the ages of 15 days and 18 years in the state of California are required to obtain an Entertainment Work Permit to be gainfully employed, adhering to strict work, schooling, and rest hour quotas (Department of Industrial Relations). Furthermore, the Californian Coogan Law affirms that earnings by these minors are their own property and not their parents’, although they are not old enough to legally control their finances and rely on the state to govern their earnings with a legal guardian (Screen Actors Guild). However, this similarly excludes underaged children and micro-microcelebrities engaged in creative digital ecologies. Future research should look into safeguards and instruments among young child entertainers, especially for micro-micrcocelebrities’ among whom commercial work and personal documentation is not always distinct, and are in fact deliberately intertwined in order to better engage with followers for relatabilityGrowing Up BrandedIn the wake of moral panics over excessive surveillance technologies, children’s safety on the Internet, and data retention concerns, micro-microcelebrities and their Influencer mothers stand out for their deliberately personal and overtly commercial approach towards self-documenting, self-presenting, and self-publicizing from the moment of conception. As these debut micro-microcelebrities grow older and inherit digital publics, personae, and careers, future research should focus on the transition of their ownership, engagement, and reactions to a branded childhood in which babies were postured for an initimate public.ReferencesAbidin, Crystal. “Communicative Intimacies: Influencers and Perceived Interconnectedness.” Ada: A Journal of Gender, New Media, & Technology. Forthcoming, Nov 2015.Aiello, Marianne. “Mommy Blog Banner Ads Get Results.” Healthcare Marketing Advisor 17 Nov. 2010. HealthLeaders Media. 16 Aug. 2015 ‹http://healthleadersmedia.com/content/MAR-259215/Mommy-Blog-Banner-Ads-Get-Results›.Azzarone, Stephanie. “When Consumers Report: Mommy Blogging Your Way to Success.” Playthings 18 Feb. 2009. 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