Relevant bibliographies by topics / Spain (Civil government of Burgos)

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Spain (Civil government of Burgos)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Spain (Civil government of Burgos)"

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Serrulla, Fernando, Lourdes Herrasti, Carmen Navarro, Jose Luis Cascallana, Ana Maria Bermejo, Nicholas Marquez-Grant, and Francisco Etxeberria. "Preserved brains from the Spanish Civil War mass grave (1936) at La Pedraja1 , Burgos, Spain." Science & Justice 56, no. 6 (December 2016): 453–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.scijus.2016.08.001.

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Morán, Rafael, and Miguel A. Toledo. "Design and construction of the Barriga Dam spillway through an improved wedge-shaped block technology." Canadian Journal of Civil Engineering 41, no. 10 (October 2014): 924–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/cjce-2014-0120.

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The Barriga Dam (Burgos, Spain) is a unique case study because its trapezoid spillway is located on the dam body and is composed of wedge-shaped concrete blocks (WSB) that include certain relevant improvements. This note summarizes the main features of the studies, the key aspects of the final design of the WSB and their placement on the dam, and important details of the spillway design. The design team concluded the study by showing the suitability of this enhanced technology for application to small dams and ponds in the short term, even with unit flows above 5 m2/s.
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Palfreeman, Linda, and Jon Arrizabalaga. "Frida Stewart in Spain: Administering humanitarian aid during the Spanish Civil War." International Journal of Iberian Studies 33, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2020): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00030_7.

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When a failed military coup provoked civil war in Spain in July 1936, the Spanish government made a worldwide plea for assistance. More than 2500 British men answered the call, taking up arms in defence of the democratically-elected Republican government. While this show of international solidarity has been widely documented, much less attention has been given to the massive response made by British women. Thousands of women organized nationwide campaigns to send aid to Spain. One of these women was Frida Stewart (1910–96), a young musician with a strong social conscience. As is the case with so many other women, Frida’s recollections, her memoir and correspondence, upon which the following essay is closely based, constitute a valuable historical resource for the analysis of women’s experiences during the war and give voice to those whose stories have previously gone unheard.
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Boldyreva, E. P., N. V. Gorbunova, T. Yu Grigoreva, and E. V. Ovchinnikova. "E-government Implementation in Spain, France and Russia: Efficiency and Trust Level." SHS Web of Conferences 62 (2019): 11005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196211005.

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The article considers peculiarities of modern information technologies introduction including e-state management (e-government) in government bodies, local authorities and governmental structure. Certain factors, influencing citizen’s intention to use the system of interaction with e-government, taking into account trust, perceived risk and political efficiency on the example of several European countries are described in the article. Attempt to compare different approaches to e-government introduction into countries, having basic differences, influencing e-government introduction, i.e. cultural and historic problem of the country, infrastructure, e-competence and development of citizens, civil servants and technical staff was made by the authors. Advantages of e-government, such as improvement of access to information and services; dropping-out of access limits to authority, improvement the quality of service and reputation; integration of institutions are revealed in the paper. The authors attempt to examine modern conditions of new information technologies introduction; determine anticipated utility of their use; obtain new data of new government services; generalize problems of anticipated risks and threats for citizens, using e-government services and contemplate ways of their prevention.
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Lombardo, Emanuela, and Alba Alonso. "Gender Regime Change in Decentralized States: The Case of Spain." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 27, no. 3 (2020): 449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa016.

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Abstract This article applies Walby’s systemic theory of gender regime to Spain’s decentralized state, to capture changes in the gender regime. Locating the “hegemon” at different levels of government for each domain (economy, polity, violence, and civil society) and considering interactions between governmental levels provided a clear understanding of changes in the gender regime. The relationship between governmental level acting as hegemon in specific domains and variations in political majorities across governmental levels explained changes toward a neoliberal–conservative type in the economy domain. Shifts toward a neoliberal gender regime in violence and polity, and toward a conservative type in civil society, were contested.
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Serrulla, F., L. Herrasti, C. Navarro, JL Cascallana, AM Bermejo, N. Márquez-Grant, and F. Etxeberría. "Corrigendum to “Preserved brains from the Spanish Civil War mass grave (1936) at La Pedraja 1, Burgos, Spain” [Sci. Justice 56 (2016) 453–463]." Science & Justice 57, no. 2 (March 2017): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.scijus.2017.01.002.

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Núñez, Carolina, Miriam Baeta, Leire Palencia-Madrid, Lourdes Herrasti, Francisco Etxeberria, and Marian M. de Pancorbo. "A grave in my garden. Genetic identification of Spanish civil war victims buried in two mass graves in Espinosa de los Monteros (Burgos, Spain)." Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series 5 (December 2015): e335-e337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.fsigss.2015.09.133.

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Caballero Zoreda, Luis, and Leandro Cámara Muñoz. "Un caso de lectura de paramentos y argumentación científica. S. Pedro el Viejo de Arlanza, Burgos-España." Informes de la Construcción 46, no. 435 (February 28, 1995): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ic.1995.v46.i435.1100.

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McGarry, Fearghal. "Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.

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Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.
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COOPER, ELIZABETH. "Dances About Spain: Censorship at the Federal Theatre Project." Theatre Research International 29, no. 3 (October 2004): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883304000641.

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In 1939 the Chicago and New York City dance units of the Works Progress Administration's Federal Theatre Project premiered two works inspired by the events of the Spanish Civil War. This paper offers an examination of the conflicts that arose in presenting dances about a war in which the US government adopted a position of neutrality, but about which many artists took a profoundly partisan stance. Further, this research unveils how internal censorship at the Federal Theatre Project affected the creation and presentation of these dances as well as ways in which the choreographers (Ruth Page/Bentley Stone and Helen Tamiris) subverted requests for alterations to their scenarios and choreography.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Spain (Civil government of Burgos)"

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Alonso, Ibáñez Ana Isabel. "Las Juntas de defensa militares (1917-1922) /." [Madrid] : Centro de publicaciones, Ministerio de Defensa, Secretaría general técnica, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39273088c.

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Mauri, Majós Joan. "La negociación colectiva en el sistema de función pública local." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666511.

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El trabajo que presentamos pretende ser un estudio del objeto de la negociación colectiva de las condiciones de trabajo de los funcionarios en el ámbito local. Dicho estudio presupone la identificación del derecho de negociación y el establecimiento expreso de la naturaleza jurídica última que puedan tener sus productos. A partir de ahí hay que situar el ejercicio de dicho derecho en los parámetros dados por el artículo 37 EBEP 2015, lo que exige analizar una serie de criterios generales de determinación de las materias objeto de negociación y atender a un sistema de lista donde se señalan concretamente las materias que han de ser objeto de negociación y las materias que han de quedar excluidas de ella. Los criterios generales de determinación de las materias que se han de negociar son los de alcance legal, competencia y ámbito. Precisarlos exige considerar el lugar de la ley en el sistema de función pública y establecer adecuadamente las relaciones entre la ley y el acuerdo colectivo en la determinación de las condiciones de trabajo de los funcionarios. También supone analizar lo que pueda ser la competencia local en materia de función pública y el papel que pueda tener la potestad normativa de nuestras corporaciones locales en la fijación de dichas condiciones de trabajo. Finalmente, la determinación del objeto de la negociación exige también examinar detalladamente cuál debe ser el ámbito apropiado de negociación para la regulación de la materia que proceda en cada caso. Aunque no se ha eludido el análisis del sistema concreto de disposición de la lista de materias que han de ser objeto de negociación, lo cierto es que la delimitación del objeto de la negociación se ha pretendido obtener aquí desde una perspectiva inversa, es decir, señalando lo que ha de ser excluido de la obligatoriedad de la negociación. Ello ha exigido estudiar la potestad de organización y la potestad de dirección y control en materia de personal funcionario como contrapoderes que han de delimitar el espacio de la negociación en el sector público y, más concretamente, en el ámbito territorial local.
El treball que presentem és un estudi sobre l’objecte de la negociació col·lectiva de les condicions de treball dels funcionaris en l’àmbit local. L’esmentat estudi pressuposa la identificació del dret de negociació i l’establiment exprés de la naturalesa jurídica última que poden tenir els seus productes. A partir d’aquí s’ha de situar l’exercici de l’esmentat dret en els paràmetres establerts en l’article 37 EBEP 2015, la qual cosa exigeix analitzar un seguit de criteris generals de determinació de les matèries que han d’ésser objecte de negociació i atendre a un sistema de llista a través del qual s’assenyalen concretament les matèries que han d’ésser objecte de negociació i les matèries que han de quedar excloses de la negociació. Els criteris generals de determinació de les matèries que s’han de negociar son els d’abast legal, competència i àmbit. Precisar-los exigeix considerar l’espai de la llei en el sistema de funció pública i establir adequadament les relacions entre la llei i l’acord col·lectiu en la determinació de les condicions de treball dels funcionaris. També suposa analitzar el que pugui ser la competència local en matèria de funció pública i el paper que pugui tenir la potestat normativa de les nostres corporacions locals en la fixació de les dites condicions de treball. Finalment, la determinació de l’objecte de la negociació exigeix també examinar detalladament quin ha d’ésser l’àmbit apropiat de negociació per a la regulació de la matèria que procedeixi en cada cas. Encara que no s’ha volgut eludir l’anàlisi del sistema concret de disposició de la llista de matèries que han d’ésser objecte de negociació, el cert és que la delimitació de l’objecte de la negociació s’ha pretès obtenir aquí des d’una perspectiva inversa, és a dir, assenyalant el que s’ha d’excloure de l’obligatorietat de la negociació. Això ha exigit estudiar la potestat d’organització i la potestat de direcció i control en matèria de personal funcionari com a contrapoders que han de delimitar l’espai de la negociació en el sector públic i, més concretament, en l’àmbit territorial local.
This research we present aims to be a study of the subject of collective bargaining of working conditions of municipal civil servants. This study requires the identification of a right to bargain and the express establishment of an ultimate legal nature of their products. From this understanding, we must place the exercise of this right within the parameters given by Article 37 EBEP 2015. This Article requires an analysis of a set of general criteria, which establish the matters that may be subject to collective bargaining. It is also necessary to refer to a list system, which specifically identifies those matters that are to be negotiated and those matters that must be excluded from it. General criteria for determining those matters to be negotiated are those of legal nature, competence and scope. Specifying them requires considering the role of the law in the public function system and adequately establishing the interplay between the law and the collective agreement in determining the working conditions of civil servants. It also involves analysing what may be local competition in terms of civil service and the role that regulatory power of our local corporations may have in setting such working conditions. Finally, determining of the subject of bargaining also requires carrying out a detailed analysis to ascertain the appropriate scope of negotiation for the regulation of the relevant matter in each case. Although an analysis of the specific arrangement of the list of matters to be negotiated has not been avoided, the truth is that the delimitation of the subject of negotiation has been sought here from an inverse perspective, that is, pointing at what shall be excluded from the obligation of negotiation. This has required studying the power of organization and the power of direction and control in terms of civil servant personnel as counterweight that shall define the negotiating space in the public sector and, more specifically, at a municipal level.
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Staab, Andreas. "Fostering democracy in eastern Europe." 1993. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2491.

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Books on the topic "Spain (Civil government of Burgos)"

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Pérez, Isaac Rilova. Guerra Civil y violencia política en Burgos, 1936-1943. Burgos [Spain]: Editorial Dossoles, 2001.

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Gallo, Miguel Ángel Moreno, and Carlos Alfonso Chamorro Rodríguez. Guardias civiles al servicio de Burgos. Burgos]: Publicaciones de la Excma. Diputación Provincial de Burgos, 2014.

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Berrojo, Luis Castro. Capital de la Cruzada: Burgos durante la Guerra Civil. Barcelona: Crítica, 2006.

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Moure-Mariño, Luis. La generación del 36: Memorias de Salamanca y Burgos. Sada, A Coruña: Ediciós do Castro, 1989.

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Paul, Preston. La guerra civil española. Barcelona: Debols!llo, 2004.

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Stewart-Murray, Atholl Katharine Marjory. Searchlight on Spain [microform]. Harmondsworth, Middlesex, England: Penguin Books Ltd., 1985.

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Paul, Preston. The Spanish Civil War: Reaction, Revolution and Revenge. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2007.

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Paul, Preston. The Spanish Civil War: Reaction, revolution and revenge. London: Harper Perennial, 2006.

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The return of civil society: The emergence of democratic Spain. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1993.

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Viejo-Rose, Dacia. Reconstructing Spain: Cultural heritage and memory after civil war. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Spain (Civil government of Burgos)"

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Garrido, Eva Maria Nieto. "Constitutional Foundations of Government Liability in Spain." In Tort Liability of Public Authorities in European Laws, 73–76. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198867555.003.0011.

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In Spain, the Civil Code has long been the basis of the liability of administrative authorities, and the Constitution has reaffirmed it by way of a general principle of damages liability. The Constitution has also confirmed the importance attached to the legislative regulation of administrative procedure, especially after the Act of 1958, subsequently amended in 1992 and 2015. A claim may, therefore, more easily than elsewhere, be based on the lack of procedural fairness. Coherently with traditional views of administrative liability, the constitutional provision admits it whenever harm is a consequence of actions taken in the discharge of public functions or services. Another fundamental feature of the Spanish legal system is that there is an ‘objective’ conception of liability, in the sense that it is not only based on misconduct. Procedurally, a specific administrative procedure must be carried out. After its conclusion, a claim can be brought before the specialized judicial branch, the jurisdiction ‘contencioso-administrativa’.
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Carpintero, S., and O. Petersen. "Waste water treatment through public-private partnerships: The experience of the regional government of Aragon (Spain)." In Civil Engineering and Urban Planning III, 535–40. CRC Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/b17190-108.

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Díaz-Díaz, Raimundo, and Daniel Pérez-González. "Implementation of Social Media Concepts for E-Government." In Smart Cities and Smart Spaces, 1071–91. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7030-1.ch049.

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Some governments have proven social media's potential to generate value through co-creation and citizen participation, and municipalities are increasingly using these tools in order to become smart cities. Nevertheless, few public administrations have taken full advantage of all the possibilities offered by social media and, as a consequence, there is a shortage of case studies published on this topic. By analyzing the case study of the platform Santander City Brain, managed by the City Council of Santander (Spain), the current work contributes to broaden the knowledge on ambitious social media projects implemented by local public administrations for e-Government; therefore, this case can be useful for other public sector's initiatives. The case studied herein proves that virtual social media are effective tools for civil society, as it is able to set the political agenda and influence the framing of political discourse; however, they should not be considered as the main channel for citizen participation. Among the results obtained, the authors have found that several elements are required: the determination and involvement of the government, a designated community manager to follow up with the community of users, the secured privacy of its users, and a technological platform that is easy to use. Additionally, the Public Private Partnership model provides several advantages to the project, such as opening new sources of funding.
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"No. 23369. Agreement between the Government of the Kingdom of Spain and the Government of the People’s Republic of China relating to civil air transport. Signed at Beijing on 19 June 1978." In United Nations Treaty Series, 307–16. UN, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/c5dd86b8-en-fr.

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Simón, Juan Antonio. "Football, Diplomacy, and International Relations during Francoism, 1937–1975." In Soccer Diplomacy, 48–69. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179513.003.0004.

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Throughout the decades under Franco, Spanish foreign policy often used football as a diplomatic tool. In a totalitarian system where sport was subject to political government interests, football allowed the regime to show a positive image of Spain, favoring its progressive integration into the European context. Before the end of the Spanish Civil War in April 1939, Francoism started to implement a new model of sports politics. Franco understood that this activity might be a benefit to his international legitimation, an aid to the political control of the Spanish society, and a propaganda tool. Spain experienced a radical ostracism from the international sporting context during this period, reducing its international football relations to those countries ideologically close to Francoism such as Germany, Italy, and Portugal.
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Yarza, Alejandro. "Romancero Marroquí and the Francoist Kitsch Politics of Time." In The Making and Unmaking of Francoist Kitsch Cinema. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748699247.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the colonial politics of Franco’s Spain through an analysis of Romancero marroquí (Morrocan Romance, Carlos Velo 1938), a documentary about Spanish Morocco produced during the Spanish Civil War by Franco’s provisional government. While in traditional colonial representations the colony becomes an alluring, albeit inferior, other to the colonizing Metropolis in need of progress and civilization, in its Francoist representation Spanish-Moroccan society becomes a model to be imitated, a kitsch paradise opposing—like Francoism itself—modern materialism and parliamentary democracy.
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Laurence, Jonathan. "Imperfect Institutionalization." In The Emancipation of Europe's Muslims. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691144214.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the second round of state–mosque relations that produced institutionalized Islam Councils. Interior ministries provided the first impetus to organize Islam as a “national” religion, and the government-led consultations established a variety of national councils between 1992 and 2006, from the Conseil français du culte musulman, to the Comisíon Islámica de España, to the Exécutif des musulmans de Belgique, to the Deutsche Islam Konferenz, to the Mosques and Imams National Advisory Board in Britain, to the Consulta per l'Islam italiano. These national processes are not identical: many place more weight on the role of Embassy Islam and foreign government representatives (e.g., Belgium, Germany, France, Spain), while others rely more heavily on handpicked local civil society organizations (e.g., Italy, United Kingdom).
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Riley, Kathleen. "Michael Portillo’s Great Railway Journeys: Granada to Salamanca (1999)." In Imagining Ithaca, 221–51. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198852971.003.0018.

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This chapter follows Michael Portillo’s pilgrimage to his late father’s native Spain as part of the BBC television series Great Railway Journeys. Luis Gabriel Portillo was a poet and law professor who stayed loyal to the Republican government when the Spanish Civil War broke out in 1936. A liberal intellectual and a Catholic idealist, he refused to carry a rifle at the front for fear of killing one of his brothers, five of whom were enlisted on the Nationalist side. Instead he ran messages as a courier and acted as a political instructor to the troops. In January 1939, shortly before Madrid fell to Franco, he escaped across the Pyrenees, reaching England as an asylum-seeker. For two decades he was unable to set foot in Spain. Michael’s moving Telemachan odyssey took him back to the land of his father’s heroes, to the village of his formative years, to the front line of the civil war, and to the ancient university city of Salamanca, the Ithaca of which Luis dreamt during his long years in exile. The chapter also looks at examples of Luis Portillo’s deeply nostalgic poetry of exile, from his published volume Ruiseñor del destierro.
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Williamson, Andy. "Transforming Democracy through ICT." In Encyclopedia of Developing Regional Communities with Information and Communication Technology, 698–703. IGI Global, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59140-575-7.ch125.

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This article explores the potential of ICT to be used to transform the processes of citizen engagement such that a citizen-centred approach to e-democracy becomes both viable and desirable. It will do so by exploring three tensions relating to democracy and civil society: first that participation in traditional democracy is falling, yet new technologies are mobilising citizens on a global and local scale (such as antiglobalisation protests and electoral protests in the Philippines and Spain); second, ICT increases the technocracy of government but also offers citizens a chance to become closer to it; and third, that macro strategies for ICT access are not enough to remove localised exclusion.
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Williamson, Andy. "Transforming Democracy through ICT." In Information Communication Technologies, 2441–49. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-949-6.ch178.

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This article explores the potential of ICT to be used to transform the processes of citizen engagement such that a citizen-centred approach to e-democracy becomes both viable and desirable. It will do so by exploring three tensions relating to democracy and civil society: first that participation in traditional democracy is falling, yet new technologies are mobilising citizens on a global and local scale (such as antiglobalisation protests and electoral protests in the Philippines and Spain); second, ICT increases the technocracy of government but also offers citizens a chance to become closer to it; and third, that macro strategies for ICT access are not enough to remove localised exclusion.
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Conference papers on the topic "Spain (Civil government of Burgos)"

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Mínguez, Jesús, Dorys Carmen González, José Antonio Martínez, and Miguel Ángel Vicente. "TEACHING EXPERIENCES WITH CHINESE STUDENTS IN THE DEGREE OF CIVIL ENGINEERING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BURGOS (SPAIN)." In 10th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2017.1448.

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