Academic literature on the topic 'Spain - foreign relations'
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Journal articles on the topic "Spain - foreign relations"
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Anikeeva, Natalia. "FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 23, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520211522.
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The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.
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Sáánchez-Ron, Joséé M. "International relations in Spanish physics from 1900 to the Cold War." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 33, no. 1 (2002): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2002.33.1.3.
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This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.
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Anikina, Alexandra Mikhailovna. "Spain — China: dynamics of trade and economic relations development." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 2 (February 1, 2021): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2102-05.
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Spain is a member state of the European Union, which occupies one of the leading places in the world economy. Over the past decade, this country has paid particular attention to expanding the internationalization of its economy, including by striving for geographical diversification of exports and investment activity, for taking on new target markets for products produced in the country, especially agricultural ones, since traditionally the main partners of the country in foreign economic activity are member states of the EU. A development strategy of foreign economic activities (FEA) was developed in the country to achieve these goals. China is not the main trade and economic partner of Spain, however, it is a strategic partner with a high potential for developing bilateral cooperation. The article studies the dynamics of the development of foreign economic relations between Spain and China from 2008 to 2019; main data of export-import operations, including by commodity groups, are given; principal developments in bilateral relations are mentioned. It is concluded that the growth rate of trade flow has increased by more than 65 % over 10 years, including the expansion of Spanish export supplies, in particular products of agroindustrial complex (AIC), share of which reached 30 % in 2019; intensification of interaction at the institutional level is noted, as well as expansion of the activities of Spanish transnational corporations (TNC) in China, where at least one of the corporations opened its 23rd production facility in 2019. The author used a systematic and interdisciplinary approach when working with a variety of scientific and practical materials, including Spanish legislation, annual reports and statistics of national government bodies, analytical reviews of international economic organizations, media publications, as well as economic and statistical analysis. The scientifi c novelty of the work is in a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of the development of trade and economic relations between Spain and China.
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Vovchuk, Liudmyla. "Foreign Consulates in Odesa (1920s – 1930s)." Eminak, no. 1(41) (April 13, 2023): 160–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.1(41).628.
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The purpose of the research paper is to highlight the history of repatriation missions and consular institutions of Poland, Albania, Germany, Italy, Turkey, Japan and Spain in Odesa during 1922-1938, analysis of the main areas of activity within the consular district and the consular staff’s characteristics.
The scientific novelty. The general picture of the foreign diplomatic presence in Odesa, represented by the repatriation missions of Turkey, Albania and Poland, as well as five consulates, has been reconstructed. Their personnel composition and key areas of activity are shown.
Conclusions. With the creation of Soviet Ukraine, Odesa continued to remain a strategically important city for both European and Asian countries, which, having restored diplomatic and consular relations with the USSR, opened their consulates here. During the 1920s and 1930s, the repatriation missions of Poland, Albania, and Turkey operated in the city first (during 1922-1925), and later the consular offices of three European countries – Germany, Italy, Spain, and two Asian countries – Turkey and Japan. The foreign consular institutions’ diplomatic staff consisted exclusively of representatives of the countries they represented and were career diplomats. In turn, among the representatives of the administrative and technical staff were citizens of these countries and Soviet Ukraine, and the service staff consisted with local residents.
Since its establishment, foreign consular representatives have contributed to the development of trade, economic, cultural and scientific relations of their countries with the UkrSSR. Important spheres of consulates’ activity were protection of the citizens’ interests of their countries, organization of material assistance for them and promotion of their departure to their homeland. In the process of gathering information about the socio-political situation in the USSR, the consuls recorded the unfolding of the Holodomor, pointing out its culprits, noted the negative consequences of collectivization and industrialization, etc.
But, despite the constantly emphasized friendship in relations between the USSR and the countries listed above, their consulates and employees found themselves under the Soviet special services close supervision, which considered any consulates representatives’ actions as espionage. In order to be fully effective, the special services recruited representatives from both consulate employees and persons who were in contact with the consul. And after the consulates were closed, they began the process of “cleaning” them. In 1937-1938, the USSR’s relations with Italy, Germany, Turkey, Japan, and Spain became strained, which led to the closure of the consular network in Odesa.
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Marrero Rocha, Inmaculada. "The Implications of Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations for Moroccan Immigrants in Spain Spanish-Moroccan Governmental Relations and Moroccan Immigrants." European Journal of Migration and Law 7, no. 4 (2006): 413–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181605776293228.
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AbstractThe terrorist attacks in Madrid on March 11, 2004 were one of the most traumatic events in recent Spanish domestic history, and have had a profound influence in internal policy as well as determining the strategy of its foreign and security policy. In many sectors it has created a climate in which there are serious negative repercussions in the acceptance and integration of immigrants from Morocco, bearing in mind that most of the people detained and put on trial are from that country but were residing in Spain. However, if the March 11 terrorist attacks are an important factor militating against Moroccan integration in Spain, the truth is that for many years they have had greater difficulties in integrating into the host community than other immigrant groups. This paper argues that Spanish-Moroccan political relations constitute further factors that create special difficulties for Moroccan immigrants in their integration into Spanish society. In order to demonstrate this hypothesis, the paper first describes in section one the specific Spanish migration context, firstly from the demographic point of view, analysing the rapid change of Spain from an emigrant country to an immigrant country and the increase in foreign population over recent years and, secondly from cultural point of view when it discusses the already existing diversities among the different Spanish regions and, finally, from a legal point of view the paper studies the changeable and unstable Spanish law on migration. The main goal of this introductory section is to show the general problems of integration applicable to all immigrant groups living in Spain, including Moroccans. Secondly, in sections two and three, the paper attempts to examine the unequal treatment against Moroccan immigrants and argues that this situation is not only due to Spanish attitudes toward immigrants in general and the social, racial and religious characteristic of Moroccan immigrants but also because there are other political reasons related to the relations between the Spanish and Moroccan Governments that affect the situation of Moroccans in Spain because of their nationality. In order to show this unequal treatment of Moroccan immigrants in comparison with other immigrant groups, section two describes the main examples of clear discrimination: specific racist and xenophobic attacks against Moroccans in Spain; employment discrimination against Moroccans; and the institutional declarations that negatively affect Moroccans. The third section attempts to demonstrate how old and recent political crisis and controversies in the fields of fishing, agricultural, territorial disputes, and illegal immigration controls between both countries constitute factors which have made the integration of Moroccan labourers in Spain more difficult. The fourth section shows how the political crises and conflicts between Spain and Morocco have worsened the Spanish population's perception of Morocco and have influenced the treatment Moroccan immigrants receive in Spain. Finally, the last section contains several conclusions as a warning to the Spanish Government to improve its relations with Moroccan Authorities not only to obtain institutional and political results but also to bring about positive consequences for Moroccans living in Spain.
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Kryukova, Elena. "Victorious powers and Spain in the post-war world order." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-4-16-19.
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The article deals with the foreign policy and domestic policy of Spain in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The author analyzes the relationships between the Francoist Spain and the USA, England, France and the USSR during the difficult period of entry of the country into the new system of the international relations.
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Pupysheva, Maria. "Chinese Policy in Latin America: Lessons and Risks for Spain." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 1 (2023): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120024197-7.
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In the past two decades, Latin American countries and China have strengthened cooperation in such areas as politics, economy, finance, culture, and military sphere. In these relations each party pursues its own goals: China, for example, is looking for access to new sources of raw materials and markets, as well as support on some sensitive issues on the international agenda, such as the problem of human rights or the status of Taiwan. Latin America seeks new sources of finance, and technology, as well as the diversification of foreign policy ties. Sino-Latin American relations are most active in the sphere of economy, investment and lending, that increases the interdependence between China and the countries of the region and even the dependence on Chinese funding. At the same time, despite gradual growth, social and cultural contacts between parties remain limited, and that constrains the development of mutual understanding between them. The strengthening of Beijing's position in Latin America logically arouses Spain's fears, as the region has always been a historical space for its foreign policy; Spain's position and attractiveness there are gradually declining. However, since cooperation with China contributes to the development of Latin American countries, it can play a positive role for Spain and creates an opportunity for building ties between Spanish and Chinese institutions. Thus, the article is devoted to the problem of the influence of the development of Sino-Latin American relations on the role of Spain as a traditional foreign policy partner of the region. The authors conclude that in the context of the growth of partnership between Latin America and China, Spain will have to look for ways to cooperate with Chinese entities, trying to maintain its role in the region and derive benefits from such cooperation.
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ÇOBAN ORAN, Filiz, and Adem Emre KÖSE. "İspanya Dış Politikasında İmparatorluk Geçmişi ve Latin Amerika." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 7, no. 13 (July 10, 2021): 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.6.1.7.13.11.
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In Spain’s foreign policy, the relationships with the Spanish-speaking Latin American countries have a special privileged place which dates back to the country’s imperial past. Based on a narrative of common language and a shared cultural history and identity with the Latin American people, Spain still aims to maintain its leading role in diplomatic relations, cultural investment, and foreign aid more than any country. Moreover, the ongoing relationships with this region has been one of the key areas of Madrid’s foreign policy for its global role expanding from the Iberian Peninsula to the entire world. Since Spain emphasises on the concept of Ibero-American identity in its relations with the Latin America, this study attempts to use a social-constructivist approach in analysing the place of the Latin America in the contemporary Spanish foreign policy. Specifically, it searches for the influences of Spain’s European Union membership on these relationships. Consequently, it argues that European identity of the nation has gained a greater weight than its Ibero-American identity since the democratisation process of 1980s. Thus, the relationships with Europe have pushed the Latin America to a secondary position in the foreign affairs.
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Tsivatyi, Viacheslav. "Strategies of communicative influence and model of public diplomacy of the Kingdom of Spain in the globalised world of the 21st century: National Branding Experience for Ukraine (Institutional and Image Discourses)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIV (2023): 761–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2023-43.
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Strategies of communicative influence and model of public diplomacy of the Kingdom of Spain in the globalised world of the 21st century: National Branding Experience for Ukraine (Institutional and Image Discourses) Post published:15.01.2024 Post category:Issue XXIV Viacheslav Tsivatyi PhD in History, Associate Professor, Merited Education Worker of Ukraine, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Member of Board of the Scientific Society of History of Diplomacy and International Relations DOI: Abstract. The article examines the features of the development of public diplomacy in Spain and analyses its key directions of activity at different stages of historical development. The study is devoted to methodological problems, institutional origins, and achievements of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Spain. Special attention is paid to the expediency of implementing in Ukraine the best diplomatic examples (models) and achievements of Spanish diplomacy in the conditions of a globalised world system. The focus is on the activity of the main governmental agencies that stimulate the development of full-fledged Spanish foreign cultural policy as the means both for the promotion of Spanish culture abroad and for the presentation of other cultures in Spain. At the same time, much attention is given to the new forms of cultural exchange, which promote the development of cultural dialogue between nations. The institutional development, the strategies of communicative influence and the model of national branding of the Kingdom of Spain are analysed. The historical legacy and modern practical experience of the diplomacy of the Kingdom of Spain have not lost their relevance to this day, and bilateral Spanish-Ukrainian relations firmly connect Spain and Ukraine through the millennia of European history. The focus is on the modern diplomatic system and model of Spanish diplomacy, national features of the Spanish school of diplomacy, the effectiveness of the diplomatic toolkit and the art of the negotiation process of Spain’s diplomats in the conditions of the globalised world system. The project Marca España proved to be an important step towards improving Spain’s national management system. Keywords: international relations, foreign policy, foreign cultural policy, diplomacy, public diplomacy, institutionalisation, national branding, Marca España, Ukraine, Spain
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Øystein Pharo, Helge. "Small State Anti-Fascism: Norway’s Quest to Eliminate the Franco Regime in the Aftermath of World War II." Culture & History Digital Journal 7, no. 1 (July 6, 2018): 008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2018.008.
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In the early postwar years Norway was among the most active in the campaign against Franco’s Spain, supporting the policy of keeping Spain out of the UN, and pushing for UN members to break off diplomatic relations with Spain. Within a few years the policy of ostracism was seen to fail as it appeared to strengthen rather than weaken the Franco regime. Spain was then gradually allowed into the warmth. Until the early 1950s Norway’s retreat from its 1946 position was very reluctant, and it was in 1949 the last Western European state to accept normalization. Spain retaliated with economic pressures, and by 1951 Norway had relented and joined in the general reestablishment of normal diplomatic relations, and in 1955 accepted the package deal that brought Spain into the UN. The article discusses the foreign policy concerns and the domestic political struggles that explain Norwegian policies, including the veto on Spanish NATO membership that was never given up.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Spain - foreign relations"
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Tayfur, Mehmet Fatih. "Semiperipheral development and foreign policy : the cases of Greece and Spain." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1467/.
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Foreign policy analysis stands at the crossroads of different issues and academic disciplines, including political economy and international relations. In this study, the foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the period between 1945 and the early 1990s, in the context of the world-system approach in which foreign policy is considered a part of the interaction between a single world-economy and multiple political structures (nation states). In other words, this is a study of the political economy of foreign policy. The foreign policies of Greece and Spain are analysed in the context of the world and national levels of the organisation of power and production. In this general context, the two countries are defined as the interesting but debatable category of semiperiphery states in the world-system hierarchy of states. The analysis of Greece and Spain shows that the foreign policies of both countries were strongly affected by their semiperipheral development patterns during both the "expansion-hegemonic rise" and "contraction-hegemonic decline" periods of the world-economy. The study examines the relative impact of national and international structural factors, the distribution of wealth and power, the state, external and internal economic and power elites on the foreign policies of Greece and Spain. The examination demonstrates the effect of their semiperipheral status on their foreign policy. The main theoretical contention of the study is that the world-system analysis and the concept of "semiperiphery" provide a useful framework for the study of the political economy of the foreign policies of middle income countries.
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Fernandez, Marisa. "The enigma of the Spanish Civil War : the motives for Soviet intervention." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79763.
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The passions aroused by the Spanish Civil War have yet to recede. The extensive literature that has been produced and continues to be published testifies to this fact. From the outset of the war in Spain, numerous European countries actively participated in the Spanish conflict. However, Soviet military "aid" to the Republican government "has provoked more questions, mystification and bitter controversy than any other subject in the history of the Spanish Civil War."1 Although the Spanish Civil War took place almost 70 years ago, and the intervention or non-intervention of many countries in Spain is well documented, Soviet involvement remains an "enigma". Little is known of Stalin's motives in Spain and even less information has emerged on the Spanish gold reserves that were sent to the USSR. This dissertation attempts to come to terms with both of these questions and, with the help of new documentation, challenge previously-held assumptions regarding Soviet foreign policy in Spain.1Gerald Howson. Arms for Spain: The Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War. (New York: St Martins Press, 1998), 119.
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SÁNCHEZ, CANO Gaël. "Spiritual empire : Spanish diplomacy and Latin America in the 1920s." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64748.
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Defence date: 28 October 2019Examining Board: Prof Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Prof David Marcilhacy, Sorbonne Université; Dr Christian Goeschel, University of Manchester
This thesis focuses on the practice of cultural diplomacy in post-imperial contexts through the study of the Spanish-Latin American case (Hispano-Americanism) during the 1920s. It advances the concept of ‘spiritual empire’ to make sense of the weight of imperial legacies in multilateral international relations. It highlights the intangible and imagined nature of these legacies, and examines their use in foreign policy. It thus offers broader definitions of what is usually called ‘soft power’, with a specific emphasis on its European roots and on its intertwinement with empire and multilateralism during the interwar period, especially in the context of the League of Nations. The specific object of this inquiry is the set of practices of Hispano-Americanism developed under General Miguel Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime (1923-1930). Calls for closer relations between Spain and the Spanish-speaking American countries dated back to the late nineteenth century, in the form of intellectual pleas and some political projects. Only in the 1920s, however, was Hispano-Americanism built up as a relatively coherent set of diplomatic practices. Asking why these practices emerged in the 1920s in particular, the thesis explores this decade as a key moment for both empire and diplomacy. Building mostly on archival material from the Spanish administration, the League of Nations, and US public and private institutions, this research inserts Spanish diplomacy at the heart of the narrative of power politics in Europe and the Americas. The aim is not to prove that Spain actually mattered, but to use this specific case study to pose alternative questions about power in world politics. Rather than asking where power is, this thesis seeks to understand what power is and how it is fabricated. The notion of spiritual empire illustrates how the imperial logics of power resist the formal end of empires and are reused in the shape of diplomatic and administrative practices. It explains how Spanish diplomats and foreign-policy makers tried to hang on to a status of power granted by Spain’s imperial past. It also opens the way to diachronic comparisons between Spain’s Hispano-Americanism, Portugal’s politics of Lusophony, France’s politics of Francophony, or the British Commonwealth, among others.
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Lyne, Kay. "Perceptions of Spain and the Spanish, and their effect on public opinion in Britain at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683130.
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Sanchez, James. "Interests Eternal and Perpetual: British Foreign Policy and the Royal Navy in the Spanish Civil War, 1936 - 1937." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2608/.
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This thesis will demonstrate that the British leaders saw the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War as the best option available under the circumstances, and will also focus on the role of the Royal Navy in carrying out that policy. Unpublished sources include Cabinet and Admiralty papers. Printed sources include the Documents on British Foreign Policy, newspaper and periodical articles, and memoirs. This thesis, covering the years 1936-37, is broken down into six chapters, each covering a time frame that reflected a change of policy or naval mission. The non-intervention policy was seen as the best available at the time, but it was shortsighted and ignored potentially serious long-term consequences.
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Caldeira, Giovana Figueira Herdy. "As relações politicas e economicas entre Brasil e Espanha da transição democratica a nossos dias." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279241.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Correa de MoraesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T08:35:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Caldeira_GiovanaFigueiraHerdy_M.pdf: 4153158 bytes, checksum: 39c20bf64a673d7f6c45e1d9be3ecc8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: As relações entre Brasil e Espanha tiveram escassa importância até meados dos anos 1970, quando, paralelamente aos respectivos processos democráticos, produziram-se uma abertura ao exterior e uma transformação econômica e social em ambos países que promoveram sua integração em um mundo cada vez mais globalizado. A Espanha, por diversos fatores, um dos quais foi o grande fluxo de fundos recebidos da União Européia, teve um grande crescimento econômico, passando de país receptor de investimentos externos a país investidor no exterior. Tais investimentos foram especialmente dirigidos à América Latina - sendo o Brasil o país mais favorecido pelos mesmos - e concentraram se nos setores de telecomunicações, bancário, energético e de infra-estrutura. O intercâmbio comercial entre os dois países, no entanto, continua sendo pequeno e limitado quanto ao conteúdo, como conseqüência do protecionismo de ambos. A rigidez administrativa do Brasil soma-se também à dificuldade de implantação de um maior número de empresas. Existem ainda diversos campos em que é possível uma maior cooperação bilateral, sendo o setor energético, a pesca e o turismo os mais destacados. Do ponto de vista cultural, há cada vez maior aproximação, fruto da potencialização do ensino de espanhol no Brasil, o aumento do turismo bilateral e a emigração de brasileiros a Espanha, assim como os esforços dirigidos pelos governos para este fim. Politicamente, as relações apresentam um baixo perfil, que tem sido melhorado pela integração do Brasil nas Cúpulas Ibero-americanas de Chefes de Estado e de Governo. A liderança do Brasil na região e sua crescente projeção no exterior devem condicionar um novo equilíbrio nas relações bilaterais: caso os países ajustem suas posições a esta nova realidade, no futuro as relações podem alcançar níveis de cooperação superiores aos atuais.
Abstract: Relations between Brazil and Spain had little importance until the mid-1970s when, concurrently with their democratic processes, an opening toward the outside world and an economic and social transformation took place in both countries, thus promoting their integration in an increasingly globalized world. Spain, for several reasons, such as the large flow of funds received from the European Union, had a great economic growth, leaving the position of a country that receives foreign investment to beco me a country that invests abroad. Such investment was particularly directed to Latin America - most especially to Brazil - and concentrated in the areas of telecommunications, banking, energy and infrastructure. Commercial exchange between the two countries, however, remains limited in its amount and contents, as a consequence of protectionism on both parts. The rigidity of Brazilian administrative procedures also raises difficulties for the establishment of a higher number of companies in the country. There are several fields in which it is possible to further bilateral cooperation, being the energy industry, fishing and tourism the most prominent of them. From the cultural point of view, the ties between the countries have become stronger as a result of an increase in the teaching of the Spanish language in Brazil, enhanced bilateral tourism, and the emigration of Brazilians to Spain, as well as the efforts led by both govemments for this purpose. Politically, the relations have a low profile, which has been improved by the integrati~n of Brazil in the Iberian-American Summit of Heads of State and Govemment. The Brazilian leadership in the region and its increasing projection abroad must determine a new balance in bilateral relations; if the countries adjust their position to this new reality, relations of cooperation may reach higher levels in the future.
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
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SANCHEZ, CAMACHO Alberto. "'Up and down' : Genoese financiers and their relational capital in the early reign of Philip II." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69995.
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Defence date: 26 January 2021Examining board: Professor Regina Grafe (European University Institute); Professor Luca Molà (University of Warwick); Professor Carmen Sanz Ayán (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Professor Manuel Herrero Sánchez (Universidad Pablo de Olavide)
This doctoral thesis analyses the process of state construction in the early modern period from a joint perspective that amalgamates the agencies of state officials, lending communities, and local elites in the Hispanic Monarchy during the four initial years of Philip II’s reign. The project examines the convergence of private agendas inside and outside the royal administration, which were channelled by the Genoese lending community to overcome the consolidation of royal short-term debt in 1557 and its consequences. The application of an institutional approach, based on the works of Avner Greif, to the analysis of the social organisations that prevented a failure of coordination in the Hispanic Monarchy offers a fresh perspective on a topic normally assessed under predatory models. The specific study of two Genoese lenders who contributed to the establishment of a more viable and efficient financial system in the monarchy, Costantin Gentil and Nicolao de Grimaldo, provides details about how interregional transactions and local economies contributed to the consolidation of the early modern state.
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James, Richard 1949. "Public opinion and the British Legion in Spain, 1835-1838." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23848.
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This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.
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Martin-Paneda, Pablo. "D’un incommode voisin. Les remodelages de l’appareil diplomatique français face à la réintégration de l’Espagne en Occident, 25 février 1957- 5 février 1979." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040082.
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La politique espagnole de la France de 1957 à 1979 est abordée autour de trois périodes aux temporalités marquées. Trois étapes, trois étages : observation (1957-1963), marchandages commerciaux (1963-1970), engagements politiques et prise de risques (1970-1979). Face aux mutations du franquisme puis de la démocratie, Paris se repositionne sans cesse. La diplomatie espagnole s’avère très incisive : l’Espagne est un voisin instable et pugnace. Néanmoins, le Quai d’Orsay perçoit un atout pour la quête de grandeur gaullienne. Pays de haute croissance économique, l’Espagne reste un débouché propice aux exportations françaises. Pays méditerranéen, l’Espagne est susceptible de modifier le centre de gravité de l’Europe communautaire au profit d’une France dont le rôle de carrefour serait renforcé. Pays latin, l’Espagne est un relais des ambitions françaises en Amérique du Sud. Pays en développement, l’Espagne apporte un appui aux élans tiers-mondistes de la politique française. Sous l’angle bilatéral, cette thèse recentrer et d’actualiser des travaux qui balisent l’étude. Par ailleurs, il ne serait pas judicieux d’ignorer les griefs ou les attentes des Espagnols à l’égard de la France. Dans le domaine multilatéral : parrainage européen fourni par la France ; tactique espagnole de surenchères attisées entre Washington, Bonn, et Paris ; désirs d’une coopération méditerranéenne articulée autour de Madrid, Rome et Paris. Aussi cette recherche s’insère-t-elle dans trois champs historiographiques : l’histoire des relations franco-espagnoles, l’histoire politique de l’Espagne, l’histoire des représentations parmi les élites françaisesFrance's Spanish policy from 1957 to 1979 is approached through three very distinct periods. Three steps, three levels : observation (1957-1963), trading negociations (1963-1970 ), political commitments and daring relationships (1970-1979). Confronted with the evolutions of Franco's dictature and then democracy, the French government is constantly adapting. The Spanish foreign policy turns out to be sharp: Spain is a restless and pugnacious neighbour. Yet the French Foreign Affairs Department considers this situation as an opportunity to enhance the prestige of de Gaulle's policy. With a high economic potential, Spain offers many opportunities for French exports. As a Mediterranean country, Spain is likely to change the centre of gravity of the European Community in favour of France, whose role of platform would be reinforced. As a Latin country, Spain represents a link between an ambitious France and South America. As a developing country, Spain provides a support for the French attempt to deal with the Third World. From both perspectives - Spanish and French - this PhD gathers and updates previous works which were used to build this study. Besides, one should not ignore Spanish grievances or expectations regarding France. From a larger perspective : France provides a European partnership, Spain tries to outbid between Washington, Bonn and Paris, while a Mediterranean cooperation structured around Madrid, Rome and Paris is highly wished for. This study is carried out into the frame of three different historiographic schools: the history of Franco-Spanish relationships, the political history of Spain and the history of representations among French elites
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Caldeira, Giovana Figueira Herdy [UNESP]. "As relações políticas e econômicas entre Brasil e Espanha da transição democrática a nossos dias." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96292.
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caldeira_gfh_me_mar.pdf: 816459 bytes, checksum: f8ea2a9f48ca4b909dc0fc7b7c85baad (MD5)As relações entre Brasil e Espanha tiveram escassa importância até meados dos anos 1970, quando, paralelamente aos respectivos processos democráticos, produziram-se uma abertura ao exterior e uma transformação econômica e social em ambos países que promoveram sua integração em um mundo cada vez mais globalizado. A Espanha, por diversos fatores, um dos quais foi o grande fluxo de fundos recebidos da União Européia, teve um grande crescimento econômico, passando de país receptor de investimentos externos a país investidor no exterior. Tais investimentos foram especialmente dirigidos à América Latina - sendo o Brasil o país mais favorecido pelos mesmos - e concentraramse nos setores de telecomunicações, bancário, energético e de infra-estrutura. O intercâmbio comercial entre os dois países, no entanto, continua sendo pequeno e limitado quanto ao conteúdo, como conseqüência do protecionismo de ambos. A rigidez administrativa do Brasil soma-se também à dificuldade de implantação de um maior número de empresas. Existem ainda diversos campos em que é possível uma maior cooperação bilateral, sendo o setor energético, a pesca e o turismo os mais destacados. Do ponto de vista cultural, há cada vez maior aproximação, fruto da potencialização do ensino de espanhol no Brasil, o aumento do turismo bilateral e a emigração de brasileiros a Espanha, assim como os esforços dirigidos pelos governos para este fim. Politicamente, as relações apresentam um baixo perfil, que tem sido melhorado pela integração do Brasil nas Cúpulas Ibero-americanas de Chefes de Estado e de Governo. A liderança do Brasil na região e sua crescente projeção no exterior devem condicionar um novo equilíbrio nas relações bilaterais: caso os países ajustem suas posições a esta nova realidade, no futuro as relações podem alcançar níveis de cooperação superiores aos atuais.
Relations between Brazil and Spain had little importance until the mid-1970s when, concurrently with their democratic processes, an opening toward the outside world and an economic and social transformation took place in both countries, thus promoting their integration in an increasingly globalized world. Spain, for several reasons, such as the large flow of funds received from the European Union, had a great economic growth, leaving the position of a country that receives foreign investment to become a country that invests abroad. Such investment was particularly directed to Latin America – most especially to Brazil – and concentrated in the areas of telecommunications, banking, energy and infrastructure. Commercial exchange between the two countries, however, remains limited in its amount and contents, as a consequence of protectionism on both parts. The rigidity of Brazilian administrative procedures also raises difficulties for the establishment of a higher number of companies in the country. There are several fields in which it is possible to further bilateral cooperation, being the energy industry, fishing and tourism the most prominent of them. From the cultural point of view, the ties between the countries have become stronger as a result of an increase in the teaching of the Spanish language in Brazil, enhanced bilateral tourism, and the emigration of Brazilians to Spain, as well as the efforts led by both governments for this purpose. Politically, the relations have a low profile, which has been improved by the integration of Brazil in the Iberian-American Summit of Heads of State and Government. The Brazilian leadership in the region and its increasing projection abroad must determine a new balance in bilateral relations; if the countries adjust their position to this new reality, relations of cooperation may reach higher levels in the future.
Books on the topic "Spain - foreign relations"
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1941-, Maxwell Kenneth, ed. Spanish foreign and defense policy. Boulder: Westview Press, 1991.
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Christian, Leitz, and Dunthorn David J, eds. Spain in an international context, 1936-1959. New York: Berghahn Books, 1999.
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Pollack, Benny. The paradox of Spanish foreign policy. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985.
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Liedtke, Boris N. Embracing a dictatorship: U.S. relations with Spain, 1945-53. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.
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Stockey, Gareth. Gibraltar: A dagger in the spine of Spain? Portland: Sussex Academic Press, 2009.
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1952-, Gillespie Richard, and Youngs Richard 1968-, eds. Spain: The European and international challenges. London: Frank Cass, 2001.
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Rosenberg, Robin L. Spain and Central America: Democracy and foreign policy. New York: Greenwood Press, 1992.
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Spain) International Conference on Historical Links between USA and Spain (1st 2015 Alcalá de Henares. Historical links between Spain and North America. Edited by Mercado Juan Carlos editor and Instituto Franklin de Estudios Norteamericanos. Alcalá: Universidad de Alcalá, 2016.
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Hoffman, Paul E. Spain and the Roanoke voyages. Raleigh: America's Four Hundredth Anniversary Committee, North Carolina Dept. of Cultural Resources, 1987.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Spain - foreign relations"
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Adomeit, Hannes. "Russia’s Strategic Outlook and Policies: What Role for China?" In Russia-China Relations, 17–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_2.
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AbstractThis examination deals with the mental maps and basic assumptions underlying Russia’s foreign policy and how these relate to China. I will take issue with the narrative, advanced in particular by Kremlin officials and pro-Putin apologists in the West, that Russia’s “pivot to Asia,” with China as its centerpiece, can be understood as the consequence of the West having rejected Putin’s outstretched hand for close cooperation, Russia’s exclusion from an all-European security structure by pushing NATO’s eastward expansion, and finally the imposition of economic sanctions. This, to complete the account, had left Russia with no other option but to turn to Asia. Such interpretations will be shown to be fundamentally flawed. Putin’s China policies fit squarely into both the Russian power elite’s global strategic outlook and its narrow perception of what is needed to hold on to power domestically. The benefits accruing to Russia from its liaison with China can be found in military, economic, and systemic dimensions, and they are for the most part asymmetric in favor of the Kremlin. The asymmetries may cause problems in the future, but for the time being, they are carefully managed so that they will not spin out of control.
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Sadecka, Agnieszka. "Reportage from the (Post-)Contact Zone: Polish Travellers to Decolonised India (1950–1980)." In East Central Europe Between the Colonial and the Postcolonial in the Twentieth Century, 141–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-17487-2_6.
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AbstractThe texts analysed in this chapter span the first three decades of India’s independence. Polish reporters document both the change that occurred in postcolonial India, and the lingering effects of foreign rule on society and culture of the Subcontinent. It is a former contact zone, a post-contact zone, where the former colonisers are absent but their presence can still be felt. Polish reporters visiting India in the 1950s and early 1960s, such as Witold Koehler, Jerzy Ros and Wiesław Górnicki often voice their critique of British colonialism, especially as (semi-official) representatives of a communist state, the Polish People’s Republic. In their accounts, they mention clubs allowing entry only to foreigners, the conflicts stirred by the colonial administration, lasting longer than the British rule, the greed of industrialists and the oppression of peasants. The reporters underline their anti-colonial viewpoint, but in many situations, they are trapped in the convention of colonial relations. Thus, the main question is whether reporters from socialist Poland can truly be anti-colonial, and, given their own dependence from the Soviet Union, can they be anti-imperialist?
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Gold, Marina. "Conceptualizing Change in the Cuban Revolution." In Methodological Approaches to Societies in Transformation, 89–111. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65067-4_4.
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AbstractThis paper will consider two levels within the study of the Cuban revolution: the meta-narratives of change and continuity that determine the academic literature on Cuba and inform political positioning in relation to the revolution, and the methodological challenges in understanding how people in Cuba experience change and continuity in their daily life. Transformation and continuity have been the two dominant analytical tropes used to interpret Cuban social and political life since the overthrow of the Batista regime in 1959. For Cuban scholars and politicians, a focus on change in reference to what was Cuba’s reality before the Revolution is a continuous concern and a powerful discursive mechanism in redefining and reinvigorating the revolutionary project. Simultaneously, in periods of crisis throughout the 62 years since the revolution, the capacity to demonstrate continuity with revolutionary principles while developing new mechanisms to redefine the political project has ensured the revolution’s subsistence. Conversely, continuity and change are also harnessed by critics of Cuba’s current regime to articulate the ever-imminent collapse of socialism in the region. Change has been their main focus of concern during critical historic moments that affected the trajectory of the Cuban revolutionary project. From this perspective, change embodies a promise of progress and implies a movement toward liberal democracy and a pro-US foreign policy, while continuity denotes failure, stagnation, and repression. At the core of the analysis of change in Cuba lies a concern with the nature of the state. Ethnographic data reveals the partialities and contradictions people experience in their daily life and across time. Two elements of ethnographic experience are particularly informative: life histories that span across the revolutionary period, and generational conflicts surrounding political issues. I will focus on the life history of key informants and the generational conflicts that surround their experience, a well as their material contexts (their neighborhood, their house, their job), all of which help to elucidate the complexities of studying change within a permanent revolution.
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Aldecoa, Francisco, and Noé Cornago. "Kingdom of Spain." In Foreign Relations in Federal Countries, 241–69. McGill-Queen's University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780773576186-012.
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"4.Triangular Foreign Relations." In Spain, China, and Japan in Manila, 1571-1644, 171–208. Amsterdam University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9789048526819-006.
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"The recent history of Spain–Latin America relations." In Contemporary Spanish Foreign Policy, 120–44. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315756790-13.
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Ramírez Ruiz, Raúl, and Guanjie Niu. "Spain in China." In Examining Colonial Wars and Their Impact on Contemporary Military History, 132–47. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-7040-4.ch009.
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This article explores the links between China and Spain since the establishment of formal diplomatic relations in 1864 until the fall of the Qing Dynasty in 1912. To this aim, the authors investigate documents kept by the Ministry of Qing Foreign Affairs at The First Historical Archives of China, in Beijing. Specifically, the authors examine 809 documents of diplomatic communications between the Qing central government and the Spanish institutions in Chinese, French, Spanish, and English. Based on these documents, a database was designed that allowed a full quantitative, diachronic, and thematic analysis of their content. Once the four main topics were defined (diplomatic agreements, protocol, economic and minority issues), each one was independently presented and analyzed. The chapter finds that Spain's relations with late Qing China were characterized by the search for mutual diplomatic support, but lacked an economic or strategic background to cement them. As the authors argue, the documents of the Waiwubu demonstrate how Spain was a friendly but irrelevant nation for the Chinese Qing administration.
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"2 From Ten to Twelve: The EC After the Entry of Spain and Portugal." In Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community, 15–34. Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781685851491-005.
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Wight, Martin, and DAVID S. YOST. "Spain and Portugal in The World in March 1939." In History and International Relations, 295–307. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867476.003.0013.
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Abstract The Nationalists led by Franco won the 1936–1939 civil war in Spain. “With the victory of the Nationalist Government, Spain’s will to empire, her imperial and Catholic mission, became the constant theme of propaganda.” However, Wight pointed out, “the foreign ambitions of the Nationalist Government, when its authority was at last established throughout the territory of Spain, were limited by physical exhaustion and political instability.” Franco estimated in 1939 that “at least five years’ peace were necessary” before Spain could be ready to enter a war supporting the Axis. In contrast with Franco’s alignment with the Axis, Portuguese policy had been based on alliance with Britain since the fourteenth century. “Even after Spain had ceased to be a Great Power, Britain considered it necessary for her control of the Atlantic that Portuguese independence should be maintained under British protection.… Salazar’s policy towards the Spanish Civil War and the Non-Intervention Agreement, approximating to that of Germany and Italy, was in some degree a declaration of independence from Britain. Nevertheless Portugal had no common interest with the Axis. If as a Catholic and authoritarian Power she supported Franco, equally as a Catholic and a weak colonial Power she must fear the rise of Nazi Germany.… Therefore, while signing the treaty of friendship with the victorious Franco, Portugal was concerned to emphasize discreetly her former ties” with England.
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Kastoryano, Riva. "Between Spain and the Maghreb." In Burying Jihadis, translated by Cynthia Schoch, 138–52. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190889128.003.0009.
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Spain is the gateway for entering the European Union from the south, a country of legal and illegal immigration from the African continent, particularly via Morocco and Algeria. The constant trips back and forth between Spain and the Maghreb made by the “birds of passage”4 that perpetrated the 11M attacks attest to the intensity of exchanges between the two shores of the Mediterranean. The Madrid attack thus brings to light transnational relations and actions, in that they transcend borders and defy Spain’s foreign, European and domestic policy as well as the policies of the countries of emigration.
Conference papers on the topic "Spain - foreign relations"
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Karaköy, Çağatay, Ahmet Uzun, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "The Changes in Foreign Debt for the Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00279.
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1989 and the years following 1991 were the times in which many important economic and political turnovers had taken place in the world. That was the time when Berlin Wall fall down with scattering the Eastern block and many politically and economically independent states came into being, at the same time, ongoing about 70 years socialist system also started to spin into liberal system. The constituted 27 states in 1991 were tended to liberal economic system instead of socialist economy, and these stated were called as transition economies. With the transition period, there has have been significant decreases in the level of affluence, hyperinflation and some common properties seen at the beginning. It became inevitable to get foreign debt for reorganization and configuration of these economies. Nevertheless these foreign debts caused many serious problems in some of these economies. In the present work we tried to understand the economic structure and external loans of the transition economies, which are different with respect to their natural resources and are similar to each other in term of social, political and cultural aspects. It was under debated to investigate the relationship between indicated foreign debts and indicated domestic income and external trade so foreign trade financing problematic which thought to be the source of going into debt and economical development relations are searched.
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Alonso, Pedro Trueba, Lui´s Ferna´ndez Illobre, Alfonso Jime´nez Ferna´ndez-Sesma, and Fernando Ortega Pascual. "Human Factors Verification and Validation: Tecnatom’s Experience." In 16th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone16-48568.
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Tecnatom has been performing Human Factors Engineering Verification and Validation (HFE V&V) from the mid-eighties. This activity started as one of the various activities of the post TMI requirements followed also in Spain: performing detailed Control Room Design Reviews (DCRDRs). All the existing Spanish Nuclear Power Plants (NPPs) were reviewed to identify Human Engineering Discrepancies (HEDs). DCRDRs were completed by the mid-nineties, and the following V&V activities have been related to new designs and plant modifications as part of the activities described in the Human Factors Program Review Model (HFE PRM), included in NUREG-0711 since 1994. The NRC recommends following the HFE PRM or an acceptable alternative method in the case of the HFE activities and the Spanish Regulatory Body (CSN) recommend the same approach for new designs, design modifications and even for conventional plants. The activities embedded in a HFE V&V process are Task Support Verification (TSV), HFE Design Verification (HFE DV) using NUREG-0700 HFE Guidelines, and Integrated System Validation (ISV), with the execution of performance based tests, mainly in simulator facilities. This paper describes some of the experience of Tecnatom during the past years regarding the execution of these V&V activities previously mentioned, and in relation to the applicability and methodological aspects of each of these activities. Methodological aspects regarding TSV are related to its execution when there is a no Task Analysis to use. Methodological aspects regarding the HFE DV are related to the type of HSI to verify (small or large), its development status (paper design or implemented), the selection and translation of applicable HFE guidelines, and the HED preparation. Methodological aspects regarding the ISV are related to the necessary crews, training, number of scenarios, issues to test, data collection and performance measures. The experience is mainly related to Tecnatom’s work is Spanish NPP like Jose´ Cabrera, Almaraz and Vandello´s and in the case of foreign plants Beznau and an advanced NPP in Taiwan amongst others.
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Di Girolamo, Felicia, and Loreta Ҫapeli. "Fortezze del mediterraneo orientale e rappresentazioni attraverso la storia: il caso di Durazzo." In FORTMED2024 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2024.2024.18090.
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Eastern Mediterranean cities affected by numerous episodes of warfare over the centuries are marked by defense structures and fortified architecture that have characterized their physiognomy and identity over time. In general, the Balkan and Greek states were largely marked by fortresses and bastions placed to protect conflicts that occurred frequently from sea and land. Images of Mediterranean cities and landscapes are therefore profoundly distinguished by bastions, city walls, towers and castles, which, in relation to the conflicts and wartime events of these territories, allowed for a conspicuous iconographic, cartographic and literary production. In fact, alongside the material traces left by fortifications and architectural structures, there are historiographic sources that offer, within a vast time span, documentation of great interest. Particularly in the context of the Venetian domains scattered along the Balkan and Greek coasts during the centuries of the Serenissima, there are numerous accounts of cartographers and travelers who, with stories and drawings, describe the domains of the Venetian Republic in the Mediterranean. Representations of cities and the fortified landscape are therefore particularly interesting tools that enable the analysis of defensive architectural structures through the centuries. This essay intends, therefore, to examine the representations and accounts produced by cartographers and travelers who showed interest in the cities of the eastern Mediterranean. Nevertheless, it will be useful to compare the different images in order to analyze and reconstruct the morphological characteristics of the structures and their transformations over time. Thus, the review of works by distinguished Italian and foreign authors allows us to distinguish cities and fortified architecture that represent evidence of considerable interest for the study of known territories and lesser-known places that qualify as landmarks of exceptional historical value.
Reports on the topic "Spain - foreign relations"
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Torres, Javier, Javier Beverinotti, and Gustavo Canavire-Bacarrez. Medium and Long Run Economic Assimilation of Venezuelan migrants to Peru. Inter-American Development Bank, January 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005503.
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In a span of six years, the proportion of Venezuelans in Peru has surged nearly fourfold, rising from virtually zero to over 4% of the population. This study delves into the dynamics of medium- and long-term labor market integration in Peru, combining data from the Venezuelan Population Residing in Peru Survey and the Peruvian National Household Survey. Our findings reveal that Venezuelan workers experience low returns on foreign postsecondary education and there is minimal relation between foreign work experience and monthly income. Importantly, these outcomes remain consistent irrespective of the time spent in the host country, indicating a gradual economic assimilation process. Lastly, our estimation demonstrates that if Venezuelans human capital yielded returns equivalent to Peruvian human capital, the average income of Venezuelans would witness a substantial increase of 20%.