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1
Serrulla, Fernando, Lourdes Herrasti, Carmen Navarro, Jose Luis Cascallana, Ana Maria Bermejo, Nicholas Marquez-Grant, and Francisco Etxeberria. "Preserved brains from the Spanish Civil War mass grave (1936) at La Pedraja1 , Burgos, Spain." Science & Justice 56, no. 6 (December 2016): 453–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.scijus.2016.08.001.
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Morán, Rafael, and Miguel A. Toledo. "Design and construction of the Barriga Dam spillway through an improved wedge-shaped block technology." Canadian Journal of Civil Engineering 41, no. 10 (October 2014): 924–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/cjce-2014-0120.
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The Barriga Dam (Burgos, Spain) is a unique case study because its trapezoid spillway is located on the dam body and is composed of wedge-shaped concrete blocks (WSB) that include certain relevant improvements. This note summarizes the main features of the studies, the key aspects of the final design of the WSB and their placement on the dam, and important details of the spillway design. The design team concluded the study by showing the suitability of this enhanced technology for application to small dams and ponds in the short term, even with unit flows above 5 m2/s.
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Palfreeman, Linda, and Jon Arrizabalaga. "Frida Stewart in Spain: Administering humanitarian aid during the Spanish Civil War." International Journal of Iberian Studies 33, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2020): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00030_7.
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When a failed military coup provoked civil war in Spain in July 1936, the Spanish government made a worldwide plea for assistance. More than 2500 British men answered the call, taking up arms in defence of the democratically-elected Republican government. While this show of international solidarity has been widely documented, much less attention has been given to the massive response made by British women. Thousands of women organized nationwide campaigns to send aid to Spain. One of these women was Frida Stewart (1910–96), a young musician with a strong social conscience. As is the case with so many other women, Frida’s recollections, her memoir and correspondence, upon which the following essay is closely based, constitute a valuable historical resource for the analysis of women’s experiences during the war and give voice to those whose stories have previously gone unheard.
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Boldyreva, E. P., N. V. Gorbunova, T. Yu Grigoreva, and E. V. Ovchinnikova. "E-government Implementation in Spain, France and Russia: Efficiency and Trust Level." SHS Web of Conferences 62 (2019): 11005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196211005.
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The article considers peculiarities of modern information technologies introduction including e-state management (e-government) in government bodies, local authorities and governmental structure. Certain factors, influencing citizen’s intention to use the system of interaction with e-government, taking into account trust, perceived risk and political efficiency on the example of several European countries are described in the article. Attempt to compare different approaches to e-government introduction into countries, having basic differences, influencing e-government introduction, i.e. cultural and historic problem of the country, infrastructure, e-competence and development of citizens, civil servants and technical staff was made by the authors. Advantages of e-government, such as improvement of access to information and services; dropping-out of access limits to authority, improvement the quality of service and reputation; integration of institutions are revealed in the paper. The authors attempt to examine modern conditions of new information technologies introduction; determine anticipated utility of their use; obtain new data of new government services; generalize problems of anticipated risks and threats for citizens, using e-government services and contemplate ways of their prevention.
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Lombardo, Emanuela, and Alba Alonso. "Gender Regime Change in Decentralized States: The Case of Spain." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 27, no. 3 (2020): 449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa016.
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Abstract This article applies Walby’s systemic theory of gender regime to Spain’s decentralized state, to capture changes in the gender regime. Locating the “hegemon” at different levels of government for each domain (economy, polity, violence, and civil society) and considering interactions between governmental levels provided a clear understanding of changes in the gender regime. The relationship between governmental level acting as hegemon in specific domains and variations in political majorities across governmental levels explained changes toward a neoliberal–conservative type in the economy domain. Shifts toward a neoliberal gender regime in violence and polity, and toward a conservative type in civil society, were contested.
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Serrulla, F., L. Herrasti, C. Navarro, JL Cascallana, AM Bermejo, N. Márquez-Grant, and F. Etxeberría. "Corrigendum to “Preserved brains from the Spanish Civil War mass grave (1936) at La Pedraja 1, Burgos, Spain” [Sci. Justice 56 (2016) 453–463]." Science & Justice 57, no. 2 (March 2017): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.scijus.2017.01.002.
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Núñez, Carolina, Miriam Baeta, Leire Palencia-Madrid, Lourdes Herrasti, Francisco Etxeberria, and Marian M. de Pancorbo. "A grave in my garden. Genetic identification of Spanish civil war victims buried in two mass graves in Espinosa de los Monteros (Burgos, Spain)." Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series 5 (December 2015): e335-e337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.fsigss.2015.09.133.
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Caballero Zoreda, Luis, and Leandro Cámara Muñoz. "Un caso de lectura de paramentos y argumentación científica. S. Pedro el Viejo de Arlanza, Burgos-España." Informes de la Construcción 46, no. 435 (February 28, 1995): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ic.1995.v46.i435.1100.
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McGarry, Fearghal. "Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.
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Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.
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COOPER, ELIZABETH. "Dances About Spain: Censorship at the Federal Theatre Project." Theatre Research International 29, no. 3 (October 2004): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883304000641.
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In 1939 the Chicago and New York City dance units of the Works Progress Administration's Federal Theatre Project premiered two works inspired by the events of the Spanish Civil War. This paper offers an examination of the conflicts that arose in presenting dances about a war in which the US government adopted a position of neutrality, but about which many artists took a profoundly partisan stance. Further, this research unveils how internal censorship at the Federal Theatre Project affected the creation and presentation of these dances as well as ways in which the choreographers (Ruth Page/Bentley Stone and Helen Tamiris) subverted requests for alterations to their scenarios and choreography.
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Munton, Alan. "Wyndham Lewis and the Meanings of Spain." Journal of English Studies 5 (May 29, 2008): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.131.
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Wyndham Lewis (1882-1957) visited Spain at least five times. The impact of these visits on his work was very significant. His novel The Revenge for Love (1937) is partly set in Spain, and is an important political novel of the 1930s; his painting The Siege of Barcelona (1936-37) is a significant statement about Spanish history and the Civil War. Less happy is the polemical essay Count Your Dead: They are Alive! (1937), which takes sides against the legitimate government. (He changed his mind the following year.) This discussion is based on themes apparent in Lewis’s understanding of Spain: his experience at the centre and on the margins; his overcoming of well-known clichés about Spain; his grasp of the importance of Spanish Anarchism; his recognition of the gaze or mirada as an element in life; and a final discussion of The Siege of Barcelona – which after 1939 was renamed The Surrender of Barcelona. That significant change indicates the seriousness of Lewis’s understanding of Spain.
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BUCHANAN, TOM. "Edge of Darkness: British ‘Front-line’ Diplomacy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1937." Contemporary European History 12, no. 3 (August 2003): 279–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730300122x.
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British policy during the Spanish Civil War was seen by many at the time as dishonest and dishonourable, and this is a criticism that has survived the opening of the official records to historical scrutiny. Research by Jill Edwards, Douglas Little and, most recently, by Enrique Moradiellos has presented the policy pursued by the British government as cynical, callous and objectively pro-Franco. Understandably, however, the literature on this subject, exemplified in the work of these scholars, has focused primarily on establishing how policy decisions were reached within the Foreign Office and other interested branches of government. What has tended to be neglected by historians (with some notable exceptions) has been the experience of British diplomatic and consular officials in the field. These were the men who carried the triple burden not only of being the eyes and ears of the Foreign Office in Spain, but also of negotiating with government and local authorities and of protecting British lives and interests amidst the chaos of civil war. This article seeks to redress the balance by placing the focus on these ‘front-line diplomats’. It concentrates on the experiences of those British diplomatic and consular staff in the main Republican zone who were most directly exposed to the war, although reference will also be made to officials in the Nationalist zone and in the relative tranquillity of the British embassy in exile at Hendaye. The article is concerned more specifically, although not exclusively, with George Ogilvie-Forbes's tenure as chargé d'affaires in Madrid and Valencia (August 1936–March 1937). For this period Ogilvie-Forbes's own papers offer an unparalleled insight into the private opinions of British diplomats in the front line of civil war, and provide a new perspective on their relationships both with each other and with the Foreign Office. The article concludes with the recasting of the British diplomatic presence in Spain in autumn 1937, with the relocation of the British embassy from Valencia to Caldetas, outside Barcelona, and the appointment of an agent to represent British interests in Nationalist territory. The first part of the article describes the development of the British diplomatic presence in Spain during this period, while the second examines the civil war's impact on individual British diplomats, and how their experiences affected their relationship with their superiors in London.
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Molodiakov, V. E. "Against Anarchy and Hitler: French Nationalism and Spanish Civil War." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 4 (December 12, 2019): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-4-166-182.
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Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.
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O’Brien, Mark. "‘In war-torn Spain’: The politics of Irish press coverage of the Spanish civil war." Media, War & Conflict 10, no. 3 (March 1, 2017): 345–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635217694125.
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The Spanish civil war was a conflict that acted as a touchstone for the divisions within Irish society. As a newly-independent state that was 93 per cent Catholic, reporting a conflict that involved, on the one hand, an armed rebellion against a democratically elected government, and on the other, the killing of clergy and the burning of churches, proved divisive. The decisions by Ireland’s three national newspaper titles to send correspondents to Spain only further polarized opinion as their reportage reinforced divergent opinions on the origins and meaning of the conflict. The examination, through digital archives, of the activities of these correspondents sheds new light on the experiences of war correspondents in this conflict and on the ‘newspaper war’ that sought to influence public and political opinion on it. Similarly, the reactions to these reports give an insight into how divisive the conflict was within a state seeking to bed down its own democratic institutions.
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Bailey, Bill. "One Man's Education: A Testimony to Internationalism." Harvard Educational Review 55, no. 1 (April 1, 1985): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.55.1.x093gh5891765250.
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Bill Bailey was working as a union organizer in Hawaii in 1936 when the Spanish Civil War broke out. Fascist troops led by Franco rebelled against Spain's democratically elected Republican government. The U.S. government declared a policy of nonintervention that prohibited the shipment of arms to the Republican Loyalists and banned travel to Spain. This policy contributed to the Fascist cause and outraged many Americans, including Bailey. Early in 1937, Bailey joined a group of American volunteers forming the Abraham Lincoln Battalion, an unpaid and nonprofessional troop of men and women who chose to fight with the International Brigade alongside the Republican Loyalists. In this article, the complexity of internationalism is expressed through Bailey's commitment to support the Spanish democracy, a decision in which he places the international cause of fighting fascism above his nation's choice not to participate. Bailey shares his memories of that period and describes his reasons for choosing the path that led him to Spain.
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Coni, Nicholas. "The best of leaders at the worst of times: medical scientist and war premier." Journal of Medical Biography 28, no. 3 (November 14, 2017): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772017727977.
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Professor Juan Negrín López was Prime Minister of the democratically elected left-wing government of Spain for the latter two-and-a-half years of the three-year Civil War which ravaged the country between 1936 and 1939. The side loyal to the government lost, partly because of the generous aid received by their opponents from Germany and Italy, partly because of the Anglo-French agreement, observed by most countries but ignored by Germany and Italy, to outlaw arms supplies to either side, partly because of internal dissent, and partly because of the greater military capability of the enemy. Negrín led the country with tenacity and wisdom, but is remembered with ambivalence in Spain, and hardly at all elsewhere, although he spent the years of his post-war exile in the UK and France. This paper draws attention to a member of the medical profession who achieved both academic and political distinction, but whose career ended in a disaster which he was powerless to prevent. Among his admirable qualities, he should be remembered for his courage. Like most wars, the Spanish Civil War had its share of psychopaths and villains – but also its share of heroes, and Juan Negrín belongs among their number.
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Ratz, Sergey V. "Secret services of the USSR in Spain and their role in the military and political conflict of 1936–1939." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 36, no. 2 (2020): 356–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2020.212.
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The article is dedicated to the activities of the Soviet intelligence agencies in Spain during the Civil War of 1936–1939. By June 1936, diplomatic relations between USSR and Spain were absent. Due to the putschist revolt and the appeal of the legitimate government of Spain to the USSR, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) made a decision to establish diplomatic, military, and trade delegations in Spain. The intelligence agencies of the USSR planned operation ‘X’ for military assistance to Spain. As part of this operation, a Soviet advisory staff concerning military and foreign intelligence was formed. The author brings to light the goals of the secret service authorities of the Soviet Union, including such particular ones as the removal of Spain’s gold reserve and the creation of the 14th Partisan Corps. The article analyses the activities of the advisory staff, their role in the development of the largest military operations during the Spanish Civil War, and traces the fate of the conflict’s most active participants. Based on the analysis of new data introduced into the historical discourse in recent years, the author concludes that the secret services of the USSR played a large role in this conflict. The Soviet advisors and specialists obtained unique experiences, including conducting large-scale operations; military equipment was tested in actual battle activities; intelligence specialists enlisted information sources with great potential. Many military specialists tried and trained in Spain in 1936–1939 later played an invaluable role in the victory of the USSR in the Great Patriotic War.
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Orlov, A. "KEY PROBLEMS OF MODERN SPAIN." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-1-9-14.
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Adoption in 1978 of the new Constitution became a watershed between two Spains - old, dictatorial and modern, socially oriented, democratic. As a result of shown by leaders of the main political parties, labor unions and pragmatic part of the armed forces responsibility for the future of the country, the compromise solutions of a number of burning issues have been found that created necessary conditions for stable development of Spain for three next decades. Nevertheless over the years there were new problem knots which were distinctly shown during the financial and economic crisis 2008 which painfully struck across Spain, and the long-term depression which followed it. After the national elections to General Courts which took place on December 20, 2015 it became obvious that actually two-party system existing throughout the most part of the post-Franco period in Spain consigned to the past. It was succeeded by four-party system that excessively complicates process of formation of the stable government. In the practical plane there is a question of need to make changes into the existing Constitution of Spain (country federalization, fixing in the Fundamental law of the new civil and political rights and freedoms, revision of bases of an electoral system, reform of the Senate, etc.). The Catalan nationalism / separatism and corruption in the top echelons of power are distinguished from the burning issues of modern Spain. In article the conclusion is drawn that Spain faces a responsible choice today, on what way to go: or to continue the inertial movement on the route offered by the Spanish conservatives or to decide on changes, to initiate something similar to «the second transit» for what can call the left forces.
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Tolstov, Sergii. "Practice and experience of the national reconciliation in Spain." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.124-143.
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The contemporary political theory envisages the Spanish transition from authoritarianism to a modern multiparty political system as an important landmark and one of the most successful examples of the ‘third wave’ of the process of global democratization. Commenced in Southern Europe, the transition towards the democratic rule has affected Latin America, South Africa and a number of Asian countries and then went further to the majority of Central and Eastern European states. The political reforms and regime change became possible due to the ‘national reconciliation’, a series of compromises negotiated between the government and the leaders of the top political parties. This mechanism ensured a gradual peaceful process of political changes and their successful constitutional legitimization, as well as their implementation in the legislature. However, the transition towards a competitive multiparty democracy won’t cover the reconciliation of ideologies, neither did it consider a common moral and political assessment of the past. Both veterans of the Civil War of 1936 – 1939 and victims of the Franco’s dictatorship were completely rehabilitated only 30 years after the political transformation have been launched.
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Lázaro Lafuente, Luis Alberto. "Two Conflicting Irish Views of the Spanish Civil War." Oceánide 13 (February 9, 2020): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37668/oceanide.v13i.36.
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The Spanish Civil War sparked a heated debate in the recently created Irish Free State, as the Republic of Ireland was then called. A country that had also gone through an eleven-month civil war after the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 was again divided between those who supported the left-wing democratic Spanish Republican government and those who favoured Franco’s “crusade” against atheists and Marxists. In fact, some Irish volunteers joined the International Brigades to confront Fascism together with the Spanish Republican forces, while other more conservative Irish Catholics were mobilised to fight with Franco’s army against those Reds that the media claimed to be responsible for killing priests and burning churches. Both sections were highly influenced by the news, accounts and interpretations of the Spanish war that emerged at that time. Following Lluís Albert Chillón’s approach to the relations between journalism and literature (1999), this article aims to analyse the war reportages of two Irish writers who describe the Spanish Civil War from the two opposite sides: Peadar O’Donnell (1893–1986), a prominent Irish socialist activist and novelist who wrote Salud! An Irishman in Spain (1937), and Eoin O’Duffy (1892–1944), a soldier, anti-communist activist and police commissioner who raised the Irish Brigade to fight with Franco’s army and wrote The Crusade in Spain (1938). Both contributed to the dissemination of information and ideas about the Spanish conflict with their eyewitness accounts, and both raise interesting questions about the relations between fact, fiction and the truth, using similar narrative strategies and rhetorical devices to portray different versions of the same war.
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Vaamonde, Luis Gargallo. "Development and destruction of the liberal prison system in Spain: a general framework for studying the topic." História Unicap 5, no. 10 (July 1, 2019): 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.25247/hu.2018.v5n10.p424-439.
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During the Restoration and the Second Republic, up until the outbreak of the Civil War, the prison system that was developed in Spain had a markedly liberal character. This system had begun to acquire robustness and institutional credibility from the first dec- ade of the 20th Century onwards, reaching a peak in the early years of the government of the Second Republic. This process resulted in the establishment of a penitentiary sys- tem based on the widespread and predominant values of liberalism. That liberal belief system espoused the defence of social harmony, property and the individual, and penal practices were constructed on the basis of those principles. Subsequently, the Civil War and the accompanying militarist culture altered the prison system, transforming it into an instrument at the service of the conflict, thereby wiping out the liberal agenda that had been nurtured since the mid-19th Century.
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Díaz-Díaz, Raimundo, and Daniel Pérez-González. "Implementation of Social Media Concepts for e-Government." Journal of Organizational and End User Computing 28, no. 3 (July 2016): 104–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/joeuc.2016070107.
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Some governments have proven social media's potential to generate value through co-creation and citizen participation, and municipalities are increasingly using these tools in order to become smart cities. Nevertheless, few public administrations have taken full advantage of all the possibilities offered by social media and, as a consequence, there is a shortage of case studies published on this topic. By analyzing the case study of the platform Santander City Brain, managed by the City Council of Santander (Spain), the current work contributes to broaden the knowledge on ambitious social media projects implemented by local public administrations for e-Government; therefore, this case can be useful for other public sector's initiatives. The case studied herein proves that virtual social media are effective tools for civil society, as it is able to set the political agenda and influence the framing of political discourse; however, they should not be considered as the main channel for citizen participation. Among the results obtained, the authors have found that several elements are required: the determination and involvement of the government, a designated community manager to follow up with the community of users, the secured privacy of its users, and a technological platform that is easy to use. Additionally, the Public Private Partnership model provides several advantages to the project, such as opening new sources of funding.
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Zamarreño-Aramendia, Gorka, F. J. Cristòfol, Jordi de-San-Eugenio-Vela, and Xavier Ginesta. "Social-Media Analysis for Disaster Prevention: Forest Fire in Artenara and Valleseco, Canary Islands." Journal of Open Innovation: Technology, Market, and Complexity 6, no. 4 (November 29, 2020): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/joitmc6040169.
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This manuscript investigates the use of social media, specifically Twitter, during the forest fires in Artenara and Valleseco, Canary Islands, Spain, during summer 2019. The used methodology was big-data analysis through the Union Metrics and Twlets tools, as well as content analysis of posts related to the fires written by seven relevant accounts on the days when the fires were active, which was between 17 August and 26 September, when 9636.40 hectares were burned. The accounts selected for analysis were the following: Ángel Víctor Torres, autonomous president; Canary Islands Government; Civil Protection of Las Palmas; Military Emergency Unit of the Spanish Army; Delegation of the Spanish Government in the Canary Islands; Citizen’s Service of the Canary Islands Government; and the information account of the Security and Emergency area of the Canary Islands Government. The study concludes that the Canary Islands authorities did not use social media as a preventive element, but almost exclusively as a live-information channel. Future recommendations are presented for the management of social media during natural disasters.
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Verge, Tània, Marc Guinjoan, and Toni Rodon. "Risk Aversion, Gender, and Constitutional Change." Politics & Gender 11, no. 03 (September 2015): 499–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000264.
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Independence movements are today present in several stateless territorially concentrated nations, irrespective of their level of self-government. Among advanced industrial democracies, the stronger secessionist movements are found in Belgium, Canada, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom (Keating 1996; Sorens 2005). In the absence of a secession clause in their respective constitutions, a broad array of political parties and civil society groups have mobilized to demand a self-determination referendum as a means to let the citizenry of their territories express their will (Muñoz and Guinjoan 2013). Canada held a referendum on the secession of Quebec in 1980 and 1995. The United Kingdom called a popular vote on Scotland's independence in September 2014. In the Spanish case, Catalonia convoked a consultation in November 2014, although the central government did not recognize its legality.
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Mancho-Iglesia, Ana, and Carmen Marta-Lazo. "Audiovisual narratives about the case Spain’s stolen babies." Discourse & Communication 14, no. 3 (December 12, 2019): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481319893755.
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The critical discourse analysis is the tool used in this article, to study how audiovisual media have constructed mental representation about the historical facts occurred in Spain between the final stage of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the late 1980s: the theft of newborn babies. The State has failed in an attempt to establish policies that support truth, justice and reparation as it has been recalled by United Nations experts to the Government of Spain, and the reports and documentaries have become vehicles to capture and recover memories. Our objective is to analyze how this collective awareness has been realized and the contribution of reports and documentaries. Our results show that the Spanish television channels silence the Francoist context to depict the thefts as the product of economical mobs focused on child trafficking. The international channels, however, put the origin of the dictatorship at the center of the discourse.
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León-Robles, Carlos, Juan Reinoso-Gordo, and Juan González-Quiñones. "Heritage Building Information Modeling (H-BIM) Applied to A Stone Bridge." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 8, no. 3 (March 1, 2019): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi8030121.
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Certain historical works of civil engineering should be preserved as heritage monuments and when possible should continue serving the function they were designed for. Old stone bridges could be sustainably maintained but their conservation requires accurate documentation. In this study, we have scanned Ízbor bridge (1860) in Spain, and to facilitate conservation, we have modeled the ancient bridge using BIM (building information modeling). We propose a method and a model for this kind of bridge to be used as a reference for similar heritage monuments. Ízbor bridge modeled in this way will be useful for government planning and conservation agencies.
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Calleja, Eduardo González. "The Spanish Civil War: New Approaches and Historiographic Perspectives." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (August 2020): 264–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000235.
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The bibliography on the Spanish Civil War is almost unattainable, but the matter continues to elicit such interest that it remains open to new historiographic trends. For example, the ‘classic’ military history of the conflict, cultivated prominently in recent years by Gabriel Cardona, Jorge Martínez Reverte and Anthony Beevor, does not renounce the microhistory or cultural perspective. These constitute the theoretical framework of the New Military History and its corollary the New Combat History, which combine philological, anthropological, psychological and historiographical perspectives to various degrees. In the specific field of the war experiences pioneered by George L. Mosse, the concepts of brutalisation, barbarisation and demodernisation of military operations, coined by Omer Bartov to describe the particularities of the Eastern campaign during the Second World War, are being used by Spanish historians dedicated to the study of the violence and atrocities of the civil war and post-war. Focusing on the field of political history, government management or diplomacy has been studied almost exhaustively, but this is not the case for the principal phenomenon of political violence in the 1930s in Europe, namely paramilitarisation. It is surprising that the latest studies on the issue at the European level (Robert Gerwarth, John Horne, Chris Millington and Kevin Passmore) do not include any essays on the enormous incidence of paramilitary violence in Spain before, during and after the civil war.
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Moradiellos, Enrique. "British Political Strategy in the Face of the Military Rising of 1936 in Spain." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004409.
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The military coup of July 1936 against the Republican government of Spain, which rapidly developed into civil war, required an urgent response from the authorities of the United Kingdom. This was as much on account of its effects on British interests in Spain as due to its repercussions on the unstable situation in Europe. During the nearly three years of war, the Conservative-dominated Cabinet adhered to the Non-Intervention pact signed by all European governments in August 1936, which prescribed an arms embargo towards the combatants without a parallel recognition of their rights as belligerents. This peculiar neutrality, which combined respect for the legal status of the recognized government with de facto equal status for the rebels, was defended by British officialdom on the grounds of the over-riding need to restrict the war and avoid its escalation into a general European conflict. The argument served to deflect accusations of hidden antagonism towards the Republic and to justify the continuation of this policy of neutrality despite the support of Italy and Germany for the insurgent forces, so tolerating in practice the sabotage of the policy of non-intervention by the fascist powers. In the face of these official explanations, which have been accepted at face value by many historians, this article will attempt to show that British non-intervention had its origins in antirevolutionary pre-occupations rather than in strictly diplomatic considerations. Furthermore, it will be argued that during the first six months of the war it adhered consistently to a political strategy based on the expectation that the war would be short lived.
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Rao, Sujay. "Arbiters of Change: Provincial Elites and the Origins of Federalism in Argentina's Littoral, 1814–1820." Americas 64, no. 4 (April 2008): 511–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2008.0068.
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Early in 1817, in the tiny port of Rosario, a deeply troubled Comandante Tomás Bernal sat down at his desk to pen a confidential private letter to Supreme Director Juan Martín de Pueyrredón, head of the national government based in Buenos Aires. Nearly seven years after the May Revolution against Spain, the territory that would later become Argentina found itself buffeted by civil war. Bernal's region, the jurisdiction of the city of Santa Fe, just up the Paraná River from Buenos Aires, found itself enmeshed in the bitter conflict between the government in Buenos Aires, the former viceregal capital, and its principal rival, José Gervasio Artigas, leader of a federalist alliance based in the nearby Banda Oriental, modern Uruguay. Desperate to contain disputes between the national government and the recently created government of Santa Fe, Bernal counseled restraint. However, he knew that Buenos Aires and Santa Fe were on the brink of war. “For my part,” he wrote Pueyrredón:you can count it as certain that in such a war I will not take part but I will not be able to keep myself from lamenting the loss of a precious part of this land, which has sworn to sacrifice its life only against a foreign enemy that would oppose the enjoyment of its rights.
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Staunton, Enda. "The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014395.
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In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.
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Searle, Alaric. "Ideology and Total War. Military Intellectuals and the Analysis of the Spanish Civil War in Britain, 1936–1943." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 68, no. 2 (December 1, 2009): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/mgzs.2009.0011.
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Abstract The recent historical interest in the analysis of the lessons of the Spanish Civil War by the European powers has tended to focus very strongly on the tactical experiences and the study of new military technology. This has led to the implied assumption that much of this analysis took place within a closed, professional military environment. In the case of Britain, however, the military debate on the lessons and significance of the civil war was conducted in a much more public fashion than in many other countries. For this reason, and due to the considerable political controversy over the official government policy of non-intervention, ideology played a significant role in the analyses of the unfolding military drama in Spain. This article considers the way in which ideology affected military interpretations of the conflict – and the employment of these analyses for ideological purposes – by examining the public debate, the reaction of British intelligence and the views of four "military intellectuals" who commented on the conflict in newspaper articles, books, and in memoranda written for military intelligence
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De la Fuente de Pablo, Pablo, and Cezary Taracha. "“Under the Pacifying Arms of the Cross.” The Valley of the Fallen: a Place of Imprisonment, Reconciliation and Social Reintegration in Spain (1940-1959)." Kościół i Prawo 10, no. 1 (July 21, 2021): 227–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/kip21101-12.
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The Valley of the Fallen is the monument that boasts the largest Christian cross in the world. Buried at its feet are tens of thousands of those who fought and fell during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). They rest in the Basilica of the Holy Cross together without any designation as to on which side they fought. The article focuses on the vicissitudes of the penitentiary colony made up mainly of Republican prisoners sentenced for serious crimes committed during the war. This monument, a symbol of atonement and reconciliation, has become the target of a relentless political onslaught carried out by the socialist and communist government and fuelled by a series of myths analysed in the article.
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Kruizinga, Samuël. "Struggling to Fit in. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936–1939." Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 2 (May 2018): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-2-183.
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Struggling to Fit In. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936-1939 The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) possessed a transnational resonance that echoed far beyond the borders of the country in which it was fought. It drew thousands of foreign fighters to Spain where, as many believed, the future of Europe would be decided. Most of them fought on the side of the embattled Republican government against an uprising supported by international Fascism. Given the foreign fighters’ similar socio-economic backgrounds and shared anti-Fascist sentiment, historians have suggested that the «International Brigades», formed out of these foreign fighters, constitute a true transnational army. This article suggests, however, that many of these foreign fighters had real trouble forging a transnational connection with their fellow fighters. Focusing on Dutch Interbrigadiers, it further highlights how the specificities of Dutch political culture and the legal regime created in the Netherlands combined to create a unique set of circumstances that impeded Dutch foreign fighters’ abilities to effectively work together with their German colleagues in Spain and their post-Spanish Civil War efforts to resist the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. This article suggests, therefore, that the International Brigades do not possess a single, distinctive and collectively transnational identity. Rather, they are made up of different identity layers that can, but need not, be mutually exclusive, and are linked to elements of different national and/or military cultures.
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Porta-Sancho, Juan R., Jesica T. Castillo-Rodríguez, Ignacio Escuder-Bueno, and Sara Perales-Momparler. "The need for municipal action planning against flood risk: the risk-informed journey of the municipality of Oliva (Spain)." VITRUVIO - International Journal of Architectural Technology and Sustainability 1, no. 2 (December 20, 2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/vitruvio-ijats.2016.6849.
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Society demands higher safety levels, including those actions related to urban planning and protection against natural hazards and manmade threats. Therefore, authorities respond to these demands through new regulatory and operational frameworks to cope with existing and future risks. The Spanish regulatory framework regarding flood risk management, based on the European context, defines the required procedures for emergency management, involving all authorities responsable for civil protection and urban planning. This framework requires all municipalities at medium or high flood risk to develop and implement local action plans against flood risk (PAMRI, by its acronym in Spanish), which must include a risk estimation, analysis and evaluation, along with the description of actions for a risk-informed urban planning and emergency management. The City Council of Oliva developed the corresponding plan, approved by the regional government in June 2016, including new aspects such as the figure of the Technical Director, and a comprehensive and quantitative flood risk analysis to support decisionmaking on emergency management and planning.
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Grugel, Jean, and Monica Quijada. "Chile, Spain and Latin America: The Right of Asylum at the Onset of the Second World War." Journal of Latin American Studies 22, no. 1-2 (March 1990): 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015492.
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In December 1938 an alliance of the Radical, Communist and Socialist parties took office in Chile, the first Popular Front to come to power in Latin America. A few months later, in Spain, the Nationalist forces under Generalísimo Franco occupied Madrid, bringing an end to the civil war. Shortly after, a serious diplomatic conflict developed between Spain and Chile, in which most of Latin America gradually became embroiled. It concerned the fate of 17 Spanish republicans who had sought asylum in the Chilean embassy in the last days of the seige of Madrid, and culminated in July 1940 when the Nationalist government broke off relations with Chile. Initially, the issue at the heart of the episode was the right to political asylum and the established practice of Latin American diplomatic legations of offering protection to individuals seeking asylum (asilados). The causes of the conflict, however, became increasingly obscured as time went on. The principles at stake became confused by mutual Spanish– Chilean distrust, the Nationalists' ideological crusade both within Spain and outside and the Chilean government's deep hostility to the Franco regime, which it saw as a manifestation of fascism. The ideological gulf widened with the onset of the Second World War. This article concentrates primarily, although not exclusively, on the first part of the dispute, April 1939–January 1940. In this period asylum, which is our main interest, was uppermost in Spanish–Chilean diplomatic correspondence.
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Макарин, А. В., and С. В. Рац. "МЕСТО И РОЛЬ СССР ПО РАЗРЕШЕНИЮ ВОЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО КОНФЛИКТА В ИСПАНИИ (1936–1939)." Konfliktologia 15, no. 1 (April 27, 2020): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-1-66-73.
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Nowadays, there is a strong need for the multidimensional socio-political comprehension of the Russia’s modern stage development. This stage allows us making a research on the reforms’ results in the context of the state institutions. The process of the certain results and meaning rethinking of these changes both on the post-soviet space en bloc and in Russia in particular. This article in this sense is aimed at the investigation of the state’s role and place in the historical dimension. The permanent interest to the state’s role and place as well as the variety of its interactions with other countries is caused in the modern world by the modern states’ crisis. The article in this case is very topical and does cover the military political conflict in Spain and the participation of the USSR in it throughout 1936–1939. The main reason of the republicans’ defeat, according to the authors’ opinion, was the change in the USSR’s foreign policy line and as a result the cease of the economic and military help to the republicans government, the remoteness of the civil war combat fields in Spain and also the all-round military and economic help of the fascist coalition which did take part in the direct intervention on the Iberian peninsula. Alongside with this during the period since august 1939 until march 1939 USSR by lending the military and economic help to Spain did clearly demonstrate its priorities which were the fight against the international fascism and trotskyism, militarism and the unhidden aggression against the republic. The military counselors under the conditions of the modern state war did gain the experience in the planning and participation in the big-scale strategic operations. Lastly, on the threshold of the World War ΙΙ the civil war in Spain is considered to be the largest military political conflict of the mid-30s in the 20th century. The subjects of this conflict was from one side the Spanish republic and from the other one the united forces of the coupists and their allies whereas the object of the conflict was all the absoluteness of the political power.
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Sampedro, Rosario, and Luis Camarero. "Foreign Immigrants in Depopulated Rural Areas: Local Social Services and the Construction of Welcoming Communities." Social Inclusion 6, no. 3 (September 28, 2018): 337–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i3.1530.
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Many rural areas in Spain suffer an acute problem of depopulation. In recent years the arrival of foreign immigrant workers has contributed to alleviating the situation. The social services in rural areas play a fundamental role in the reception of these new residents, and in attending to their needs. These immigrants find themselves in a very vulnerable situation. Added to the needs of any family group with very limited resources are the terms of being a foreigner in an environment in which the coethnic support networks are very scarce. The capacity of both rural councils and local social services to promote the social integration of the immigrants is very limited due to the lack of resources, and to the difficulties associated with the provision of social services in depopulated rural areas. Through in-depth interviews, carried out in a mountainous depopulated region in northern Spain, we analyse the discourses of mayors, social workers and members of civil organizations. The conclusions suggest that the construction of welcoming communities requires reinforcing the community dimension of social work in rural areas, and from an ecological perspective that enhances social participation and coordination among the social actors. Specifically directed initiatives are needed by means of cooperation among the different levels of government and between public and private actors.
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Burkholder, Mark A. "Life without Empire: Audiencia Ministers after Independence." Hispanic American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (May 1, 2011): 271–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1165217.
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Abstract “Life without Empire: Audiencia Ministers after Independence” draws upon sources from Spain’s national, regional, and university archives to examine men with audiencia positions in Spain and in the Indies from the end of the sale of appointments in 1750 to 1821. In 1750 these ministers shared backgrounds of gender and university study of civil law, canon law, or both. They differed in regard to place of birth, the purchase of an initial audiencia appointment, age at first appointment, educational experience and university affiliation, prior government service and university teaching, and the extent of prominent letrado relatives serving audiencias, chancellories, and councils. By 1808 these differences had largely disappeared and a much more homogenous corps of ministers served on the tribunals. The changes in background facilitated the incorporation into the Spanish courts of a substantial number of ministers with American service after independence. Many creole and the few peninsular ministers who remained in the Americas after independence also obtained positions there. Compared to intendants and bishops in the Americas, ministers on New World audiencias proved relatively successful in securing posts after independence. In terms of subsequent offices held, the handful of creole audiencia ministers that emigrated to Spain fared better than the peninsulars that remained in the newly independent states.
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Lunev, S. M. "The Image of Great Britain in the Soviet Press in the Context of the Spanish Civil War (1936‒1939)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-196-222.
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The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sputnik’ magazines. The study reveales a rather ambiguous position of the Soviet press in relation to the British policy in Spain. Several topics played a key role in creating the image of the ‘Foggy Albion’ in the Soviet press. The leitmotif of publications of the Soviet journalists was the image of the empire in decline. In this regard, the Soviet press emphasized the acquiescence of the British government faced with aggressive actions from Francoists backed by Germany and Italy, as well as its inability to protect national interests of its own state. Parallel to this, the image of Great Britain as a split society was created. The Soviet journalists stressed that passivity of the government caused mounting criticism from both political left and right. At the same time, they praised the work of the civil society and volunteers in support of the republic. Finally, the Soviet media bashed London for its gradual drift from non-intervention towards appeasement and even direct inducement of aggressors. The author concludes that the image of Great Britain created in the Soviet press was intended to convince the Soviet public opinion in the fallacy of the British policy. In the face of an impending global war, London was portrayed as an unreliable ally, prone to concessions to aggressors.
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Carbonell, Josep-Maria. "The Two Main Challenges to Catalan Identity." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 7 (March 16, 2018): 789–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218763479.
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Since the Franco regime came to an end in 1978, the main political and social forces in Catalonia have pursued a model of intercultural relations that aims to protect Catalan cultural identity and at the same time to incorporate the various different waves of migrants who came to Catalonia from other regions of Spain during the course of the 20th century and who now represent close to 40% of the population. Moreover, during the negotiations for the new Spanish constitution in 1978, these political forces in Catalonia accepted a new political relationship with Spain with the constitution of the Catalan autonomous region. During the course of the past 15 years, two major factors have become increasingly apparent. First, there has been a further wave of migration from other countries and continents, in particular from Muslim countries (13.6% in 2016 compared with 2.9% in 2000). Second, the place of Catalonia within Spain has been called into question for a number of different political, economic, social, and cultural reasons. In 2017, a considerable number of Catalans, close to 50%, mobilized to demand the independence of their country and attempted to proclaim and constitute the “Republic of Catalonia,” thus breaking the constitutional law in force throughout Spain. This breach of the law brought about a response from the Spanish security forces and justice system, which resulted in the suspension of the Catalan autonomous government and the calling of elections. The object of this study is to analyze the impact of the recent migrations and the current political situation on the model of intercultural relations that has governed Catalan cultural identity in recent times. The principal objectives of the model have been to ensure the civil unity of Catalonia, to safeguard Catalan language and culture, and to promote respect for cultures of citizens from other regions of Spain, all within a context of mutual dialogue and exchange. The thesis of this article is that this model, which pursues integration and unity, is in danger of breaking down as a result of the new phenomena.
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Medina Rojo, Óscar. "La política al margen de la política (Julián Besteiro, 1936 – 1938) = Politics Outside Politics (Julian Besteiro, 1936 – 1938)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.27081.
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Julián Besteiro es un político clave para entender la España que transita desde la crisis de 1917 hasta la Guerra Civil, y como tal ha sido ampliamente estudiado por la historiografía. Sin embargo, su figura se nos presenta algo desdibujada desde finales de 1935, cuando deja de publicarse Democracia (principal órgano de expresión de su corriente socialista), hasta su participación en el golpe de estado contra Negrín de marzo de 1939. El presente artículo intenta mostrar que este periodo de su vida no fue de total inactividad política, ya que aun desde fuera de los puestos de responsabilidad, intentó ejercer su influencia dentro del socialismo español; en concreto se analiza su actuación en dos momentos clave: el semestre anterior al estallido de la Guerra Civil, y la crisis socialista de 1938. Para algunos de sus contemporáneos, la opción Besteiro existió en diferentes momentos y para diferentes puestos, tales como presidente de la República en 1936, o presidente del PSOE y miembro de un Gobierno de la paz en 1938.AbstractJulián Besteiro is a key politician to understand Spain from the crisis of 1917 until the Civil War, and as such he has been widely studied by the historiography. But there is a period less known in Besteiro’s life: the years running from the closure of Democracia (the main publication of his wing of Spanish socialism) at the end of 1935, to his involvement in the coup d’etat that would overthrow Negrin’s government in March 1939. This article attempts to show that this period in Besteiro’s life was not of total political inactivity: even from outside the positions of responsibility, he tried to exert his influence within Spanish socialism; in particular, this article analyses Besteiro’s stand in two key moments: the semester prior to the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, and the crisis of the socialist party in 1938. For some of his contemporaries, the Besteiro option existed at different moments and for different roles, namely as President of the Republic in 1936, President of PSOE and member of a government to negotiate peace in 1938.
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Hernández-Aguado, Ildefonso, and Elisa Chilet-Rosell. "Pathways of undue influence in health policy-making: a main actor’s perspective." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 72, no. 2 (October 27, 2017): 154–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2017-209677.
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BackgroundIt is crucial to know the extent to which influences lead to policy capture—by which the policy-making process is shifted away from the public interest towards narrow private interests. Using the case study of Spain, our aim was to identify interactions between public administration, civil society and private companies that could influence health policies.Methods54 semistructured interviews with key actors related to health policy. The interviews were used to gather information on main policy actors as well as on direct and subtle influences that could modify health policies. The analysis identified and described, from the interviewed persons’ experiences, both the inappropriate influences exerted on the actors and those that they exerted.ResultsInappropriate influences were identified at all levels of administration and policy. They included actions for personal benefits, pressure for blocking health policies and pressure from high levels of government in favour of private corporations. The private sector played a significant role in these strategies through bribery, personal gifts, revolving doors, negative campaigns and by blocking unfavourable political positions or determining the knowledge agenda. The interviewees reported subtle forms of influence (social events, offers of technical support, invitations, etc) that contributed to the intellectual and cultural capture of health officials.ConclusionThe health policy decision-making processes in Spain are subject to influences by stakeholders that determine a degree of policy capture, which is avoidable. The private sector uses different strategies, from subtle influences to outright corruption, taking advantage in many cases of flexible legislation.
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SOUSA, FáBIO DA SILVA. "UM CIGARRO PARA UM AMIGO: a Guerra Civil Espanhola na Imprensa Comunista Mexicana." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 13, no. 21 (June 30, 2016): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v13i21.508.
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Em 1936, eclodiu na Espanha a Guerra Civil. Esse conflito ceifou vidas, soterrou sonhos e foi uma derrota para anarquistas e comunistas. Na América Latina, o México, então governado pelo Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas, apoiou os combatentes republicanos. Além do governo, os comunistas mexicanos também se engajaram nessa Guerra. O Partido Comunista Mexicano (PCM) utilizou as páginas do periódico El Machete para noticiar o desenrolar do conflito e também para angariar apoio aos republicanos. Assim, o presente artigo objetiva analisar o material impresso da Guerra Civil Espanhola publicado nas páginas do El Machete de 1936 a 1938. Por meio de uma análise do material, serão discutidas as estratégias discursivas que o periódico comunista mexicano utilizou em sua cobertura do conflito espanhol e a imagem que ele construiu para os leitores sobre a Guerra que estava em curso do outro lado do continente latino-americano.Palavras-chave: Imprensa Comunista. México. Espanha.A CIGARETTE FOR A FRIEND: The Spanish Civil War in the Mexican Communist PressAbstract: In 1936 the Civil War broke out in Spain. Such fighting mowed down lives, buried dreams and was a defeat for anarchists and communists. In Latin America, Mexico, then, ruled by General Lazaro Cardenas, supported the Republican fighters. Besides the government, the Mexican communists also supported the war. The Mexican Communist Party (MCP) used its periodical - the El Machete - to report the course of the conflict and also to raise support for the Spanish Republicans. Thus, this article aims to analyze the printed material from the Spanish Civil War published on the pages of El Machete from 1936 to 1938. Through the analysis of the material selected, it will be discussed the discursive strategies that the Mexican Communist journal used in its coverage of the Spanish conflict and the image it has presented to its readers about the war that was taking place across the Latin American continent.Keywords: Communist Press. Mexico. Spain. UN CIGARRILLO A UN AMIGO: La Guerra Civil Española en la Prensa Comunista MexicanaResumen: En 1936 estalló en España la Guerra Civil. Este conflicto se ha cobrado vidas, sueños fueron enterrados y fue una derrocada para los anarquistas y comunistas. En América Latina, el México gobernado por el Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas apoyó a los combatientes republicanos. Además del gobierno, los comunistas mexicanos también participan en esa Guerra. El Partido Comunista Mexicano (PCM) utilizó las páginas del periódico El Machete para informar el curso del conflicto y también para obtener el apoyo a los republicanos. Este artáculo tiene como objetivo analizar el material de impresión de la Guerra Civil Española publicado en las páginas de El Machete, en el peráodo de 1936 hasta 1938. A través del estudio de ese material, se discutirán las estrategias discursivas que El Machete utilizó en su cobertura del conflicto español y la imagen que se construyó para los lectores del periódico comunista mexicano de esa Guerra que estaba en marcha del otro lado del continente latino-americano.Palabras claves: Prensa comunista. México. España.
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Martín de Santos, Inés, and Arturo Martín Vega. "Aproximación a los estudios sobre la economía en la Segunda República española hasta 1936." REVISTA DE HISTORIOGRAFÍA (RevHisto) 29 (September 20, 2018): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/revhisto.2018.4297.
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Resumen: Los datos macroeconómicos sobre la economía española durante la Segunda República no son del todo bien conocidos, y la interpretación de los hechos históricos, a partir de las cifras obtenidas, resulta divergente y tendenciosa. Los problemas sociales, derivados fundamentalmente de las profundas desigualdades económicas, se intentaron paliar con leyes apresuradas que en muchos casos supusieron declaraciones de buenas intenciones. España arrastraba el declive económico internacional que comenzó a sentirse a finales de la dictadura del general Primo de Rivera. La política económica se desarrolló al amparo de la Constitución y, a pesar de las discrepancias entre el primer y el segundo bienio, fue continuista respecto a la etapa anterior y, en general, si no justa a veces, sirvió al menos para evitar la desestabilización del sistema financiero. En todo caso, resultó insuficiente para realizarse plenamente, debido sobre todo a los abundantes cambios gubernamentales, y mediatizada por una crisis social de mayor transcendencia que relegó los problemas económicos a un segundo plano.Palabras clave: Economía, España, Guerra Civil, Segunda República.Abstract: Macroeconomic data on the Spanish economy during the Second Republic is not accurate, the interpretation of historical events from the figures obtained is divergent and misleading. Hasty laws were enacted in attempts to resolve social problems arising mainly from deep economic inequalities, but they were often nothing more than declarations of good intentions. Spain suffered in the aftermath of the international economic downturn as it began to be felt at the end of the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera. Economic policy was developed under the Constitution, but, despite the differences between the first and second biennium, there was a tendency to maintain the guidelines from the previous stage and in general, sometimes unfairly, it aimed at least to avoid the destabilization of the financial system. Nonetheless, it ultimately failed to achieve its goals, mainly because of the frequent changes of government mediated by a social crisis of greater significance that had relegated economic issues into the background.Key words: Economy, Spain, Civil War, Second Republic.
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Fernández Echegaray, Laura. "Gestación por sustitución: españoles atrapados en Ucrania." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 26 (December 18, 2020): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.26.2020.29170.
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La gestación por sustitución es una técnica reproductiva no permitida en España. Con independencia de esto, son cientos los españoles que anualmente viajan a países permisivos con el objetivo de cumplir el sueño de ser padres. Ucrania, durante más de una década, ha sido un destino de referencia para acceder a esta técnica, no solo por los asequibles costes del proceso, sino por el permisivo cauce de inscripción a través del cual estos niños accedían al Registro Civil español. El reciente cambio de rumbo jurídico ordenado por el Gobierno español ha generado un importante conflicto legal del que ha derivado que, actualmente, decenas de familias españolas permanezcan atrapadas en Ucrania sin posibilidad legal de abandonar el país en compañía de sus hijos.Gestation by substitution is a reproductive technique not allowed in Spain. Regardless of this, there are hundreds of Spaniards who annually travel to permissive countries with the objective of fulfilling the dream of being parents. Ukraine, for more than a decade, has been a reference destination to access this technique, not only because of the affordable costs of the process, but also because of the permissible registration channel through which these children accessed the Spanish Civil Registry. The recent change of legal direction ordered by the Spanish Government has generated a significant legal conflict that has resulted in the fact that dozens of Spanish families are currently trapped in Ukraine without the legal possibility of leaving the country in the company of their children.
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Rivas Arjona, Mercedes. "Segunda República Española y prostitución: un modelo a tener en cuenta en la actualidad / Second Spanish Republic and Prostitution: A Model to Imitate in the Present." Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales 5, no. 1 (March 30, 2016): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37467/gka-revsocial.v5.475.
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ABSTRACTThe Second Republic in Spain was affected by numerous changes in all areas that affect as well greatly to the prostitution´s field. The modifications in the system of prostitution shall be based mainly in the law, sanitary-assistance and propaganda. These changes will count with clear previous historic events, will have a short life because the short period of republic-government, and affect, in some cases, to very specific sectors of the republican fields. Never the less, introduce innovation elements, that in the case to have won the Second Republic in the Spanish Civil War, maybe would had been affected deeply all reality about prostitution world. The action of republic-government can be used as example today to face a hard and complex problem. The innovative proposals, the action in few fields at the same times, and knowhow to build on the already built, they are the three elements more relevant of the policy to face the prostitution.RESUMENLa Segunda República en España estará marcada por numerosas reformas en todos los ámbitos que afectarán también de forma muy importante al mundo de la prostitución. Los cambios en el sistema prostitucional se asentarán principalmente en los campos legislativo, sanitario-asistencial y publicitario. Dichos cambios contarán con claros antecedentes históricos, tendrán un recorrido escaso dada la duración del gobierno republicano, y se circunscribirán, en algunos casos, a sectores muy concretos del imaginario republicano. Pese a todo, introducirán elementos tremendamente innovadores que, de haber triunfado la República en la Guerra Civil española, muy posiblemente hubieran trastocado profundamente todo lo relacionado con el mundo de la prostitución. Su actuación puede servirnos de ejemplo en la actualidad para hacer frente a un problema que encierra una gran complejidad. Las propuestas innovadoras, su actuación en varios campos al mismo tiempo y su saber construir sobre lo ya construido, son los tres elementos más destacados de sus políticas para hacer frente a la prostitución.
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Lewicki, Zbigniew. "USTANAWIANIE AMERYKAŃSKIEJ WŁADZY KOLONIALNEJ NA FILIPINACH." Zeszyty Prawnicze 15, no. 3 (December 2, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2015.15.3.03.
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Establishing American Colonial Government in thePhilippinesSummaryThe Philippines was the only American colony and its establishmentcaused a fierce debate in the United States on whether this complied withthe principles of American civil society. It was decided that returning thearchipelago to Spain or simply abandoning it was out of the question,and that the USA would retain its sovereignty over the islands whilepreparing the country for independence.This is in fact what happened. After the period of military strugglewith the forces of Emilio Aguinaldo, Americans began what would todaybe described as a nation-building process. Its most important components were the health system and education, along with the training ofadministrative staff, who assumed more and more responsibility. Thiswas in stark contrast with the behaviour of traditional colonial powers.While the process was somewhat slower than expected, and wasinterrupted by the outbreak of World War 2, the Philippines becameindependent soon after the war and the process of transition was conducted in an orderly fashion.The article, the first on the topic in Poland, analyses the successivephases in the building up of American colonial control of the Philippinesand its subsequent withdrawal.
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Renshaw, Layla. "Unrecovered objects: Narratives of dispossession, slow violence and survival in the investigation of mass graves from the Spanish Civil War." Journal of Material Culture 25, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 428–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359183520954499.
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The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was triggered by a military uprising against the democratically elected Popular Front government. Away from the battlefield, this war was characterized by the politically-motivated murder of thousands of civilians, many of whom were buried in clandestine graves throughout Spain. Following Franco’s victory and subsequent dictatorship, there were strong prohibitions on commemorating the Republican dead. A radical rupture in Spain’s memory politics occurred from 2000 onwards with the founding of the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory and other similar pressure groups that have organized the exhumation and reburial of the Republican dead. This article is based on fieldwork conducted in communities in Castile and León, and Extremadura as they underwent mass grave investigations. It examines the experience of theft and dispossession that occurred as part of the Francoist repression of Republicans. Accounts of these episodes focus on stolen and looted objects robbed from the dead during the killings, from the graves’ post-mortem, or from surviving relatives as part of the systematic dispossession of Republican households that occurred during the war and immediate post-war period. These narratives surface with frequency during the investigation and exhumation of mass graves. Despite the fact that many are lost forever, these stolen possessions can function as powerful mnemonic objects with a strong affective and imaginative hold. The narratives of dispossession explore themes of survival, the experiences of women and children, and the impact of slow violence. By invoking theft and stolen objects, these stories highlight forms of trauma and forms of memory that may not be represented fully by the dominant investigative paradigm of the mass grave exhumation with its inherent focus on death, cataclysmic violence and the tangible, physical traces of the past.
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Welch, Kathryn E. "Antony, Fulvia, and the Ghost of Clodius in 47 B.C." Greece and Rome 42, no. 2 (October 1995): 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500025638.
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The creation of a political image based at best on a tenuous reality is a fragile and delicate process. None knew it better than Gaius Julius Caesar. Early in his career, he had fostered the belief that he was the heir of the ‘true’ Marian/popularis tradition with some credibility and lasting success. He presented himself as the great general in the Gallic commentaries and for good reasons this image too gained widespread popularity. There were other important but sometimes less convincing messages to follow. The commentarii on the civil war sought passionately to justify his part in the outbreak of hostilities: this was the published form of a process his intermediaries had begun in the first months of hostilities whereby they stressed his respect for peace and the traditional order, even when he himself was busy ignoring both. In an effort to reinforce this ‘constitutional’ regard, Caesar returned to Rome from Spain in 49 to establish a ‘properly elected’ government with himself and P. Servilius Isauricus as consuls; the correct number of praetors (all eligible to hold the office), aediles, and quaestors. The dictatorship was cast aside after a mere eleven days; Rome was to function as it always had. The uprising of Marcus Caelius Rufus and Titus Annius Milo in 48 B.C. ruined this admirable picture and brought home to Caesar the realities of attempting to dominate Rome by leaving the constitution in its traditional form and hoping for the best from the supporters he had entrusted with office. Moreover, the chaos of civil war and urban disorder combined to allow others to project their own policies and power struggles.
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ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ, ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ. "ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ." Μνήμων 26 (January 1, 2004): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.837.
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<p>Konstantinos Katsoudas, "<em>A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August</em></p> <p>The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their <em>Estado Nuevo, </em>while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a <em>raison d'etre </em>of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.</p>