Journal articles: 'Spain Civil War'

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Eichhorn, Niels. "Spain and the American Civil War." American Nineteenth Century History 14, no. 3 (September 2013): 368–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2013.849536.

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Jones, H. "Spain and the American Civil War." Journal of American History 99, no. 2 (August 20, 2012): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas222.

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Lapuente, Victor, and Bo Rothstein. "Civil War Spain Versus Swedish Harmony." Comparative Political Studies 47, no. 10 (December 23, 2013): 1416–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414013512598.

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Puigsech Farràs, Josep. "No Embassy, no Ambassador: a New Kind of Relationship between USSR and Spain in Post-War Times." ISTORIYA 13, no. 10 (120) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023522-3.

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This article analyses how the beginning of the Spanish post-war period impacted in diplomatic relations between Spain and USSR. The Republican defeat in the Spanish Civil War forced the rupture of diplomatic relations between these countries. The Communist Party of Spain played the unofficial role of Spanish representative in front of the USSR from April 1939. For this reason, new diplomacy relationship started in the Spanish post-war period: unofficial character, new actors, a huge desire to overthrow the Francoist Spain and a legitimizing lecture about the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War.

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Encarnación, Omar G. "Pinochet's Revenge: Spain Revisits its Civil War." World Policy Journal 24, no. 4 (2007): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/wopj.2008.24.4.39.

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McGarry, Fearghal. "Irish newspapers and the Spanish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 129 (May 2002): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015510.

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Early in life I had noticed that no event is ever correctly reported in a newspaper, but in Spain for the first time, I saw newspaper reports which did not bear any relation to the facts, not even the relationship which is implied in an ordinary lie. I saw great battles reported where there had been no fighting, and complete silence where hundreds of men had been killed.George Orwell (1943)The Spanish Civil War was one of the most controversial conflicts of recent history. For many on the left, it was a struggle between democracy and fascism. In contrast, many Catholics and conservatives championed Franco as a crusader against communism. Others felt Spain was the beginning of an inevitable conflict between fascism and communism which had increasingly threatened the stability of inter-war Europe. Spain has remained a battleground of ideologies ever since. Many supporters of the Spanish Republic attribute its defeat to the failure of other democratic states to oppose fascism, a policy of appeasement which ultimately led to the Second World War; for others on the left, including Orwell, Spain came to symbolise the betrayal of socialism by the Soviet Union — a disillusioning suppression of liberty repeated in subsequent decades in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and elsewhere. Ireland was no less drawn to Spain than other European nations. Within months of the war breaking out, close to one thousand Irishmen were fighting among the armies of both sides on the frontlines around Madrid. But for most Irish people, influenced by the Catholic church and sensational newspaper reports of anticlerical atrocities, the ideological conflict was perceived to be between Catholicism and communism rather than left and right. The outbreak of the war was followed by an immense outpouring of popular sympathy for Franco’s Nationalists. During the autumn of 1936 the Irish Christian Front organised mass pro-Franco rallies which attracted the support of opposition politicians, clergymen and much of the public. The dissenting voices of support for the Spanish Republic emanating from the marginalised Irish left were ignored or, more often, suppressed. De Valera’s Fianna Fáil government expressed its support for Spain’s Catholics while, somewhat awkwardly, adopting a position of neutrality for reasons of international diplomacy.

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Anderson, Peter. "Spain from the First World War to the Civil War." European History Quarterly 42, no. 3 (July 2012): 468–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691412448731.

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Esdaile, Charles J., George Esenwein, and Adrian Shubert. "Spain at War: The Spanish Civil War in Historical Perspective." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, no. 4 (November 1997): 685. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516987.

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Esdaile, Charles J. "Spain at War: The Spanish Civil War in Historical Perspective." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, no. 4 (November 1, 1997): 685. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.4.685.

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Pacheco, José M. "Mobility and Migration of Spanish Mathematicians during the Years around the Spanish Civil War and World War II." Science in Context 27, no. 1 (February 6, 2014): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889713000409.

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ArgumentThis paper considers some aspects of the reception and development of contemporary mathematics in Spain during the first half of the twentieth century, more specifically between 1910 and 1950. It analyzes the possible influence of scientists’ mobility in the adoption of newer views or theories. A short overview of key points of the social and scientific background in nineteenth-century Spain locates the expounded facts in an appropriate context. Three leading threads are followed. First is the consideration of the mobility of some Spanish mathematicians during a period including World War I and World War II – when Spain was a theoretically neutral country – and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). Second, the emergence and socio-political behavior of a dominant mathematical group gathered around Julio Rey Pastor between 1915 and 1936 is also accounted for, as well as its continuity after the Civil War into the 1940s. Third, attention is paid to the migration or interior exile of a number of mathematicians as a consequence of the Civil War. The paper is organized around nine Tables containing information on mobility of mathematicians, doctorates awarded in the mathematical sciences, and mathematical production in Spain during this period, accompanied by statistical résumés and comments on interesting entries. The main conclusions drawn are: 1) a number of integrants of the Rey group, himself included, officially traveled to Austria, France, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland – usually after having obtained doctorates and fixed positions – imported mathematical knowledge into Spain; 2) the group also managed to dominate the mathematical panorama from both the scientific and the sociological viewpoint; 3) social usages in Spanish mathematical affairs established in Spain in the years prior to the Civil War present a clear continuity under the Franco regime once the war was over.

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Sáánchez-Ron, Joséé M. "International relations in Spanish physics from 1900 to the Cold War." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 33, no. 1 (2002): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2002.33.1.3.

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This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.

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Donlon, Anne, and Evelyn Scaramella. "Four Poems from Langston Hughes's Spanish Civil War Verse." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 134, no. 3 (May 2019): 562–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2019.134.3.562.

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Langston Hughes traveled to Spain in 1937, during that Country's Civil War. He saw the Republic's Fight against Franco as an international fight against fascism, racism, and colonialism and for the rights of workers and minorities. Throughout the 1930s, Hughes organized for justice, at home and abroad, often engaging with communist and other left political organizations, like the Communist Party USA's John Reed Club, the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, and the International Workers' Order (Rampersad, Life 236, 286, 355; Scott). When the war in Spain began, in 1936, workers and intellectuals who were engaged on the left came from around the world to fight against Franco's forces; these volunteers, the International Brigades, included approximately 2,800 Americans known as the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, of which about ninety were African American (Carroll vii; “African Americans”). Hughes went to Spain to interview black antifascist volunteers in the International Brigades and write about their experiences for the Baltimore Afro-American, VolunteerforLiberty, and other publications. Much of Hughes's writing from Spain sought to explain to people at home why men and women, and African diasporic people especially, had risked their lives to fight in Spain. Hughes profiled African Americans fighting for the first time alongside white comrades in the International Brigades, including Ralph Thornton, Thaddeus Battle, and Milton Herndon (“Pittsburgh Soldier Hero,” “Howard Man,” “Milt Herndon”). In addition to writing articles, he wrote poetry, gave radio speeches, and translated poems and plays from Spanish into English. Much of Hughes's work from the Spanish Civil War has been collected in anthologies. However, so prolific was Hughes, and so fastidious was he in saving drafts and ensuring they reach his collection at Yale University's Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, that many unpublished works exist in archives. The four poems here represent different poetic registers and levels of polish, and they illuminate the dynamic range of Hughes's literary production during his time in Spain.

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Ładoń, Tomasz. "Uchodźcy polityczni z Italii w okresie pierwszej wojny domowej i dyktatury L. Korneliusza Sulli (88–79 przed Chr.)." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 2 (2021): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.017.13854.

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Political refugees from Italy during the First Civil War and the dictatorship of L. Cornelius Sulla (88–79 BC) During the First Civil War, political emigration occurred in Rome. The author of the paper distinguishes three stages of this emigration. The first concerns the period immediately after the outbreak of the First Civil War in 88 BC. At that time, a small group of refugees escaping Sullan repression reached Spain and Africa. The second stage involved the persecution that broke out in Rome after the victory of Cinna and Marius. In this case, emigration concerned a much wider population. First, refugees fled to the East to join Sulla, but they also sought out asylum in other parts of the Republic, for example in Spain or Africa. The third stage of emigration followed the victory of L. Cornelius Sulla in the First Civil War in Italy and the introduction of proscription (82 BC). Spain became the main destination for refugees, and their number was so great that they established their own center of power, organized armed forces, and resisted Sullan troops for several years.

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Keene, J. "The French and the Civil War in Spain." French History 26, no. 4 (October 5, 2012): 582–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crs082.

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Pelz, William A. "The Revolution and the Civil War in Spain." Journal for the Study of Radicalism 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41889951.

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Kern, Robert, George Esenwein, Adrian Shubert, and Shirley Mangini. "Spain at War: The Spanish Civil War in Context, 1931-1939." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 861. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169502.

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Sánchez, José M. "Spain at War: The Spanish Civil War in Context, 1931–1939." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 2 (January 1996): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9951221.

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Orduña Prada, Mónica. "Hildreth Meière: Connections to Spain Before and During the Spanish Civil War." REDEN. Revista Española de Estudios Norteamericanos 1, no. 1 (November 30, 2019): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/reden.2019.1.1374.

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The prestigious American Art Deco artist Hildreth Meière provided humanitarian assistance to the victims of the Spanish Civil War and in the Second World War. Acting as the vice-president of the American Spanish Relief Fund created in 1937 and run by P. Francis X. Talbot, S. J. with the goal of helping people affected by the war in the Franco zone, and to also deliver medicine and medical supplies from the United States through diplomatic channels. She visited Spain in 1925, 1938 and 1961. On the first trip she came to see the works of Spanish painters and made contact with important aristocratic families of the time (the Duke of Sotomayor, the Marquises of La Romana and Arcos, the Duchess of Vistahermosa, etc.). In 1938 she started humanitarian aid, collecting money and donations from New York society for orphans of the civil war and acted as a propaganda distributor for the Francoist cause in the United States. On this occasion she met with people familiar with the situation in Spain to solve the problems of humanitarian aid: Luis Bolín, Pablo Merry del Val, Cardenal Gomá, Carmen de Icaza, and Mercedes Sanz Bachiller. Meière actively participated in providing humanitarian aid in the Franco zone during the years of the civil war while also acting as a staunch supporter of the Francoist cause. After the civil war she continued her collaboration to alleviate aid deficiencies in Spain by facilitating the transport of anesthetics, medicines, surgical materials, etc, but her perspective towards Francoism was changing and gradually her ties to Spain weakened. It was only three years before her death in 1961 that she made one last trip to Spain.

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Rodrigo, Javier. "A fascist warfare? Italian fascism and war experience in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39)." War in History 26, no. 1 (September 12, 2017): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517696526.

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Initiated as an armament, strategic and diplomatic assistance, the fascist intervention in the Spanish Civil War soon made Italy a belligerent country in the conflict. Once the initial coup d’état plan had failed, the Corpo Truppe Volontarie (CTV) was created to help Franco, and also as a tool to build fascist Spain and, indeed, fascist Europe. This paper examines a crucial part of the Italian intervention in Spain, far from irrelevance or trivialization: a multi-faced combat and war experience.

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Peral, Germán Asensio, and José Francisco Fernández Sánchez. "‘Irishmen could suffer in spirit with Spain’: Mairin Mitchell’s Storm over Spain, Ireland, and the Spanish Civil War." Irish University Review 53, no. 2 (November 2023): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2023.0615.

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Storm over Spain (1937), by Mairin Mitchell, is a rare case in the bibliography of the Irish in the Spanish Civil War. This travelogue, which narrates the journey of the author around Andalusia in the months before the beginning of the conflict, has received scant critical attention by historians, literary critics and cultural analysts working on Irish and Hispanic Studies, despite offering a first-hand account of the atmosphere of tension and fear that preceded the Spanish Civil War. This essay pays attention to her book Storm over Spain with the aim of reassessing its merits as a powerful narrative, as a reliable source of information on the Spanish Civil War, and as an example of the pervasive influence of Irish history as a methodological approach to explain social structures in other cultures. In particular, it examines Mitchell's position on the Spanish conflict in the travelogue by looking at her discussion of a number of events and atrocities that took place during the war.

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Ortiz, Michael P. "Spain! Why? Jawaharlal Nehru, Non-Intervention, and the Spanish Civil War." European History Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 2019): 445–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853688.

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This article analyzes British non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War through the lens of Indian anti-fascism. To date, non-intervention, Aid Spain campaigns, and appeasement have dominated the historiography of Britain and the Spanish Civil War. Prime Ministers Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain faced an impossible decision between supporting fascism or communism (as some in Britain understood it). In due course, they tried to contain the conflict. However, Indian intervention in the Spanish Civil War complicates this narrative of non-intervention. I contend that in addition to a difficult crisis for England, the Spanish Civil War was also an opportunity for Indian anti-colonialists to demonstrate their independence from the British Empire.

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Tilley-Lubbs, Gresilda A. "Fear and Silence Meet Ignorance." Ethnographic Edge 3 (December 4, 2019): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15663/tee.v3i1.53.

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When I studied in Spain in 1969 and 1970, I knew about the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), briefly mentioned in my Spanish history books; General.simo Francisco Franco declared victory. I knew Spain through my graduate studies in Spanish literature and through Michener’s book Iberia (1968). In 2000, I met Jordi Calvera, a Catal.n whose post-war stories conflicted with that idyllic Spain. I returned to Spain in 2013, still with no idea of the impact of the totalitarian dictatorship based on fear and silence through which Franco ruled until his death in 1975, leaving a legacy of fear and silence. In Barcelona, I met a group of adults in their eighties who shared Jordi’s experience. My intrigue with these stories led me to learn more about the war, the dictatorship and the aftermath by interviewing people whose lives had been touched by those years. Through a layered account, I present some of the stories and examine my oblivion. Keywords: Critical autoethnography, autoethnography, ethnography, Spanish Civil War, Franco’s totalitarian dictatorship

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Rozinskiy, I., and N. Rozinskaya. "Through the prism of Spain. Socio-economic causes of different outcomes of Russian and Spanish civil wars." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2017-1-142-155.

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The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.

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Jansen, Marc. "International Class Solidarity or Foreign Interventions?" International Review of Social History 31, no. 1 (April 1986): 68–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008063.

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More or less by definition, civil war refers to an armed conflict between citizens of the same country. However, the two outstanding European examples of this century, the civil wars in Spain and Russia, were in fact complicated by foreign intervention. Indeed, in the case of Spain, intervention by foreign powers proved decisive.

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Close, David H. "Civil War and World War in Europe: Spain, Yugoslavia, Greece, 1936–1949." South European Society and Politics 16, no. 4 (December 2011): 604–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2011.571908.

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Ivanov, Alexander G. "To the Question of Origin of the Policy of Non-Intervention in Spain in 1936 (On Materials of the Foreign Office’s Archives)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (216) (December 28, 2022): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-4-49-58.

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The article presents an analysis of the origin of the policy of non-intervention in the civil war in Spain in 1936. The archival materials of the Foreign Office’s fund (National Archives, London) make it pos-sible to widen greatly our knowledge about genesis and character of that policy, to argue the version about Great Britain as an initiator of non-intervention. Many factors influenced this process: interests of British monopolies, strategic and political considerations, such as anti-Communism of the elite of British society, their sympathy towards the rebels of Franco, wish of official London to make it possible for the left parties in France, neighbouring to Spain, not to acquire stronger positions. Non-intervention turned against the Spanish Republic, made it easier for Germany and Italy under cover of it to carry massive intervention on side of the rebels which ensured Franco’s victory in the civil war. On the basis of unknown documents of the Foreign Office the author gives an analysis of complicated diplomatic struggle of the Powers in the beginning of the civil war in Spain.

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Mulligan, Maureen. "The Spanish Civil War Described by Two Women Travelers." Journeys 19, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jys.2018.190104.

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This article contrasts two accounts by women written between 1936 and 1939 describing their experiences of Spain during the Spanish Civil War. The aim is to question how far travel writers have a political and ethical relation to the place they visit and to what extent they deal with this in their texts. The global politics of travel writing and the distinction between colonial and cosmopolitan travel writers affect the way a foreign culture is articulated for the home market through discursive and linguistic strategies. The texts are Kate O’Brien’s Farewell Spain (1937) and Gamel Woolsey’s Death’s Other Kingdom: A Spanish Village in 1936 (1939). The conclusions suggest women adopt a range of positions toward the Spanish conflict, depending on their personal commitment and their contact with local people, but their concern to articulate the experience of others in time of crisis has a strong ethical component.

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Chamedes, Giuliana. "Transnationalising the Spanish Civil War." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000223.

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While it was underway, the brutal and chaotic Spanish Civil War was already being cast in contradictory ways by its leading participants. It was represented as an opportunity to lament injustice and the travesty of democracy, marshalled as positive proof that the European continent was in fact under the live threat of communist revolution, cast as a story of brutal anti-clericalism gone rampant and narrated as the battle between close-minded traditionalism and open-minded modernity. These contradictory understandings of the Spanish Civil War far outlived the conflict's conclusion in 1939 and have been played out repeatedly across the decades through the historiography. Thus, the Spanish Civil War has been represented by scholars as the fight between dictatorship and democracy, between religion and anti-clericalism and between conservative nostalgics and forward-looking modernisers. All of these narratives have some grain of truth to them. But what is so exciting about the up and coming generation of scholarship on the Spanish Civil War is that it asks new questions and provokes us to think beyond pre-existing tropes. In my contribution to this forum, I will focus in particular on one facet of this new scholarship, which is centred on the attempt to situate Spain and the Spanish Civil War within a wider, transnational, framework.

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Hilton, Sylvia L. "Wayne H. Bowen, Spain and the American Civil War." European History Quarterly 44, no. 3 (June 18, 2014): 506–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691414537193b.

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Quigley, Paul. "Wayne H. Bowen. Spain and the American Civil War." American Historical Review 117, no. 4 (September 21, 2012): 1191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.4.1191.

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Moradiellos, Enrique. "The British Image of Spain and the Civil War." International Journal of Iberian Studies 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2002): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis.15.1.4.

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Sweeney, Simon. "Reconstructing Spain: cultural heritage and memory after civil war." International Journal of Heritage Studies 17, no. 6 (November 2011): 629–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13527258.2011.618255.

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Vincent, Mary. "Nation and State in Twentieth-Century Spain." Contemporary European History 8, no. 3 (November 1999): 473–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399003094.

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Pamela Beth Radcliff, From Mobilisation to Civil War: The Politics of Polarisation in the Spanish City of Gijón, 1900–1937 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 354 pp., £40, ISBN 0–521–56213–9.Carolyn Boyd, Historia Patria: Politics, History, and National Identity in Spain, 1875–1975 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 358 pp., $49.50, £35.00, ISBN 0–691–02656–4.Sebastian Balfour, The End of the Spanish Empire 1898–1923 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 269 pp., £35.00, ISBN 0–198–20507–4.Clare Mar-Molinero and Angel Smith, eds., Nationalism and the Nation in the Iberian Peninsula: Competing and Conflicting Identities (Oxford/Washington, DC: Berg, 1996), 281 pp., £34.95, pb £14.95, ISBN 1–859–73175–9.Michael Richards, A Time of Silence: Civil War and the Culture of Repression in Franco's Spain, 1936–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 314 pp., £40.00, $59.95, ISBN 0–521–59401–4.Gerald Howson, Arms for Spain: the Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War (London: John Murray, 1998), 354 pp., £25, ISBN 0–719–55556–6.During the long years of Francoism, Spanish historiography was dominated by a search for explanation. Against the regime's triumphalist account of the ‘essential’ Spain – resurgent in the form of the victorious general's authoritarian, confessional state – exiled intellectuals such as Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz and Américo Castro posed questions about the ‘problem’ of Spain, looking to the country's past to explain the political violence of the present. For those who won the Civil War of 1936–39, Spain's national destiny was to remain true to the imperial, Catholic legacy of the Habsburg monarchy. Eschewing modern ‘decadence’ and the false paths of secularism and democracy, Spain was to remain, according to Franco, the ‘spiritual reserve of the west’. Such a vision of history, in Mike Richards's words, ‘appropriated time itself in acknowledging no distinctions between past, present and future’ (Mar-Molinero and Smith, p. 152). To Francoist ideologues, both history and the nation were understood in terms of providential destiny: once understood, the national destiny would prove immutable.

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Lannon, Frances. "Women and Images of Women in the Spanish Civil War." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 1 (December 1991): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679037.

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At the end of the Spanish Civil War in the spring of 1939, General Franco celebrated his victory by decreeing that full military honours be accorded to two statues of the Virgin Mary. The first was Our Lady of Covadonga, patron of the first great reconquest of Spain through the expulsion of Islam in the middle ages. Now, after removal by her enemies ‘the Reds’ during the Civil War, she had been restored to her northern shrine in Asturias, marking the completion of what the decree described as the second reconquest. The other statue was of Our Lady of the Kings (de los Reyes) in Seville, invoked—so the decree ran—during the battle of Lepanto against the Turks in 1571 and the battle of Bailén agaínst the French in 1808, and invoked once more in the first desperate days of the military rising in July 1936, when a victory for the ‘Red hordes’ in Seville might have changed the whole course of the war. In Covadonga and Seville, in the undefeated stronghold of the Virgin of the Pillar in Zaragoza, and across the length and breadth of the country, the Virgin Mary had saved Spain and deserved every honour and tribute. It was equally true that from far north to far south, Franco and his armies and his Nazi, Fascist, and Islamic allies had made Spain safe for the Virgin Mary. There would be no more desecrated churches, no more burned statues, no more banned processions, just as there would be no more socialists, anarchists, communists or democrats. Spain would be Catholic and authoritarian, and Spanish women could concentrate their energies on emulating Mary, and being good wives and mothers or nuns.

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ΜΕΛΛΑ, ΖΩΗ. "Ο ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟΣ ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟΣ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΣ ΚΑΙ Ο ΙΣΠΑΝΙΚΟΣ ΤΥΠΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΦΡΑΝΚΙΣΜΟΥ." Μνήμων 27 (January 1, 2005): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.814.

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<p>Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's Dictatorship</p><p>In this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.</p>

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Nelson, Sioban, Paola Galbany-Estragués, and Gloria Gallego-Caminero. "The Nurses No-One Remembers: Looking for Spanish Nurses in Accounts of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939)." Nursing History Review 28, no. 1 (September 1, 2019): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.28.63.

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Accounts of Spanish nursing and nurses during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) that appear in the memoirs and correspondence of International Brigade volunteers, and are subsequently repeated in the secondary literature on the war, give little indication of existence of trained nurses in country. We set out to examine this apparent erasure of the long tradition of skilled nursing in Spain and the invisibility of thousands of Spanish nurses engaged in the war effort. We ask two questions: How can we understand the narrative thrust of the international volunteer accounts and subsequent historiography? And what was the state of nursing in Spain on the Republican side during the war as presented by Spanish participants and historians? We put the case that the narrative erasure of Spanish professional nursing prior to the Civil War was the result of the politicization of nursing under the Second Republic, its repression and reengineering under the Franco dictatorship, and the subsequent national policy of “oblivion” or forgetting that dominated the country during the transition to democracy. This policy silenced the stories of veteran nurses and prevented an examination of the impact of the Civil War on the Spanish nursing profession.

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Balan, Elena G. "Key Trends in the Memorial Urban Toponymy of Francoist Spain in the 20th – 21st Centuries." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v155.

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The paper studies urban place names of the era of the Spanish Civil War (from 1936 to 1939) and the dictatorship of Francisco Franco (from 1939 to 1975) in the context of the historical memory in contemporary Spain. The material included academic articles on historical memory, publications in the mass media, pieces of legislation, and data from the National Statistics Institute (Spain). Turning to toponyms allows us to provide insights into the problem of historical memory in Spain after the end of the dictatorship in 1975. The 1977 Amnesty Law (Ley de Amnistía de 1977) stipulated the oblivion of the events of the Franco period so as not to provoke conflict in society. In the late 20th century, the history of the Civil War and Francoist dictatorship needed to be re-examined. The research demonstrates that the current legal framework for memory in Spain is based on the Historical Memory Law (Ley de memoria histórica), adopted in 2007. The paper found that the number of urban toponyms containing symbols of the period under study, such as the names of participants in and events of the Civil War and Francoist dictatorship, has decreased significantly in recent years. However, changes in Francoist toponyms are inevitably accompanied by discussions and polemics at the level of local legislatures as well as public commemorative organizations, which are often covered in the media. Thus, the process of renaming continues to be a topical problem for Spain.

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Marco, Jorge. "Transnational Soldiers and Guerrilla Warfare from the Spanish Civil War to the Second World War." War in History 27, no. 3 (September 20, 2018): 387–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518761212.

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This article analyses how military institutions incorporated innovations in their tactics using the intermediary role of transnational soldiers in the Spanish Civil War. The Soviet experience of guerrilla warfare during the Russian Civil War was transferred to foreign volunteers during the war in Spain thanks to the collaboration of Soviet experts advising the Spanish Republican Army. After the war, these soldiers’ knowledge and experience of guerrilla warfare were invaluable to the Allied Armies during the Second World War. This article analyses the role of International Brigaders in the OSS in the USA, North Africa, and Europe during the Second World War.

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PAVLAKOVIĆ, VJERAN. "Vladko Maček, the Croatian Peasant Party and the Spanish Civil War." Contemporary European History 16, no. 2 (May 2007): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307003815.

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AbstractIn summer 1936 Vladko Maček's priorities lay with rebuilding the Croatian Peasant Party after its six years of illegality under King Aleksandar's dictatorship in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Yet the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) was to have a polarising and radicalising effect on Croatian society. Both communists and supporters of the fascist Ustaša movement looked to Spain as a model for resolving the ‘Croat question’ at a time when Croats were becoming increasingly frustrated with Maček's passivity. As a propaganda war raged in the press of the radical left and right, the Croatian Peasant Party tried to ignore the conflict. Maček's failure to realise the impact of the war in Spain on the political situation in Croatia is indicative of some of his weaknesses as a leader in difficult times. The Croatian Peasant Party missed the opportunity to take a strong moral stance against fascism during the Spanish conflict, and Maček's fence-sitting from the 1930s onwards permitted the more extreme ideological movements in Croatia to take advantage of the rapidly changing conditions of a Europe engulfed in war.

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Hernán, Enrique García. "War and Society in Spain." International Bibliography of Military History 35, no. 1 (May 30, 2015): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22115757-03501001.

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This article offers a new historiographical overview of the military history of Spain in the early modern period, covering recent works published by English-speaking scholars as well as the latest studies by Spanish and Italian historians. Differences tend to focus on whether the rival paradigms of ‘decline’ or ‘resilience’ offer the better insights into the period after the end of Spanish military supremacy (c. 1648). A survey of recent work on this topic leads us to some very significant observations about factors underpinning power, such as a common or shared culture and identity, as well as the more obvious and traditional components of military and naval power. The nature of royal power and monarchy are analysed, as are the structure of the army and the construction of the state in Spain. The relationship between the state and civil society, and the debate about the militarization of Iberian society and the study of cultural and religious values, are also examined. On balance, recent literature leads us to a more positive assessment of the resilience of Spanish military power in the second half of the 17th century.

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Marco, Jorge. "Rethinking the Postwar Period in Spain: Violence and Irregular Civil War, 1939–52." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (June 25, 2019): 492–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419839764.

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There is a consensus among scholars regarding the slow transformation of ‘hot-blooded terror’ into ‘cold-blooded terror’ during the Civil War and the postwar period in Spain. This article challenges this framework in two ways. First, it argues that the Spanish Civil War did not end in 1939, but lasted until 1952, divided in three stages: symmetric nonconventional warfare (July 1936 – February 1937), conventional civil war (February 1937 – April 1939), and irregular civil war (April 1939–52). Second, it argues that the narrative of ‘cold-blooded terror’ after 1939 has obscured the complexity of the political violence imposed by the Franco dictatorship. The author argues that throughout the three stages of the Civil War the Francoists implemented a process of political cleansing, but that from April 1939 two different logics of violence were deployed. These depended on the attitude of the vanquished – resignation or resistance – after the defeat of the Republican army. The logic of violence directed against the subjugated enemy was channelled through institutional instruments. In contrast, the logic of counterinsurgency directed against the guerrilla movement, alongside instruments such as military courts and the prison system, imposed a wide repertoire of brutal practices and massacres against civilians and combatants.

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NEWSINGER, JOHN. "BLACKSHIRTS, BLUESHIRTS, AND THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR." Historical Journal 44, no. 3 (September 2001): 825–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002035.

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The object of this review is to examine recent developments in our understanding of Oswald Mosley's Blackshirts, of Eoin O'Duffy's Blueshirts, and of British and Irish participation in the Spanish Civil War. It argues that fascism can be understood as having three possible phases of development and considers British and Irish fascism from that standpoint. Debates about the nature of British fascism are considered, its attitude towards violence, towards anti-Semitism, towards women, and towards the coming of the Second World War. The review considers the reasons for the movement's failure. It goes on to examine the debate as to whether or not there actually was an Irish fascism in the 1930s. Finally, it discusses recent work on British and Irish participation in the International Brigades and on the performance of O'Duffy's volunteers in Spain.

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Mondini, Marco. ":Civil War and World War in Europe: Spain, Yugoslavia, and Greece, 1936–1949." American Historical Review 113, no. 4 (October 2008): 1227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.4.1227.

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MALAY, V. V. "PROBLEMS OF THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR, 1936-1939 IN THE CONTEXT OF ITALIAN-SOVIET RELATIONS." Scientific Notes of Orel State University 98, no. 1 (March 26, 2023): 58–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33979/1998-2720-2023-98-1-58-64.

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Spanish Civil War 1936-1939 became a factor that significantly determined the situation in Europe on the eve of the Second World War. In this regard, it is important to study the international aspects of this conflict in the context of Italian-Soviet relations. The author reveals how the interests of such focal countries as the USSR and Italy, which supported the opposing sides of the conflict in Spain, intersected at different levels and in different forms. The policy of Non-Intervention to Spain 1936-1939 has also aggravated bilateral, in particular, Italian-Soviet, relations. The Spanish theme was also actively used in mutual informational and psychological confrontation. The Italo-Soviet struggle over the Spanish problem ultimately influenced both the outcome of the Spanish War as well as the balance of power in Europe before the World War II.

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Molodiakov, V. E. "Against Anarchy and Hitler: French Nationalism and Spanish Civil War." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 4 (December 12, 2019): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-4-166-182.

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Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.

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Lázaro Lafuente, Luis Alberto. "Two Conflicting Irish Views of the Spanish Civil War." Oceánide 13 (February 9, 2020): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37668/oceanide.v13i.36.

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The Spanish Civil War sparked a heated debate in the recently created Irish Free State, as the Republic of Ireland was then called. A country that had also gone through an eleven-month civil war after the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 was again divided between those who supported the left-wing democratic Spanish Republican government and those who favoured Franco’s “crusade” against atheists and Marxists. In fact, some Irish volunteers joined the International Brigades to confront Fascism together with the Spanish Republican forces, while other more conservative Irish Catholics were mobilised to fight with Franco’s army against those Reds that the media claimed to be responsible for killing priests and burning churches. Both sections were highly influenced by the news, accounts and interpretations of the Spanish war that emerged at that time. Following Lluís Albert Chillón’s approach to the relations between journalism and literature (1999), this article aims to analyse the war reportages of two Irish writers who describe the Spanish Civil War from the two opposite sides: Peadar O’Donnell (1893–1986), a prominent Irish socialist activist and novelist who wrote Salud! An Irishman in Spain (1937), and Eoin O’Duffy (1892–1944), a soldier, anti-communist activist and police commissioner who raised the Irish Brigade to fight with Franco’s army and wrote The Crusade in Spain (1938). Both contributed to the dissemination of information and ideas about the Spanish conflict with their eyewitness accounts, and both raise interesting questions about the relations between fact, fiction and the truth, using similar narrative strategies and rhetorical devices to portray different versions of the same war.

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Bikše, Ginta Ieva. "Participation of Latvian Volunteers in Medical Aid to the Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939)." Latvijas Universitātes Žurnāls Vēsture, no. 9-10 (2022): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/luzv.11.12.05.

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Of more than 100 Latvian volunteers that participated in the Spanish Civil War, 15 were involved in providing medical aid to the Spanish Republic. Among these volunteers were both men and women, who worked not only as nurses but also as doctors. The aim of the article is to analyse the participation of Latvian volunteers in the Republican medical service (1936–1939) focusing on their motivation, arrival in Spain, activities during the conflict and departure from Spain. This article also includes information about Spanish Civil War participants of Latvian origin that had lost Latvian citizenship at the time of the conflict in order to provide a broader perspective to Latvian participation and its surrounding circumstances.

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Stradling, R. "Spain Betrayed: The Soviet Union in the Spanish Civil War." English Historical Review 117, no. 474 (November 1, 2002): 1380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.474.1380.

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Hoffmann, Stanley, Ronald Radosh, Mary R. Habeck, and Georgi Sevostyanov. "Spain Betrayed: The Soviet Union in the Spanish Civil War." Foreign Affairs 80, no. 6 (2001): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050369.

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Welch, Stephen. "Civil war and the culture of repression in Franco's Spain." Civil Wars 2, no. 1 (March 1999): 130–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249908402400.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Spain Civil War'

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