Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939'

Unsurprisingly, one of the important, controversial, much speculated and least known aspects of the Spanish Civil War is the role of Soviet intelligence services. Every scholar who tries to tackle this problem will soon find out how notoriously hard it is to ensure accuracy, truth and objectivity in writing about secret intelligence and counterintelligence. There the whole purpose of governments is not to document but to hide the facts, and there, too, witnesses are unlikely to know the full truth underlying even the events in which they personally participated. As a result, the interpretation of these secret doings can quickly coagulate in false patterns. Writers deprived of access to fresh facts, original documents and ability to professionally assess the information tend to copy what other have written although that may be largely guesswork, misinformation and speculation. Any single surviving fragmentary detail gains value because no other is recorded, even though it may stem from ignorance or partisanship, and by repetition it gains credibility and becomes history. In recent times, there has been a growth of interest to this particular topic due, first of all, to the efforts of the imminent British intelligence historian Professor Christopher Andrew, and because more and more original documents became available to researchers. There are, nonetheless, still major gaps in our knowledge of wartime intelligence in what concerns Soviet operations on the Republican territory and outside it. Who were the people sent by the Soviet government? What was their mission brief and how they carried out orders? What was their influence, if any, on the outcome of the war? How did secret intelligence influence Stalin's decisions in relation to Spain at various periods of the conflict? This work cannot hope to cover the vast programme of research on intelligence and the war history or international relations albeit in a very short period of three years (1936-39), but it seeks to give scholars, researchers and students of intelligence better access to primary sources from many archives, oral histories, memoirs, books and articles in several languages otherwise little known, totally unknown or very hard to acquire. This previously unknown information may help the historian to make different conclusions from what seemed an established fact, was misinterpreted or misunderstood. Intelligence is a fascinating subject but only knowledge gives you power.

This thesis traces the important role played by Spanish medical personnel, particularly surgeons, in the development and organisation of their own medical services during the Spanish Civil War. This study, therefore, is not strictly a history of medicine during the conflict, nor does it seek to further explore international efforts in this regard; rather it analyses through an examination of the medical personnel involved on both sides, the causes, treatments and long term consequences of injury and trauma, including that of exile, on the wounded of the Spanish Civil War. This thesis, by picking over the bones of a wide body of literature and by engaging with a variety of different sources, forms an interlocking part of a new historiographical strand examining the origins and evolution of a traumatic conflict whose repercussions continue to be felt throughout Spain. Through its engagement with a diversity of sources, its analysis of the relationship between medicine and propaganda, and through an inclusive examination of the contribution made by Spanish medical professionals across Spain during the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath, this thesis provides its own unique historical perspective of a conflict whose living legacy of trauma and of wounds unhealed is still alive in Spain today.

This thesis examines Quebec public opinion towards the Spanish Civil War. It is based on a systematic analysis of editorials and articles from ten Montreal-based newspapers, representing divergent points of view. It suggests that, contrary to the popular interpretation, Quebec francophones did not unanimously support General Franco during the war; nor did all of the province's anglophones endorse the cause of the Spanish Popular Front. Support for General Franco and the Spanish Republic in Montreal transcended linguistic lines, and cleavages other than language, such as religion, ideology and social class, influenced public opinion towards the war.

The subject of this thesis is the relationship between the Conservative dominated National Government and the Conservative Press in Britain during the Spanish Civil War. This thesis takes issue with previous findings that during the late 1930s the government was successful in manipulating the press. By focusing on the civil war however, it becomes clear how limited government influence actually was, even amongst its traditional allies. This was a cause of concern to a government, which realized that improved relations between Britain and the western dictator states depended to a great extent on its ability to influence the way, in which foreign affairs were reported, especially events in Spain. As a result of this study, the following conclusions can be made. Firstly, as already stated, the government was only partially successful in securing the reporting of events in a way that would not undermine appeasement, the central plank of British foreign policy at this time. Quite simply, the dictators failed to grasp the limitations of an accountable government's power in a parliamentary state. Secondly, and paradoxically, the relationship between Britain and the 'New Spain' was poor, even though British policy during the civil war had aided the victory of Franco. The conservative press bore some responsibility for this. Thirdly, the war caused divisions, which cut across established ideological lines within the conservative movement. Since party discipline ensured the support of conservatives within Parliament, it was within the press, with its freedom from government control, that these divisions were most evident. Inevitably, therefore, as the war progressed, conservative papers actually contributed to the growing anti-Franco and anti-fascist sentiment among the British public. The civil war was thus a period during which, far from achieving the support of the press for its policies, the government became increasingly frustrated as it saw its foreign policy being undermined.

This thesis is an examination of the role, experiences and contribution of the volunteers who fought in the British Battalion of the 15 International Brigade, in Spain's civil war of 1936-1939. The study analyses the composition of the British contingent, particularly their social, economic and political background, but also other aspects, such as their age and geographical origin. It examines the motivations of the volunteers, using the wealth of memoir and interview material, to explain why almost two and a half thousand men and women left Britain to fight 'in a far away country.' The volunteers' experiences within Spain are traced, from the 'first few' who fought with the multifarious militia units in the defence of Madrid in the autumn and winter of 1936, to the creation and development of the International Brigades, into which these volunteers and the later arrivals were integrated in early 1937. The role of the volunteers in the battles around Madrid of 1936-1937, and the battles of Aragon in 1937-38, is examined in particular detail. The narrative strand of the thesis concludes with an examination of the brutal experiences of the British captured and imprisoned by the Rebels during the war. Finally, the thesis discusses some of the more contentious issues surrounding the role of the volunteers in the British Battalion in Spain. The organisation of the brigades and the role of the Comintern, and the maintenance of discipline, desertions, and the execution of volunteers are all examined closely. The study concludes that discipline was indeed tough in the International Brigades, particularly as all the members of the battalion were, after all, volunteers. However, it is argued that, in the main, this discipline was driven by military, rather than political necessity, and recent studies have over-played the extent of 'Stalinist' control within the battalion.

The Spanish Civil War is typically presented as a military narrative of the ideological battle between socialism and fascism, foreshadowing World War II. Yet the Spanish war continued trends begun during World War I, notably the use of propaganda posters and the movement of women into visible roles within the public sphere. Employing cultural studies methods to read propaganda poster art from the Spanish war as texts, this thesis analyzes the ways in which this persuasive medium represented extremes of gender discourse within the context of letters, memoirs, and other experiential accounts. This thesis analyzes symbols present in propaganda art and considers how their meanings interacted with the changing gendered identities of Republic and nation. Even within the relatively egalitarian Republic, political factions constructed conflicting representations of femininity in propaganda art, and women’s accounts indicate that despite ideological differences, both sides still shared a patriarchal worldview.

The thesis examines the teatro de urgencia which was written to fulfil a variety of civilian and military tasks felt by the Republican authorities to be necessary for the effective prosecution of the Civil War. It attempt to locate teatro de urgencia within the broad spectrum of European political theatre through an introductory survey which traces its debts to the agitational theatre of the Weimar Republic, early Soviet theatre experiments such as the Prolekult and to the indigenous tradition of Spanish social drama. Subsequently, the development of the teatro de urgencia repertoire and its performance is traced in detail in order to offer a thorough account of how theatrical propaganda was conducted during the Civil War and the extent to which it was successful in one of its key aims - that of reaching the pueblo. This involved consideration of actor-audience relationships and, in Chapter Three, an exploration is made which suggests that teatro de urgencia offers evidence of important innovation in this respect. Chapters Four to Seven offer a detailed examination of a wide range of teatro de urgencia texts. These texts, hitherto neglected or lost, have been recovered from archives, libraries and surviving authors. Their discussion is structured so as to offer a comprehensive analysis of the genre. Initially, the portrayal of the Nationalist enemy is examined before an analysis is made of the presentation of a dominant figure of the drama, the Republican soldier. Discussion of the important concepts of civic and military duty is followed by examination of the role of pueblo in the drama. The thesis argues that teatro de urgencia is a neglected aspect of European political theatre and is an unacknowledged contribution to the tradition of popular theatres. An accompanying volume reproduces four typescript plays by Luis Mussot not available elsewhere.

Many scholars have written extensively about the religious undertones of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). However, little has been written about the leader of the Catholic Church in Spain during this period, the Archbishop Isidro Gomá y Tomás. Fortunately, the recent publication of Gomá’s archives has made it possible to examine more deeply his role in the Civil War. This thesis explores Gomá’s position as an intermediary between the Nationalist government, the Vatican, and the Spanish clergy and bishops, among others. First, I analyze the Archbishop’s intermediary role in the Basque conflict. Then, I untangle his position as the Vatican’s representative to the Franco government and as the organizer of a collective Church response to the Civil War. Lastly, I explore Gomá’s pastoral addresses and the rhetorical support they lent to the conflict. The detailed narratives I provide within these three sections draw from the Gomá Archives and demonstrate that an understanding of the Archbishop’s actions during the Civil War leads to a richer understanding of the religious dimensions of the period overall.

The role played by the Spanish Communist Party (Partido Comunista de Espana, PCE) during the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39 remains controversial to this day. Yet despite the wealth of work which exists on the PCE during the war, none has examined party activity in any detail. Furthermore, while events in the city of Madrid during the war provided the framework for both the rise and demise of the PCE, many studies have tended to focus instead on Barcelona and Cataluna. In contrast to the lack of secondary material on Madrid and the PCE, a wealth of Spanish archival material exists on communist activity within the city and province. The origins of communist dominance during the Spanish Civil War lie with the particular national and international conjuncture which enabled the PCE to fulfil a particular role when other organisations could not. Thus chapter one examines the origins of the PCE within the context of Spain's Second Republic and chapter two discusses the party's behaviour prior to and after the coup and the outbreak of civil war. Chapter three explores the party's role in the defence of Madrid and the effect of this on both the prosecution of the war, and the growth of the party. Chapter four examines the PCE's role in mobilising different groups in order to meet the needs of the war, while chapter five examines the fragility of the PCE's support base, further undermined as material privation worsened. Finally, in chapter six the party's demise is charted within the context of the Republic's poor military and material situation, and an unfavourable international political arena. Much more than a Soviet puppet, the PCE absorbed and channelled all the hopes and aspirations of the Spanish Republic, binding itself in the process to a cause which was increasingly doomed.

A hypothetical journey from the moment a soldier was wounded to his discharge from the field hospital was detailed in order to provide an idea of the organisation of military health services, evacuation strategy and roles of health care personnel during the Spanish Civil War. It was observed that despite both Nationalists and Republicans formally banning female nurses as part of the military units stationed on the front lines, nurses working at the auto-chirs, advanced surgical units and some field hospitals often found themselves only metres from the firing lines. Both men and women volunteered to nurse the war casualties from the start. It was soon observed, however, that untrained nursing staff could often cause more harm than benefit to patients, hence training courses for both nurses and orderlies were organised by a variety of organisations and political groups all over Spain. Due to the circumstances of war, nursing experienced a clear practical development expanding its professional boundaries from core to complex procedures which, until the outbreak of war, had been the sole responsibility of another professional group known as practicante. Nursing's unchallenged evolutionary process during the Spanish Civil War was explained by a number of factors including not only the war situation itself but the large number of nurses available, their determination, adaptability and capacity to evolve in order to meet the new health care needs of the population. The impact of key individuals such as Mercedes Mil, Inspector General of all Female Hospital Personnel, in the Nationalist side, and the nurses of the International Brigades, in the Republican side, on Spanish nursing was also significant. The evidence confirmed the hypothesis that the Civil War exerted a positive impact on Spanish nursing.

Enmarcada en el estudio de la reacción internacional y la participación extranjera en la guerra civil española, esta Tesis analiza la respuesta al conflicto que se dio en Irlanda. Tal y como ocurrió en el resto de países democráticos, el contencioso español captó la atención de los habitantes de la isla de un modo significativo. El público se formuló su propia opinión al respecto, abriéndose un debate que se instaló en los principales resortes de la sociedad civil. Las formaciones políticas tomaron partido a favor de uno u otro bando y animaron a sus seguidores a secundar su postura. El Gobierno en funciones hubo de lidiar con una serie de imperativos que la conflagración impuso en su agenda, y los grupos de poder que ostentaban un peso relevante manifestaron su visión sin tapujos. Esto se advino en un momento en que la coyuntura interna de la isla atravesaba por un periodo delicado, puesto que el Free State pugnaba por consolidar el estatus que el Tratado de 1921 le había conferido, mientras que las élites dirigentes se disputaban el control del nuevo Estado. El carácter católico de la nación irlandesa jugó un papel crucial en la reacción que la guerra de España despertó entre sus ciudadanos. Pensemos que la defensa de este credo alimentaba una sangrienta disputa sectaria en el Norte, al tiempo que servía de factor diferencial para aislar la identidad gaélico-celta del resto de las Islas Británicas, de mayoría anglosajona y protestante. El tratamiento de las noticias sobre la Península que implementaron los rotativos del Sur, la postura adoptada por la Iglesia católica y la campaña a favor de los insurgentes que impulsó el conservadurismo irlandés, contribuyeron a decantar en un primer momento la opinión pública del lado rebelde. El conflicto fue interpretado como una pugna religiosa, condición que eclipsó otro tipo de lecturas posibles. La intensidad del clivaje vino acompañada, cuando no motivada, por una manipulación interesada de la información que se daba a la población. Las clases dominantes de la isla habían hecho un esfuerzo en los años precedentes por alejar a los sectores populares de las propuestas emancipadoras más radicales, alimentando para ello un temor rojo que terminó cuajando en el ánimo mayoritario. La corporación eclesiástica venía mostrando su cara más reaccionaria, enfrentándose sin complejos a cualquier atisbo de modernidad que pudiera cuestionar su poder. De hecho, muchos de sus adalides recibieron con gusto las formulaciones ideológicas que abogaban por reconquistar su preeminencia en todas las áreas de la vida comunitaria, es decir el corporativismo católico o, en su defecto, el vocacionalismo de Estado. La ultraderecha irlandesa adoptó una postura beligerante, volcando todas sus energías en la defensa de los facciosos. Los factores que motivaron esta actitud son complejos y variados, aunque en líneas generales respondieron a intereses propios, internos, antes que a una verdadera afección desinteresada. Por su parte, la izquierda radical no dudó en ofrecer toda su solidaridad a los republicanos españoles. Respuesta que le valió el acoso de muchos sectores sociales, políticos y religiosos. La insistencia de la contra-propaganda obrerista y la progresiva falta de legitimidad en la que cayó el discurso pro-franquista, terminaron por bascular el apoyo popular a la causa insurgente hacia una postura más templada. De este modo, las opiniones divergentes pudieron expresarse con un cierto margen de libertad. Aún así, la defensa de la causa lealista continuó chocando con la firme condena de la Iglesia y la oposición frontal de los estratos más acomodados. De Valera subscribió el plan de No-Intervención desde fechas tempranas, decisión que le valió la crítica de los contrincantes parlamentarios y de sus enemigos políticos. Dublín se esforzó en marcar un perfil de actuación diferenciado respecto a la Gran Bretaña, aunque no llegó a permitir que la cuestión española abriera ninguna brecha de disentimiento profundo entre ambos países. Salamanca encontró un aliado potencial en algunos grupos de presión irlandeses como el Irish Christian Front, la jerarquía católica y ciertos grupúsculos filo-fascistas como los blueshirts o el NCP. De hecho, a punto se estuvo de organizar una cruzada moderna en defensa de la cristiandad, que hubiera traído hasta España a millares de voluntarios dispuestos a combatir. Diversos intereses truncaron esta iniciativa y, finalmente, la propuesta se tradujo en una pírrica participación en la guerra de una pequeña compañía expedicionaria que no tardó en ser devuelta a su hogar. Por su parte, las formaciones que asumieron en la isla la salvaguarda del Gobierno de Madrid se vieron obligadas a aunar fuerzas y conglomerarse en un Frente Unido, a imagen y semejanza del Frente Popular español, para resistir el embate de la reacción. Contra viento y marea, esta plataforma convocó diversos actos de solidaridad en defensa de la legitimidad republicana, organizó comités de apoyo al pueblo español y trató de advertir a los trabajadores irlandeses del verdadero significado del conflicto. Aún más, algunos de sus mejores activos no dudaron en alistarse a las filas de las Brigadas Internacionales, haciéndose un lugar en la historia por su ardor en el combate y su sacrificio heroico. El objetivo de esta Tesis consiste, por un lado, en evocar el avance del estado de la cuestión que se ha alcanzado en Irlanda durante los últimos años, y por el otro, en aportar aquella información que las investigaciones que nos anteceden habían eludido. La justificación de todo ello, guarda relación con la escasa atención que la historiografía española ha prestado a esta temática hasta el momento, circunstancia que contrasta con la cantidad de trabajos que se han dedicado a analizar la respuesta que se dio en lugares como la Gran Bretaña, Francia, Italia o Alemania. Dicha carencia se presenta como un motivo de peso para tratar de llenar el vacío que existe en este campo. Para ello, hemos tratado de comprender los paradigmas que la historiografía irlandesa había establecido en torno al objeto de estudio, revisando las principales fuentes que habían consultado sus representantes y, en segundo lugar, hemos intentado descubrir y analizar otras fuentes novedosas que no habían sido trabajadas hasta la fecha. Los antecedentes de nuestra disertación se asientan en el trabajo desarrollado unas décadas atrás por algunos académicos irlandeses. Michael O’Riordan fue la primera persona que estudió con una cierta solidez la vivencia de los reclutas isleños en las Brigadas Internacionales. Su obra Connolly Column, se insería en la vertiente de publicaciones que analizaban el papel jugado por los distintos contingentes de voluntarios extranjeros que lucharon a favor del Gobierno de Madrid. Diletante antes que historiador de formación, su libro fue superado un tiempo después por la labor de los profesores Robert Stradling y Fearghal McGarry, quienes a finales de los años noventa editaron, respectivamente, el resultado de sus investigaciones centradas en la reacción irlandesa ante la guerra civil. Estos fueron los trabajos que nos pusieron en la pista del fenómeno que ocupa nuestra atención. La estructura de los temas abordados responde a un doble condicionante. Por un lado, resultaba complicado esquivar la división del contenido de sus obras que habían usado McGarry y Stradling. Por el otro, las propias fuentes que hemos consultado han impuesto, a tenor de las deducciones obtenidas, una determinada distribución de los resultados. El primero de estos imperativos guarda relación con el deseo de implementar una exposición holística del fenómeno. En este sentido, era menester acotar el marco histórico, construir una narración general de los hechos, y, profundizar en el relato de la experiencia vivida por los voluntarios que se trasladaron hasta la Península para combatir. Estas secciones de nuestro trabajo ocupan las Partes primera, segunda y tercera del mismo, y la estructura de sus capítulos guarda un parecido con los trabajos de McGarry y Stradling. La redacción de los apartados que los integran ha contado, aún así, con el auxilio de ciertas fuentes que estos autores no habían usado en su momento. Esto se hace patente en lo que concierne a la primera Parte. La segunda y tercera Parte incorporan algunos datos novedosos que derivan del análisis de periódicos y artículos que los susodichos investigadores pasaron por alto. El segundo condicionante al que nos habíamos referido guarda relación con la cuarta y quinta Parte de esta Tesis, donde se presenta la mayor dosis de originalidad que encierra nuestro ensayo. Son fruto de un estudio documental intensivo, que nos ha permitido recoger el testimonio aportado por una cantidad nada deleznable de material de archivo prácticamente inédito. La extensión de estos descubrimientos ha exigido ordenar los resultados de manera diferenciada según su contenido o procedencia. Así, la cuarta Parte aloja toda la información derivada de las cajas y legajos albergados por el National Archive of Ireland, vinculada eminentemente con la reacción de las autoridades irlandesas ante la guerra. Por el contrario, la quinta Parte expone los hallazgos encontrados en diversos archivos que se ubican en el Estado español, los más destacados de los cuales son el Archivo General Militar de Ávila y el Centro Documental de la Memoria Histórica. La elección de las fuentes ha respondido a un criterio abierto, inclusivo, en cuyo origen subyacía el deseo de cotejar la mayor cantidad posible de inputs de información. Este trabajo se sitúa en el campo de la historia política, a lo que se suman algunas consideraciones de otra índole. A efectos de contenido temático, los centros a los que debíamos acceder en Irlanda eran, sin lugar a dudas, la National Library y el National Archive. La faena de biblioteca, en lo que a bibliografía y sección de hemeroteca se refiere, quedó satisfecha en el University College Cork, donde pude permanecer como investigador visitante. Por otro lado, la sanción de una aportación novedosa al estado de la cuestión debía resolverse a base de indagar con detenimiento en los archivos españoles. Era éste un campo de trabajo relativamente virgen en relación con los estudios que se habían impulsado en la isla, hecho que lo convertía por sí mismo en uno de los motivos que justificaban la elaboración de esta Tesis. Stradling y McGarry, tal y como habían hecho hasta entonces algunos especialistas extranjeros en materia de guerra civil, habían visitado, sin obtener grandes rendimientos, los centros de Ávila y Salamanca. En este sentido, mi primer cometido consistía en superar el alcance de la exploración que ambos habían llevado a cabo en estos archivos. La disponibilidad de tiempo, un mejor dominio del castellano y la voluntad de perseverar, permitían atisbar algunas expectativas de éxito en torno a este objetivo. Mi proyecto de investigación preveía extender las pesquisas a otros centros del Estado, meta que me condujo hasta las salas del Archivo General Militar de Segovia y el Archivo General Militar de Guadalajara. Anhelaba encontrar aquí más datos acerca de los voluntarios irlandeses que lucharon en la guerra y, aunque en poca cantidad, di con algo interesante. Las visitas al Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya, al Centro de Patrimonio Documental de Euskadi y al Archivo del Nacionalismo Vasco, tenían por objetivo la detección de relaciones y concomitancias entre el nacionalismo de estos lugares e Irlanda. De nuevo, estas diligencias concluyeron con un resultado favorable. Finalmente, requerí consultar los fondos de algunos equipamientos como la Biblioteca Foral de la Diputación de Bizkaia o los depósitos documentales y bibliográficos del Pavelló de la República (Universitat de Barcelona), para trabajar con algunas ediciones de prensa que podían enriquecer el trabajo. Las revistas y publicaciones periódicas que han sido citadas en esta Tesis fueron localizadas, de forma mayoritaria, en el archivo Special Collections y en la biblioteca de la universidad de Cork. Los fondos inter-universitarios a los que se puede acceder hoy en día a través de la Red, hicieron el resto. La prensa escrita que consulté en Irlanda ha representado un elemento de primer orden a la hora de obtener datos suculentos e información precisa con la que operar. Pude ocuparme de algunos portavoces radicales como el United Ireland o The Irish Democrat gracias a los microfilms que se guardan en la universidad de Cork. El análisis de otros periódicos de ámbito más general como el Irish Press o el Irish Independent, me vino facilitado por los servicios on-line de la Boole Library que ofrece la UCC, a los que logré tener acceso gracias a la condición de ‘visiting researcher’ con la que decidieron congraciarme. La inspección de rotativos como La Vanguardia y el ABC pudo solventarse sin problemas en España. Por el contrario, la depuración de algunos noticiarios como el Our Fight o el Volunteer for Liberty exigió pasar algunas jornadas de trabajo en archivos especializados como el Centre d’Estudis Històrics Internacional. La mayor parte de la bibliografía utilizada en esta Tesis es de manufactura anglosajona, predominantemente irlandesa. La estancia de investigación que realicé en Irlanda me facilitó, en gran medida, su consulta. Años atrás, en motivo de mi primera visita a la isla, logré adquirir aquellos títulos más esenciales que habrían de sentar las bases de este ensayo. Desde Granada, mientras cursaba los estudios del DEA, continué alimentando esta actividad compilatoria. Posteriormente, cuando ya trabajaba en la Tesis, el CDMH y el CEHI me sirvieron para localizar algunas obras que podían ser de utilidad. A grandes rasgos, puede señalarse que nos hemos servido tanto de obras contemporáneas del estilo de The Book of the VX International Brigade o las memorias de O’Duffy, como de obras actuales redactadas por historiadores de nuestro tiempo. Lógicamente cada capítulo y apartado ha requerido una contextualización bibliográfica en particular. Algunos libros guardaban una utilidad transversal, por lo que han servido como herramientas generales. Otros fueron requeridos para atajar simples cuestiones puntuales, de modo que han ocupado una categoría secundaria. Finalmente, hemos usado algunas publicaciones a modo de instrumentos auxiliares. Eso sí, la mayor parte de los textos de los que nos hemos servido, ya fuesen recuerdos de veteranos, manuales escritos por historiadores, crónicas periodísticas de la guerra, artículos de prensa o revistas de corte académico, entre otros, estaban escritos en lengua inglesa.
This project of investigation surveys Irish responses to the Spanish Civil War, recounting the participation of Irishmen on both sides of that conflict. Specially, it analyses the motives behind their involvement in Spain, their experiences there, and it attempts to place both in the context of comparative international responses to the war. It's correct to say that the Spanish Civil War aroused strong passions in Ireland, so this research examines various interest groups on the Irish front: supporters of the Spanish Republic, the pro-Franco Irish Christian Front, the Catholic Church, etc. It also considers the formation of diplomatic policy, and the party political responses. However, all those reactions help to illustrate the impact on Ireland of the rise of radical ideologies in 1930s Europe. So, this P.H.D. describes the political culture of interwar Ireland. The central part of this research studies the corps of 700 Irish volunteers, formed by Eoin O'Duffy (politician who had previously organised the banned quasi-fascist Bueshirts in Ireland), that fought on the Nationalist side of Franco. And by the other hand, explains the history about the group of IRA members and Irish Socialists who fought in support the cause of the Second Republic (around 250-300 men), organized by the Republican Congress and the Irish Communist Party with Frank Ryan as their leader; sometimes referred to as the "Connolly Column". Moreover, this work turns around different axes of research related with the connections between Ireland and Spain during the interwar period. This is, the foreign affairs among both countries, their diplomatic relations, the reception of Irish news and events in the Spanish medias of that time, etc. Specially, trying to put forward the Catalan and Basque particular ties with Ireland. By doing so, it analyzes several bonds that were established between various political parties, institutions, organizations and other bodies from those lands.

Esta investigación busca abordar el proceso constructivo del ejército rebelde durante la Guerra Civil Española (1936-1939), la experiencia bélica de los combatientes alistados en este contingente, y el papel jugado por el ejército en la definición y construcción del régimen franquista. Analizaré estos tres elementos a través de las tres partes en las que se divide la tesis. La primera conectará el fracaso del golpe de estado del 17-18 de julio de 1936 con el modo en que se construyó el ejército rebelde. Al mismo tiempo, abordará el proceso de convergencia hacia la guerra moderna que tuvieron que afrontar las tácticas, procedimientos y, en definitiva, el modo de hacer la guerra de los insurgentes. Como se verá en esta primera parte, esto tuvo un papel importante en la conformación de una traumática experiencia de guerra para los combatientes. En la segunda parte, atenderé al proceso de socialización ideológica y adoctrinamiento que el ejército puso en marcha de cara a atraer a los combatientes hacia el proyecto de los rebeldes. Este proceso se vehiculó a través de diversas vías, como la creación de nuevos marcos de referencia que dotaban de significado a la lucha de los soldados, de acuerdo con la ideología fascista que definía a la coalición rebelde; el aprovechamiento de los mecanismos de supervivencia creados por los combatientes en el frente, como la camaradería; o el ofrecimiento de contrapartidas y recompensas tangibles a estos soldados, de cara a compensar su sacrificio en el frente, pero fundamental su apoyo al franquismo. Finalmente, en la última parte abordaré la violencia desplegada por el ejército, pero también por los combatientes. Analizaré aquí los mecanismos de control y coerción implementados por el ejército de cara a llevar a cabo su tarea de limpieza de los disidentes y la anti-España, pero también de atracción de sectores sociales a las “filas” de la insurrección. Aquí, abordaré las contradicciones inherentes a estos objetivos paralelos, fundamentalmente mediante el análisis de las variaciones y modificaciones que sufrieron las políticas de violencia y ocupación desplegadas por el ejército rebelde. En definitiva, lo que esta investigación busca aportar son nuevas perspectivas sobre la experiencia bélica de los españoles durante la Guerra Civil y cómo se puede conectar esto con la construcción de la dictadura franquista.
This research aims to understand the building process of the Rebel army during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), the war experience of the soldiers enlisted in this contingent, and the role played by the army in the definition and construction of the Francoist regime. I will analyse these elements through the three different parts in which the dissertation is divided. The first one will connect the failure of the coup in July, 17th-18th 1936 with the way in which the Rebel army was built. Also, it will tackle the process of convergence into a modern war that the tactics, proceeding and, at the end, warfare of the Rebel army faced. As shown in this first part, this played an important role in shaping a significantly harsh war experience for combatants. In the second part, I will address the process of ideological socialization and political indoctrination the army put in motion in order to attract soldiers to the Rebels’ project. This process was channelled through several ways. First of all, by the creation of new frames of reference which gave significance to the war and soldier’s fight, according to the fascist ideology the Rebel coalition had. Secondly, by taking advantage of the survival mechanisms soldiers had created at the front, such as comradeship. And, finally, by offering the soldiers tangible compensations and rewards in order to compensate for their sacrifice at the front, but mainly for their support to Francoism. Finally, the last part will address the violence displayed by the army, but also by combatants. I will analyse here the mechanisms of control and coercion the army implemented in order to fulfil its task of cleanse the dissidents and the anti-Spain, but also to attract several people to the “ranks” of the rebellion. Here, I will shed light on the inherent contradictions of this parallel goals, mainly through an analysis of the variation and modification of violence and occupation policies implemented by the Rebel army. At the end, what this research aims to provide are new perspectives on the war experience of Spanish during the Civil War and how can we connect this with the construction of the Francoist dictatorship.

El desplaçament forçós de les persones no combatents ha estat un tret intrínsec al llarg dels conflictes que han sacsejat la història de la humanitat. La forma més comuna en què s'ha manifestat ha estat la de les deportacions i la de les evacuacions de les zones de guerra.Les primeres ja les podem constatar en nombrosos episodis bíblics o durant la construcció del vell imperi romà. Tanmateix, ha estat a la nostra època quan les deportacions han tingut un abast més dissortat. D'una banda l'anomenada "neteja ètnica" ha implicat, com a primer pas abans de l'extermini d'una comunitat, el seu trasllat a guetos i el posterior desplaçament als camps de concentració. Tals foren els casos de les minories jueva i gitana sota el terror nazi. D'altra banda, hem pogut veure la deportació de col·lectius socials com a càstig per mantenir una determinada actitud davant el poder; el paradigma més tràgic ha estat la dels kulaks de l'antiga Unió Soviètica durant la dictadura estalinista. Finalment, en aquests moments, estem assistint als Balcans a l'enquistament d'un conflicte una de les causes del qual fou la pretensió de crear espais ètnics "purs", per a la qual cosa s'ha obligat la comunitat minoritària a fugir a un altre territori amb la pressió de les armes.La guerra civil de 1936-1939 és el primer conflicte europeu en què apareix la necessitat de traslladar un gran nombre de persones davant del perill que representen els combats. El fet de produir-se en una guerra civil en ple segle XX li dóna una dimensió pròpia, i també que els governs hagin de dissenyar i aplicar unes polítiques d'assistència, de les quals, tal com ja s'ha dit, no existien precedents.
The spanish civil war (1936-1939) was the first european war where a great number people were moved from their homes.We must distinguish between refugees and evacuated people. While the refugees people didn't have wealth, some evacuated people (public officials, Madrid people) who were trasnferred to Valencia, Barcelona, did.The number of refugees caugh up with 1.800.000, and the evacuated 1.200.000. Two organisations paid attention to the refugees and evacuated: the "Comité Nacional de Refugiados", and the "Comitè Central d'Ajut als refugiats", but, both organisations delegated soon to the town Councils their responsability.The town Councils gave food, accommodations in the refugee and evacuated people, during the war.Many building were used to accommodate the refugees and evacuated: schools, chrches, hotels, cinemas, convents, monasteries, etc. Also, they werw accommodated in private homes.

El desplaçament forçós de les persones no combatents ha estat un tret intrínsec al llarg dels conflictes que han sacsejat la història de la humanitat. La forma més comuna en què s'ha manifestat ha estat la de les deportacions i la de les evacuacions de les zones de guerra.
Les primeres ja les podem constatar en nombrosos episodis bíblics o durant la construcció del vell imperi romà. Tanmateix, ha estat a la nostra època quan les deportacions han tingut un abast més dissortat. D'una banda l'anomenada "neteja ètnica" ha implicat, com a primer pas abans de l'extermini d'una comunitat, el seu trasllat a guetos i el posterior desplaçament als camps de concentració. Tals foren els casos de les minories jueva i gitana sota el terror nazi. D'altra banda, hem pogut veure la deportació de col·lectius socials com a càstig per mantenir una determinada actitud davant el poder; el paradigma més tràgic ha estat la dels kulaks de l'antiga Unió Soviètica durant la dictadura estalinista. Finalment, en aquests moments, estem assistint als Balcans a l'enquistament d'un conflicte una de les causes del qual fou la pretensió de crear espais ètnics "purs", per a la qual cosa s'ha obligat la comunitat minoritària a fugir a un altre territori amb la pressió de les armes.
La guerra civil de 1936-1939 és el primer conflicte europeu en què apareix la necessitat de traslladar un gran nombre de persones davant del perill que representen els combats. El fet de produir-se en una guerra civil en ple segle XX li dóna una dimensió pròpia, i també que els governs hagin de dissenyar i aplicar unes polítiques d'assistència, de les quals, tal com ja s'ha dit, no existien precedents.
The spanish civil war (1936-1939) was the first european war where a great number people were moved from their homes.
We must distinguish between refugees and evacuated people. While the refugees people didn't have wealth, some evacuated people (public officials, Madrid people) who were trasnferred to Valencia, Barcelona, did.
The number of refugees caugh up with 1.800.000, and the evacuated 1.200.000. Two organisations paid attention to the refugees and evacuated: the "Comité Nacional de Refugiados", and the "Comitè Central d'Ajut als refugiats", but, both organisations delegated soon to the town Councils their responsability.
The town Councils gave food, accommodations in the refugee and evacuated people, during the war.
Many building were used to accommodate the refugees and evacuated: schools, chrches, hotels, cinemas, convents, monasteries, etc. Also, they werw accommodated in private homes.

En el contexto de la revolución y la Guerra civil española se desarrolló en las comarcas de Girona un proceso colectivista agrario protagonizado principalmente por jornaleros, payeses sin tierra suficiente (en propiedad o arrendada) para vivir de ella y algunos pequeños y medianos propietarios o arrendatarios. La colectivización agraria en la región, cobijada bajo las siglas de la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), afecto principalmente a las grandes fincas o mansos y, en función de factores locales, económicos, sociales y políticos, tuvo una tipología diferenciada y un desarrollo desigual. Los sucesos de mayo de 1937 marcaron el punto de inflexión de la acción colectivista y desencadenaron su progresiva decadencia. Claramente minoritaria frente al reparto de la tierra y la explotación familar de la misma, la opción colectivista, básicamente voluntaria, aunque fracasó como alternativa al modelo de producción y distribución capitalista, intentó establecer unas relaciones sociales basadas en la igualdad económica y en la libertad individual, y fue el referente claro del proceso revolucionario en el campo. FASES: -Julio-octubre 1936: incautación de los medios de producción agraria y constitución de las colectividades. -octubre 1936-abril 1937:participación gubernamental de la CNT, paulatina recomposición del estado y progresivo aislamiento de las colectividades. -Mayo 1937 en adelante fase de decadencia caracterIzada por el ataque legal y político contra las colectividades. -En las comarcas de L'Alt Emporda, el Baix Emporda, La Garrotxa, el Gironès y la Selva (región de Girona) no hubo ningún ataque armado explicito contra las colectividades agrarias.

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar as relações entre o governo brasileiro e a Guerra Civil Espanhola. A partir da sublevação militar de 17 de julho de 1936, o cenário interno do estado espanhol tornou-se o epicentro do embate entre as forças conservadoras e a diversidade de grupos políticos de esquerda. Desde os seus primeiros momentos, a guerra civil transbordou as fronteiras espanholas e europeias. Se por um lado houve o envolvimento direto e indireto de países europeus, por outro, também houve substancial importância nas Américas. Assim, esta tese pretende desenvolver uma abordagem dos papéis existentes entre os órgãos públicos e privados relacionados ao governo Vargas e os grupos envolvidos na Guerra Civil Espanhola, sobretudo aqueles pertencentes aos militares sob o controle de Francisco Franco. As ações de órgãos como o Ministério de Relações Exteriores e do Departamento Nacional do Café, tiveram papel preponderante em um apoio oficioso aos rebelados, enquanto que as representações diplomáticas da Segunda República foram paulatinamente relegadas a uma situação marginal.
The aim of this research is to analyze the relations between the Brazilian government and the Spanish Civil War. From the military uprising of 1936 July 17th, the domestic scenery of Spanish State became the epicenter of a struggle between conservative forces and the diversity of left political groups. Since its first moments, the civil war crossed the Spanish and European borders. If, on the one hand, there was a direct and indirect involvement of the European countries, on the other hand, there was also a substantial significance in the Americas. Thus, this thesis intends to develop an approach between the roles of public and private organizations of Vargas government and the related groups of the Spanish Civil War, mainly those ones under the General Francisco Francos control. The attitudes of public bodies as the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and National Coffee Department, it had a key role to an unofficial support to the insurgents, meanwhile, the diplomatic representations of Spanish Second Republic were gradually sent to a marginal condition.

The passions aroused by the Spanish Civil War have yet to recede. The extensive literature that has been produced and continues to be published testifies to this fact. From the outset of the war in Spain, numerous European countries actively participated in the Spanish conflict. However, Soviet military "aid" to the Republican government "has provoked more questions, mystification and bitter controversy than any other subject in the history of the Spanish Civil War."1 Although the Spanish Civil War took place almost 70 years ago, and the intervention or non-intervention of many countries in Spain is well documented, Soviet involvement remains an "enigma". Little is known of Stalin's motives in Spain and even less information has emerged on the Spanish gold reserves that were sent to the USSR. This dissertation attempts to come to terms with both of these questions and, with the help of new documentation, challenge previously-held assumptions regarding Soviet foreign policy in Spain.
1Gerald Howson. Arms for Spain: The Untold Story of the Spanish Civil War. (New York: St Martins Press, 1998), 119.

Lorsque se produisit le soulèvement militaire les 17-18 juillet 1936 en Espagne contre le gouvernement du Frente Popular de la Deuxième République, l’ordre établi fut alors bouleversé ; et c’est cette rupture dans le processus historique qui déclencha la Guerre Civile espagnole (1936-1939). Comme dans le cas de nombreux conflits qui ont marqué l’histoire de l’Humanité, le déclenchement des hostilités en Espagne donna lieu à des déplacements forcés de la population non combattante qui, le plus souvent, s’effectuèrent sous la forme d’évacuations « en débandade » ou d’évacuations « organisées » des zones en guerre.Dans la mesure où la Guerre Civile de 1936-1939 fut le premier conflit européen où apparut le besoin de déplacer un nombre considérable de personnes – en particulier des femmes, des enfants, des personnes âgées et des malades – face au danger que représentaient les combats, les pouvoirs publics républicains durent élaborer et mettre en place une politique d’évacuation et d’assistance sans précédent. Néanmoins, les autorités républicaines ne furent pas seules à agir car nombreuses furent les organisations politiques, syndicales ou associatives, tant à l’échelle nationale qu’internationale, qui collaborèrent avec elles. Il ne faut pas oublier que la Guerre Civile espagnole fut un conflit fratricide qui connut une mobilisation internationale sans précédent ; un certain nombre de pays acceptèrent d’ailleurs de recevoir sur leur territoire des réfugiés espagnols, notamment les enfants. En raison de sa proximité géographique, la France fut de loin le pays qui accueillit le plus de réfugiés
When the military uprising against the Popular Front leading the Second Republic took place in Spain on the 17th-18th July, 1936, the status quo was upset. This break in the historical process triggered the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Like in many other conflicts that marked the history of mankind, the beginning of hostilities in Spain forced civilians to move and leave their homes. In most cases, these people left the war areas either in great disorder or in an organized way. Since the Civil War (1936-1939) was the first European conflict in which there was a need to move a large number of people – particularly women, children, elderly people and the sick – in order to avoid war dangers, the Republican power had to devise and implement unprecedented evacuation and assistance measures. However, the Republican authorities were not alone in this, since many national and international political organizations, trade unions and associations cooperated with them. It should not be forgotten that the Spanish Civil War was a fratricidal conflict that triggered unprecedented international action ; besides, some countries agreed to welcome Spanish refugees, especially when they were children. Due to its proximity to Spain, France was, by far, the country which accepted the largest number of refugees

Entre 1936 e 1939, a Espanha foi abalada por uma violenta Guerra Civil. Tendo sido deflagrada no período entre guerras, quando o capitalismo experimentava os efeitos da crise de 1929; quando o fascismo atravessava seu momento de afirmação na Europa, e quando a Revolução Russa apresentava uma alternativa política para os povos, este acontecimento acabou por se tornar rico em símbolos e significados, atraindo não apenas a atenção, mas também a solidariedade de boa parte do mundo para ambos os lados em contenda. No Brasil, marcado pela repressão ao comunismo, especialmente após 1935, a Guerra Civil Espanhola veio a servir, na visão das elites, como exemplo do que poderia aqui ocorrer caso o comunismo viesse a encontrar solo fértil no continente americano, sendo uma das formas de difundir esta idéia as páginas da grande imprensa escrita. Nosso objetivo é demonstrar como a Guerra Civil Espanhola foi apresentada à sociedade pelo jornal Correio do Povo, à época o periódico de maior importância no Rio Grande do Sul. Através de sua leitura sobre os fatos na Espanha naqueles anos conturbados, temos um exemplo da forma como as idéias de mudança social eram vistas por uma parcela da elite brasileira, bem como de seu alinhamento com as diretrizes políticas oficiais daquele momento.
In 1936-39, the Spain was loose by a violent Civil War. Happened in the between wars age, when the capitalism experiment the effects of the 29’s crisis, when the fascism crossed your moment of affirmation in Europe, and when the Russian Revolution presented a political alternative for the peoples, this happening rendered rich in symbols and meanings, attracting the attention and the solidarity of share of the world for both the sides in quarrel. In Brazil, marked for the repression at communism afterwards 1935, the Spanish Civil War served, for the elites, how example of the how can happen here in the event of the communism meeted firm land in the american continent, to be a from the forms of diffuse this idea the pages of the big press. Our objective is demonstrate how the Spanish Civil War gone presented for the society by Correio do Povo journal, in the time of the happening the newspaper of higher importance in the Rio Grande do Sul State. Through of this reading about the happenings in the Spain at that disturbed years, we have a example of the shape how the social changes ideas was includeds by a parcel of the brazilian elites, as well as of the your arrangement with the official politics from that moment.

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Esta dissertação aborda o tema da História da Política Externa Brasileira durante a Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939). Utilizando fontes bibliográficas e documentais de tipos variados analisamos como o governo brasileiro se envolveu diretamente no conflito desde suas primeiras semanas, desenvolvendo relações com ambos lados do conflito civil, tanto em território espanhol quanto nacional, chegando a agir conjuntamente com outros países neste contexto. Em um primeiro momento, partimos de um esforço historiográfico concernente a história da política externa brasileira no período anterior ao conflito, passando por uma breve contextualização acerca dos antecedentes históricos do conflito espanhol e os efeitos imediatos da eclosão deste sob o sistema internacional pós-tratado de Versalhes. Ademais, se acrescentam a este momento inicial apontamentos acerca da história das relações hispano-brasileiras no período anterior ao conflito civil. Partindo destas observações, exploramos a trajetória das relações brasileiras com o governo republicano espanhol e a junta militar nacionalista, como estas se desenvolveram ao longo do conflito e como tal desenvolvimento criou uma situação única na história da política externa brasileira, na qual o Itamaraty, durante quase três anos, conduziu as relações brasileiras aceitando um cenário duplicidade representativa do Estado Espanhol, agindo regularmente em arrepio ao direito internacional na busca da defesa dos interesses nacionais. Concluímos nossa reflexão com apontamentos sobre o final da guerra civil, suas repercussões no Brasil, na Espanha e no resto de um mundo prestes a mergulhar no maior conflito bélico de toda a história humana.
This dissertation focus is the History of Brazilian Foreign Policy during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Using bibliographic and documentary sources of various types, we analyze how the Brazilian government was involved in the Spanish conflict since its first weeks, developing diplomatic relations with both sides, in Spanish territory and national territory, acting jointly with other countries in this context. Initially, we begin with a historiographic effort concerning the history of Brazilian foreign policy in the period prior to the conflict and a brief contextualization about the historical context behind the Spanish conflict and it´s effects on the post-Versailles international system. A brief analysis reagarding the history of Hispano-Brazilian relations in the period prior to the civil conflict is also present in this initial stage. Based on these observations, we will explore the trajectory of Brazilian relations with the Spanish republican government and the nationalist military junta, how these developed throughout the conflict and how such development created a unique situation in the history of Brazilian foreign policy, in which the Itamaraty, developed the Brazilian relations with Spain with two adversarial entities who claimed to represent the Spanish State, a scenario in which international law was ignored to ensure defense of national interests. We conclude our analyzis with brief notes on the end of the civil war, its repercussions in Brazil and Spain, as the world was about to descend into the greatest war in all of human history.

This thesis will demonstrate that the British leaders saw the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War as the best option available under the circumstances, and will also focus on the role of the Royal Navy in carrying out that policy. Unpublished sources include Cabinet and Admiralty papers. Printed sources include the Documents on British Foreign Policy, newspaper and periodical articles, and memoirs. This thesis, covering the years 1936-37, is broken down into six chapters, each covering a time frame that reflected a change of policy or naval mission. The non-intervention policy was seen as the best available at the time, but it was shortsighted and ignored potentially serious long-term consequences.

A lo largo de los años en los que transcurrió la Guerra Civil española (1936-1939), las productoras cinematográficas, tanto de tendencia republicana como nacional, continuaron creando películas, noticiarios y documentales que a día de hoy suponen una de las más importantes fuentes para el estudio de este período. La producción cinematográfica de ambos bandos durante los años de la guerra se caracterizó por la predominancia de los intereses partidistas sobre los artísticos o culturales, por lo que el cine, y por ende, la música compuesta para éste, se situaron al servicio del conflicto bélico. Esta investigación analiza la música compuesta para los cortometrajes y mediometrajes producidos en España durante la Guerra Civil española estableciendo una nueva propuesta analítica que otorga una visión interdisciplinar sobre la música compuesta para la pantalla y las circunstancias políticas y propagandísticas que envolvían la creación audiovisual. La primera parte del trabajo consiste en un estudio contextualizado de las producciones audiovisuales, así como una visión sobre la situación cultural musical durante los años de la guerra. La segunda parte consiste en un análisis de los usos y funciones de la música en las distintas producciones audiovisuales documentadas y contextualizadas en el apartado anterior (películas y documentales), centrado en los usos propagandísticos y semióticos de la misma, estudiando la metodología, recursos y procedimientos mediante los que fue creada. Así, mediante este análisis se demuestra cómo la música otorga unidad a los filmes mientras que define y promociona una ideología política concreta mediante el uso de diferentes estructuras musicales, y la utilización himnos y canciones populares de tradición oral que refuerzan la construcción de una identidad sonora nacional.
During the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), republican ant national film creators continued making films, news and documentaries, which today are one of the most important sources for the study of this period. Film production on both ideological sides during the war years was characterized by the predominance of political interests above artistic or cultural ones, so the films and the music composed for them were placed at the service of war. This research analyzes the music composed for the short and half-length films produced in Spain during the Spanish Civil War by establishing a new analytical proposal that provides an interdisciplinary overview of the music composed for the screen and the propaganda policies and circumstances that surrounded the audiovisual creation. The first part of the study consists of a contextualized investigation of audiovisual productions and the cultural situation of music during the war years. The second part is an analysis of the uses and functions of music in the different audiovisual productions documented and contextualized in the previous section (movies and documentaries), focused on the propaganda and semiotic uses, also studying the methodology, resources and procedures by which it was created. Thus, this analysis shows how are used different musical structures, or even hymns and traditional folk songs in order to reinforce the construction of a national identity sound, and how the music gives unity to the films while it defends and promotes a concrete ideology.

Aquesta recerca es centra en l’anàlisi del Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria- Entitat Obrera, CADCI, durant la guerra civil. Des de la seua fundació el 1903, l’entitat expressava la via nacional de la vindicació laboral per als treballadors mercantils. La seua estratègia s’anà adaptant a les noves demandes dels dependents, cada cop més proletaritzats i conscients de formar part de la classe obrera. A partir dels anys trenta, la realització de mesures de força pioneres per al sector i l’augment del prestigi de l’entitat, situaran el CADCI al capdavant de les organitzacions mercantils catalanes. Aquesta activitat unida a la participació en la insurrecció del 6 d’Octubre, feu que el Centre tingués un paper rellevant dintre del moviment antifeixista i obrerista. L’anàlisi de l’esforç de guerra de l’entitat mercantil ens ajuda a constatar aquesta rellevància i estudiar acuradament l’evolució de la multiplicitat de funcions endegades per tal d’atendre als treballadors i treballadores del comerç, tan al front com a la rereguarda. Durant la guerra, l’entitat comptà amb milers d’afiliats, passant dels 23.000 afiliats de juliol de 1936 als més de 50.000 un any després. A finals del 1938, 11.000 associats, el 22% de la seua militància, estaven al front. D’altra banda, es plantejà la possibilitat de fer del CADCI la tercera central sindical catalana. L’opció s’esvairia en ratificar-se l’adhesió a la regional d’UGT el juliol de 1937. A partir d’aleshores i fins al final de la guerra, el Centre seguí funcionant amb independència de la Regional, situant en l’eix prioritari d’acció al seu Secretariat Militar i en especial al Comitè d’Ajut al Combatent dirigit per les treballadores mercantils. Aprofundir en la història del CADCI ens permet investigar per què patí la triple repressió franquista executada sobre l’entitat, els associats i el seu estatge social. L’apropiació militar de l’edifici ubicat al número 10 de la Rambla de Santa Mònica, s’efectuava el 26 de gener de 1939, només ser ocupada Barcelona. Poques setmanes després era escorcollat pel personal de l’Oficina de la Delegación del Estado para la Recuperación de Documentos, DERD. L’organisme s’encarregava de localitzar, requisar i controlar tota la documentació que aportés dades sobre els enemics amb l’objectiu d’identificar, amb la major celeritat possible, al màxim nombre de persones i entitats que hagueren participat o col·laborat amb la República per poder processar-les i depurar-les. La finalitat repressiva marcà la conservació del patrimoni documental requisat, doncs fou eliminat tot allò que es considerà inútil per a l’extracció d’informació sobre persones desafectes. Una part de la documentació sostreta és la que conforma el fons restituït al CADCI entre 2008 i 2014, en aplicació de la Llei 21/2005, procedent del Centro Documental de la Memoria Histórica de Salamanca. Les 1.213 unitats de catalogació, més de 105.000 documents foliats, són la base documental de la nostra investigació. L’estatge social no ha estat retornat. La seua història motiva i estructura bona part de la recerca. A través de les seues quatre clausures estudiem l’evolució del Centre, l’augment del suport popular i l’enfortiment de la xarxa vincular que fou clau per superar els períodes de clandestinitat. A la vegada, analitzem els precedents de l’accionar repressiu i el procés de resignificació de l’edifici que, durant la guerra, es consolidà com un lloc de commemoració i símbol de la resistència antifeixista. La recerca estudia les implicacions de recuperar-lo com a lloc de memòria i d’història. Amb aquesta finalitat es proposen una sèrie d’intervencions per a aquest espai que allotja la multiplicitat dels relats de la història del moviment obrer català.
The research focusses on the analysis of the CADCI, Centre Autonomista de Dependents del Comerç i de la Indústria- Entitat Obrera (Autonomic Centre of Dependents of Commerce and Industry– Workers Organization), during the civil war. From its founding in 1903, the organization expressed the national route of labour vindication for mercantile workers. Its strategy evolved along with the demands of its dependants, increasingly proletarianized and aware of belonging to the working class. Beginning in the thirties, the carrying out of pioneering measures for the sector and the increase in prestige of the organization, put CADCI at the head of the Catalan mercantile organisations. This activity coupled with its participation in the insurrection of the 6th of October, led to the centre reinforcing its role within the anti-fascist workers movement. As a result, during the war, the organisation would have thousands of members and at one point it was considered it could become the third union federation. An analysis of its war effort allows us to confirm this relevance and study the multiplicity of functions carried out in order to attend to workers on the frontline as well as in the rear-guard. An in-depth study of the history of CADCI allows us to analyse the reasons for it suffering the triple Francoist repression carried out on the organisation, its associates and its headquarters. The military appropriation of the building, located at Rambla de Santa Mónica number 10, was carried out on the 26th of January 1939, immediately following the occupation of Barcelona. A few weeks later it was searched by the DERD (State Delegation for Document Recovery). Part of the documentation taken is what makes up the content restored to the organisation between 2008 and 2014, by application of the law 21/2005, from the CDMH (Historical Memory Documentary Centre) in Salamanca. These 1213 catalogued items are the documentary base of this investigation. The headquarters has not been returned. Its history motivates and structures a good part of the research. Through its four forced shutdown we study the evolution of the centre, its increase in popular support and the strengthening of its networks that were key to it surviving periods in the underground. At the same time, we analyse the precedents of the repressive action and the resignification process of the building that was consolidated as a place of commemoration and a symbol of the anti-fascist resistance during the war. The research looks at the implications of recovering it as a site of memory and history. For this purpose, a series of interventions are proposed for this space that houses the multiplicity of stories of the history of the Catalan labour movement.

Durant la Guerra Civil Espanyola, la defensa de la costa catalana va jugar un paper destacat i pràcticament oblidat dins del desenvolupament del conflicte. Tot el litoral català acabaria artillant-se com si d'un altre front més es tractés a força de nius de metralladores i bateries de costa amb motiu dels atacs que aquest hauria de patir al llarg de tot el conflicte. Aquesta defensa de la costa s'iniciaria a partir de la desfeta de l'operació de conquesta que els republicans farien sobre Mallorca al setembre de 1936 i que tindria unes conseqüències nefastes per la costa catalana i per tot el Llevant Republicà al esdevenir l'illa de Mallorca una gran base aeronaval al servei dels sollevats; tot i que principalment la defensa del litoral català s'acceleraria a partir del bombardeig naval sobre Roses que realitzaria el creuer franquista Canarias el 30 d'octubre de 1936. I és que a partir d'aquest moment seria destinada a la defensa de la costa un gran nombre de recursos, com forces de defensa (destacant entre elles milicians i forces del cos de carrabiners en un primer moment), així com diferents peces d'artilleria, (tot i que moltes d'elles serien peces obsoletes), davant dels possibles atacs que podia patir la costa o davant d'alguna temptativa de desembarcament que podrien realitzar les tropes franquistes des de Mallorca. Per aquest mateix motiu es realitzarien al llarg de tot el conflicte més de 350 nius de metralladores, establerts a qualsevol lloc de la costa catalana que pogués ser perceptible a rebre un desembarcament, participant activament en alguns casos la pròpia població d'algunes d'aquestes poblacions litorals catalanes. Els franquistes per la seva banda estarien en tot moment informats de totes aquestes defenses que es realitzarien a la costa catalana gràcies al seu servei d'espionatge. Per altra banda, els bombardeigs navals contra la costa catalana protagonitzats pels vaixells i submarins sota el comandament del bàndol sollevat i els bombardeigs aeris que hauria de patir el tràfic marítim, així com els ports catalans, i les indústries, la xarxa ferroviària o els centres militars ubicats al litoral català provocaria la ràpida defensa d'aquest, encara que no seria organitzada de la manera més eficient a causa de la penúria d'armament que patiria el bàndol governamental. A aquesta defensa del litoral i davant de la poca actuació que tindria la Marina Republicana a les aigües catalanes se l'afegiria una petita flota de vaixells pesquers (alguns d'ells armats) que rebria el nom de Flotilla de Vigilància i Defensa Antisubmarina de Catalunya i que realitzaria una gran tasca en la vigilància i protecció del tràfic marítim, però insuficient davant del potencial de l'armament del bàndol sollevat, mentre que també seria creada una Esquadrilla de Defensa de Costes que protegiria els cels de la costa catalana tot i que sempre en inferioritat de condicions respecte al seu rival. Malgrat això, tots aquests elements de defensa de la costa complirien un més que digne paper en la seva tasca i tindrien l'objectiu comú d'evitar qualsevol agressió de la costa o un possible desembarcament de tropes a la costa catalana, una acció aquesta última que mai es duria a terme durant tot el conflicte armat tot i que l'amenaça sempre estaria present.
During the Spanish Civil War, the defense of the Catalan coast played a prominent role and virtually forgotten during the course of the conflict. All the Catalan coast was arming as if it was another front, with bunkers and coastal batteries because of the attacks that it would have to suffer throughout the conflict. The naval bombardments featuring ships and submarines under the command of the insurgent side, as well as aerial bombardments that would suffer the Catalan coast and maritime traffic, cause the rapid defense of it, but it not would be organized efficiently due to the shortage of armaments that the government side would suffer. At this litoral defense forces would add a small coastal defense fleet of fishing boats (some armed) that would be called "Flotilla de Vigilància i Defensa Antisubmarina de Catalunya" and would make a great work in the vigilance and protection of maritime traffic, but insufficient in front of the power armament from the insurgent side. Also, it was created for the coast defense, the "Esquadrilla de Defensa de Costes" with the mission to protect the skies of the Catalan coast, but at a disadvantage compared to his opponent. However, all these elements of coastal defense fulfilled a more than worthy role in the task and had the common target of preventing any attack from the coast or a possible landing of troops on the Catalan coast, however this latter action never take place throughout the armed conflict.

The organization of the Anti-Fascist Militias of Catalonia was the embodiment of the social and political response of the events that occurred in Catalonia after the defeat of the military uprising of 19 July 1936. Thousands of volunteers formed military units with the aim of defending The republic, the revolution or the national rights of Catalonia. The document analyzes its structure of command and financing and delves into the ideological composition, the role of the military, women and foreigners, the quantity and numerical value of the different columns on the fronts of Aragon, the Balearic Islands and Madrid.
L'organització de les Milícies Antifeixistes de Catalunya va suposar la plasmació de la resposta social i política dels fets ocorreguts a Catalunya a partir de la derrota de la revolta militar del 19 de juliol de 1936. Milers de voluntaris van formar unitats militars amb l'objectiu de defensar la república, la revolució o els drets nacionals de Catalunya. El document analitza la seva estructura de comandament i finançament i aprofundeix en la composició ideològica, el paper dels militars, les dones o els estrangers, la quantitat i el valor numèric de les diferents columnes als fronts d'Aragó, Balears i Madrid.

La tesi consta de dos objectius principals d'investigació: 1- L'estudi de I'impacte de la guerra civil en I'estructura i funcionament de I'Hospital de la Santa Creu de Vic (HSC). 2- L'anàlisi del registre de malalts ingressats des de l'1 de gener de 1936 fins el 31 de març de 1939. Els objectius secundaris són els següents: 1.1. Estudiar les conseqüèncles derivades de la constitució en hospital comarcal 1.2. Investigar si I'esclat de la guerra afecta I'HSC 1.3. Estudiar I'impacte de la guerra civil en I'edifici de I'HSC, el seu personal i la seva activitat assistencial i científica 1.4. Estudiar les peculiaritats de la situació de guerra en relació a I'HSC i les transformacions socio-sanitàries vigatanes 1.5. Estudiar la transformació sanitària i social esdevinguda amb el final de la guerra i les seves repercussions en relació a I'HSC 2.1. Estudiar els pacients ingressats a I'HSC principalment a través de les variables sexe, edat, professió, procedència, data d'ingrés, metge i diagnostic 2.2. Estudiar els diaqnóstics més rellevants Es podrien definir unes aportacions colaterals, però ja apareixen implícites en el text. La intenció de la tesi és obtenir una primera aproximació a I'estudi de I'impacte de la guerra civil en I'HSC i el seu entorn. Per tant, l'anàlisi en profunditat de cadascún deis temes tractats no és el que es pretén. Prioritzo la visió global per sobre de la particular pels següents motius: • manca d'estudis previs • voluntat d'harmonitzar síntesi i totalitat • necessitat d'obrir línies per a futures investigacions • limitar I'extensió de la tesi La importància de la tesi és remarcable, al meu entendre, en dos aspectes: • completar el gruix del coneixement sobre aspectes sanitaris i socials de la guerra civil espanyola del segle XX a Catalunya. • encetar I'estudi i divulgació de la historia recent de I'HSC a la ciutat de Vic i la seva àrea d'influéncia En definitiva, la tesi pretén omplir un buit de coneixement que, per la seva transcendència tant local com nacional, mereixia una investigació acurada.

L’objecte d’estudi de la present tesis doctoral són els grups marxistes a Espanya que es van oposar a la política estalinista i a la vegada van mantenir un programa de transformació social que implicava, per tant, la negativa als pactes amb la burgesia, quina forma típica durant els anys 30 va ser el Front Popular. La perspectiva internacionalista d’aquests grups va fer que tots tinguessin un vincle amb un corrent internacional i que, de fet, a partir del 1936 tots fossin iniciats a Espanya per militants estrangers i no autòctons. Aquests grups s’estructuren en tres grans blocs: els seguidors de les tesis de Trotsky (trotskistes, fossin oficials o dissidents), els grups quartainternacionalistes que havien trencat amb el trotskisme, i els seguidors de les tesis d’Amadeo Bordiga (per tant, bordiguistes). En quant el període cronològic, l’estudi va des de finals del 1933 fins a l’estiu del 1937, és a dir, des del començament del procés que menà a la desaparició de la Izquierda Comunista Española (I.C.E.) (secció espanyola de la Lliga Comunista Internacional (L.C.I.), seguidora de les tesis de Trotsky), fins a la repressió de l’estiu del 1937, que va significar el final del període de treball obert a Espanya dels grups marxistes a l’esquerra del P.C.E.-P.S.U.C. L’objectiu de la tesi, per tant, és exposar, analitzar i valorar la presència dels grups revolucionaris marxistes a Espanya en el període delimitat, la seva incidència en aquell moment històric, i la coherència de les seves propostes polítiques amb els seus propis pressupòsits teòrics. La hipòtesi de la qual parteixo és que la situació político-social en l’Espanya dels anys 30 plantejava la possibilitat d’una opció de tipus revolucionari que implicava tant la presa del poder per part de la classe obrera com la socialització de l’economia; en aquest context, per tant, les propostes dels grups que van plantejar aquesta opció no haurien de ser contemplades com una mera imitació de models externs sinó com un projecte polític que respondria tant a la pròpia realitat espanyola com al context internacional en el qual aquesta s’inseria. L’existència d’aquests grups a Espanya respondria, per tant, a la necessitat de donar una sortida revolucionària a la crisi espanyola i la viabilitat de les seves propostes hauria de ser estudiada independentment de la composició nacional d’aquests grups o de la seva força numèrica. La seva manca d’èxit hauria de ser contemplada més com deguda a la dificultat d’integrar-se en un espai polític ja ocupat per organitzacions que gaudien de l’avantatge de ser al davant d’un procés revolucionari, que no pas per la manca d’adequació de les seves anàlisis i propostes.
This thesis studies the Marxist groups in Spain who opposed Stalinist politics and at the same time maintained a program of social transformation that implied, therefore, the refusal of the Popular Front. Their internationalist perspective meant that they all had an international connexion and that from 1936 all were initiated by foreign militants. These groups are structured in three major blocks: the followers of Trotsky's theses (Trotskyists, officers or dissidents), fourthinternationalist that had broken with Trotskyism, and the followers of Bordiga's thesis (bordiguists). The study goes from the end of 1933 until the summer of 1937, covering from the process leading to the disappearance of the Spanish Communist Left until the repression of the summer of 1937, which meant the end of the open work in Spain of the Marxist groups to the left of the PCE-PSUC. The objective of this thesis is to expose, analyze and evaluate the presence of the Marxist revolutionary groups in Spain in the delimited period, their incidence at that historical moment, and the coherence of their political proposals with their own theoretical principles. The hypothesis that I start with is that the political-social situation in Spain in the 1930s posed the possibility of an option of revolutionary type that implied both the taking of power by the working class and the socialization of the economy; in this context, therefore, the proposals of the groups that raised this option should not be considered as mere imitation of external models but as a political project that would respond both to the Spanish reality itself and to the international context in which this was inserted. The existence of these groups would respond, therefore, to the need to give a revolutionary solution to the Spanish crisis and the viability of their proposals should be studied regardless of their national composition or numerical strength. Their lack of success should be considered more due to the difficulty of integrating itself into a political space already occupied by organizations that enjoyed the advantage of leading a revolutionary process, that not because of the lack of adequacy of their analysis and proposals.

Aquesta recerca reconstrueix quin va ser l’origen, l’estructura i el context històric de les Joventuts Llibertàries a Catalunya, des de l’any 1932 fins al final de la Guerra Civil. Malgrat existir investigacions prèvies sobre aquesta organització d’àmbit estatal, com la tesi doctoral de Jesús López Santamaría de l’any 1983, no existia cap recerca específica sobre l’organització en el nostre territori, sobretot pel que fa als primers anys de formació. Aquesta manca d’estudis s’estén a bona part de la resta d’organitzacions juvenils de l’època, que malgrat tenir un dels seus moments àlgids de desenvolupament durant el període d’entreguerres, resten sovint oblidades en la historiografia o tractades com a simples annexos de les organitzacions “adultes”. En el cas de les Joventuts Llibertàries catalanes, els indicis en els que es van basar les hipòtesis inicials d’aquesta investigació, assenyalaven que no es van limitar a seguir consignes a cegues. Els joves anarquistes, van tenir una personalitat molt marcada que en alguns moments va entrar en conflicte amb la CNT-FAI, a més de comptar amb una estructura organitzativa i territorial força més complexa del que fins ara es pensava. A partir de la recopilació, ordenació i buidat de la dispersa documentació de l’organització, formada per actes de congressos i reunions, circulars, publicacions d’àmbit local o comarcal... ha estat possible resseguir com es van formar els primers grups a Catalunya durant la Segona República, quins mecanismes van utilitzar per vertebrar la seva estructura, com van intervenir els joves llibertaris catalans en els esdeveniments polítics del moment, quina va ser la seva relació amb la Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias (FIJL), o la influència del conflicte intern que vivia la CNT entre trentistes i faistes en la creació d’aquesta entitat juvenil, el seu desenvolupament i en la relació amb les JJLL de la resta de l’estat. També s’ha pogut reconstruir quin va ser el paper que van jugar els joves llibertaris catalans durant la Guerra Civil, els seus debats i crisis internes, els enfrontaments que van tenir amb la CNT-FAI i la FIJL, quan començaren a discrepar de la posició oficial adoptada pel sindicat anarcosindicalista, i el creixement de l’organització que va arribar a la major part de comarques catalanes. Va ser des d’aquestes i des de les diferents agrupacions locals que s’inicià aquest estudi, afegint la perspectiva de l’estructura territorial com un element més d’anàlisi que ens apropa a les dificultats i contradiccions a les que s’enfrontaren les agrupacions de base, ajudant-nos a entendre més bé el perfil de la militància i ampliant la imatge que tindríem de l’organització si només ens fixéssim en els discursos dels seus líders. La relació amb els esdeveniments polítics i les disputes ideològiques del moment, ens completa el retrat i ens ajuda a comprendre bona part de les seves actuacions i decisions, refermant la necessitat d’aquest diàleg constant entre l’origen, l’estructura i el context de la que va ser l’organització juvenil més important a Catalunya durant els anys 30.
This research rebuilds the origin, structure and historical context of the Libertarian Youth in Catalonia from 1932 until the end of the Civil War. Despite previous researches on this state organization, such as Jesús López Santamaría’s doctoral thesis in 1983, there was not any specific research focused on our territory and especially within the first formative years. The absence of detailed studies is understood concerning most of other youth organizations of the time which, despite having high points of development during the inter-war period, often remain forgotten in historiography or are seen just as an attachment of other ‘grown-up’ organizations. In the case of the Libertarian Youth in Catalonia, the signs the initial hypothesis of this research is based on, show that they had a highly marked personality which sometimes entered into conflict with the CNT-FAI, besides, they had a more complex organisational and territorial structure than thought. The tracing of how the first groups were formed in Catalonia during the Second Republic, the mechanisms that were used to articulate its structure, how the Catalonian youth participated in the political events of the time, which the connection to the Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias (FIJL) was and the influence of the internal conflict between the trentistas and the FAI tendency in the creation of this youth organization the CNT was enduring. Its development and its relation to the libertarian youths from the rest of the state has been possible thanks to the collecting, arrangement and extraction of the scattered information about the organisation formed by records of congresses and meetings, circulars, and publications at a local or regional scope. It has also been possible to rebuild which role the young Catalan libertarians played during the Civil War, its debates and internal crisis, the confrontations they had with the CNT-FAI and the FIJL, when they started disagreeing with the official position adopted by the anarcho-syndicalists and the growth of the institution which arrived to most of the Catalan regions. This study departs from these other local organisation adding the perspective of the territorial structure as an extra element to analyse that takes us to the difficulties and contradictions the base groups had to deal with, helping us to understand better the political militancy profile and broadening the image we would have of the organisation if we only focused in the leaders discourses. The connection with the political events and the ideological disputes of the time completes the portrait and helps us to understand most of their actions and decisions, strengthening the need of this constant dialogue among the origin, the structure and the context of what was the most important youth organisation in Catalonia during the 30s

Aquesta tesi doctoral té com a objectiu analitzar el desenvolupament de la col·lectivització agrària durant la Guerra Civil. Catalunya és el marc escollit per estudiar aquest fenomen resultat de l’ensulsida del poder dominant degut al fracàs del cop d’estat i del sorgiment de multiplicitat de poders atomitzats. L’estudi de la violència, com a part constitutiva i definidora de l’exercici del poder, pren una rellevància en aquesta investigació atesa la seva importància en el nou marc en el que es desenvolupà la col·lectivització. Aquesta investigació estudia les actituds socials de la població, en particular d’aquells que convisqueren amb les col·lectivitats i expressaren el seu suport i les seves oposicions. Vinculat amb això, i atès que l’espai agrícola és el marc d’anàlisi seleccionat per delimitar aquesta investigació, els processos de politització i mobilització del camp tenen una rellevància principal amb l’objectiu de desenvolupar els paradigmes interpretatius que l’estudien. En definitiva, comprendre com es van interrelacionar la cultura política de la pagesia amb les de les classes populars urbanes. L’objectiu d’aquesta tesi doctoral és estudiar la vida quotidiana de les col·lectivitats per veure els canvis i les contínues generades per la nova organització, així com quina va ser la seva extensió territorial i els seus principals avaladors. Al llarg de la recerca es dedica una atenció especial a la participació indiscutible de la CNT al procés de col·lectivització de la terra. No obstant això, l’organització anarcosindicalista no va ser l’única que va participar, no ho va fer sola i, per tant, ha estat necessari contemplar el paper adoptat per les diferents formacions antifeixistes a llarg del procés revolucionari i com es relacionaren entre sí. En resum, aquest treball és un estudi conjunt de les col·lectivitats agràries a Catalunya analitzades dins del seu propi context social, econòmic, polític i cultural, tenint en compte els seus impulsors i els horitzons que es plantejaven assolir. Tot això per contribuir a una millor comprensió de l’estudi de la rereguarda republicana i al compromís revolucionari que alguns construïren durant la Guerra Civil.
Esta tesis doctoral tiene como objetivo analizar el desarrollo de la colectivización agraria durante la Guerra Civil española. Cataluña es el marco elegido para estudiar este fenómeno resultante de la demolición del poder dominante debido al fracaso del golpe de estado y la aparición de multiplicidad de poderes atomizados. El estudio de la violencia, como parte constitutiva y definitoria del ejercicio del poder, se destaca en esta investigación dada su importancia en el nuevo marco en el que se desarrolló la colectivización. Esta investigación doctoral estudia las actitudes sociales de la población, en particular de aquellos que vivían con las colectividades y expresaron su apoyo y sus oposiciones. Vinculado con esto, y teniendo en cuenta que el espacio agrícola es el marco de análisis elegido para llevar a cabo esta investigación, los procesos de politización y movilización del campesinado tienen una relevancia principal para esta investigación con el objetivo de desarrollar los paradigmas interpretativos que la estudian. En resumen, comprender cómo se interrelacionó la cultura política del campesinado con la de las clases populares urbanas. El objetivo de esta tesis doctoral es estudiar la vida cotidiana de las colectividades para ver los cambios y las continuidades generadas por la nueva organización, así como cuál fue su extensión territorial y cuáles fueron sus principales garantes. Se le ha dedicado una atención especial en esta investigación a la participación indiscutible de la CNT al proceso de colectivización de la tierra. Sin embargo, la organización anarcosindicalista no fue la única que participó, no lo hizo sola y, por lo tanto, a lo largo de esta investigación doctoral, el papel adoptado por las diferentes formaciones antifascistas a lo largo del proceso revolucionario y cómo se relacionaron entre sí tiene un papel fundamental. En resumen, este trabajo es un estudio conjunto de las colectividades agrarias en Cataluña analizadas dentro de su propio contexto social, económico, político y cultural, atendiendo a sus promotores y los horizontes que estaban dispuestos a alcanzar. Todo esto para contribuir a una mejor comprensión del estudio de la retaguardia republicana española y, más específicamente, al compromiso revolucionario que algunos estaban construyendo mientras duró la Guerra Civil.
This PhD dissertation aims to analyse the development of agrarian collectivisation during the Spanish Civil War. Catalonia is the framework chosen to study this phenomenon, which resulted from the demolition of the dominant power due to the failure of the coup d’etat and the emergence of multiplicity of atomized powers. The study of violence, as a constitutive and defining part of the exercise of power, stands out in this research given its importance in the new framework in which collectivisation developed. In relation to which one, this doctoral research studies the social attitudes of the population, in particular of those who lived within the communities and expressed their support and their oppositions. In addition, since the agricultural space is the framework of analysis chosen for this research, the processes of politicisation and mobilisation of the peasantry are of great relevance for this study in order to develop new and multicausal interpretative paradigms. In short, to grasp how the political culture of the peasantry interrelated with those of the urban popular classes. The objective of this doctoral thesis is also to study the daily life of the communities. This allows to discern the changes and continuities generated by the new organisation, as well as to define its territorial extension and main guarantors. A particular attention has been given to the undisputed participation of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo as the principal driving force behind the process of collectivisation of land. However, the anarcho-syndicalist organisation was not the only one that participated in those processes. Therefore, the role adopted by the different anti-fascist formations throughout the revolutionary process and their interrelations have been also thoroughly analysed. In brief, this dissertation is a joint study of the agrarian collectivities in Catalonia analysed within their own social, economic, political and cultural context, attending to their drivers, and the horizons they were willing to reach. All this aims to contribute to a better understanding of the study of the Spanish Republican rearguard and, more specifically, to the revolutionary commitment that some were building while the Spanish Civil War lasted.

Une guerre civile est un conflit violent impliquant un changement socio-politique dramatique qui devient un jalon historique, culturel et littéraire. C’est une période où les processus doubles de la déconstruction et de la reconstruction reformulent les lois, l’histoire et les identités communautaires. Le fait que ces transformations rapides impliquent une souffrance humaine massive est peut-être l’aspect le plus perturbant d’une guerre civile. Cette thèse analyse la façon dont les romans contemporains sur les guerres civiles de l’Espagne et de l’ex-Yougoslavie représentent l’expérience humaine au cours de ces périodes de transformations sociales chaotiques et violentes. A partir d’une étude comparative des œuvres, elle soutient que les romans représentent la condition humaine en se focalisant sur les expériences subjectives des gens ordinaires pendant les conflits, et en reléguant en arrière-plan les évènements politiques et militaires de la guerre civile
A civil war is a violent conflict of dramatic political and social change that becomes a historical, cultural and literary marker. It is a period when laws, history and identities are reformulated through dual processes of deconstruction and reconstruction. This makes evident the symbolic dimension of civil war violence and accentuates the unstable, precarious and malleable nature of identity constructs, ideologies and history. The fact that these rapid transformations implicate massive human suffering is perhaps what is most unsettling about civil war. A civil war is not only a pivotal moment in a nation’s history but as well on an individual level for those who live through it and have to adapt to the changing systems of values that redefine life during and after the conflict. This thesis examines how contemporary novels dealing with the Spanish Civil War and the Yugoslav conflict reflect on the human experience during these periods of chaotic and violent social transformations. The study presents a comparative analysis of the following works: Camilo José Cela’s San Camilo, 1936, Dževad Karahasan’s Sara i Serafina (Sara and Sefarina), Mercè Rodoreda’s Quanta, quanta guerra… (War, so much war), Velibor Čolić’s Chronique des oubliés (Chronicle of the forgotten), Carmen Martín Gaite’s El cuarto de atrás (The backroom), David Albahari’s Mrak (Darkness), and Javier Cercas’ Soldados de Salmanina (Soldiers of Salamis). Parting from a close study of the texts, the thesis argues that the novels represent the human dimension by focusing on ordinary people’s subjective experiences during the conflict while relegating the political and military events surrounding the civil war to the background. Such representations aspire to redeem the complexities and the significance of individual lives and of a social collective, which the civil war’s physical and symbolic violence dehumanizes, silences and obliterates

La presente Tesis doctoral se divide en tres bloques bien diferenciados: en el primero se trazan las líneas maestras de la realidad social, económica y política imperante en la provincia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. En el segundo, se aborda el desarrollo de las instituciones políticas (municipales, insulares, provinciales y nacionales) a lo largo del periodo tomando como hilo conductor la supervivencia del clientelismo y el caciquismo sobre el que se asienta el sistema. En el tercero, se estudian todas las manifestaciones de oposición surgidas contra un régimen que margina y oprime a gran parte de la población, tanto en el campo como en la ciudad, aglutinando a todas las orientaciones políticas catalogadas bajo el, tan amplio como confuso, concepto de "izquierdas". Dentro de él tiene una relevancia especial el análisis y caracterización de la resistencia y represión surgida tras la sublevación militar del 18 de julio de 1936.
Title of Thesis: THE PROVINCE OF SANTA CRUZ DE TENERIFE BETWEEN TWO DICTATORSHIPS (1923-1945). HUNGER AND ORDER. The doctoral thesis is divided into three blocks. In the first are traced the main points of the social, economic and political conditions in the province of Santa Cruz de Tenerife in the first half of the twentieth century. In the second section, is raised the development of political institutions (municipal, insular, provincial and national) during the examined period, taking as a common theme the survival of patronage system and chieftainship. In the third section, I study the opposition emerged against a regime that marginalizes the great majority of the population, both in the country and in the city, uniting all the political directions laid under the concept of the left-wing. The analysis of the repression emerged after the military uprising of July the 18th, 1936, has special relevance. The traditionally dominant class in the province (large landowners and merchants, enriched with the export of bananas) through its network of clientele, dominated all political structures in the province, since the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. They kept political control during the Second Republic, holding back social reforms in areas where power was lost, and got involved in the coup of July the 18th, 1936, being restored back into the institutions that govern public life.

During and after the Spanish Civil War, over 500,000 people left Spain; at least 200,000 would remain outside Spain for many years, some for the rest of their lives. They went to France, Mexico, Argentina, the USSR, and across the globe. These Spanish ‘republican’ refugees were also connected to those who had stayed within Spain, by familial and political ties or the bonds of friendship. In order to investigate this reality – a group of people from all kinds of political, social and economic backgrounds based in so many different geographic locations – this thesis foregrounds the role of the individual in both experiencing and constructing history, being defined and resisting definition from different entities. Consequently, it seeks to intervene in the historiography of the Spanish Civil War and republican exile by highlighting the ways in which individual experiences and narratives both strengthen and weaken categories such as: political, a-political, refugee and exile. This PhD brings together underused source materials stored in Spain and Mexico, as well as digital archives stored online; it is based on archived oral history interviews with refugees, additional oral history interviews undertaken by the author, several collections of letters, unpublished and published memoirs, and official documents. Each chapter considers a different aspect of the refugees’ experiences and how these experiences are represented in the source material: departure, separation and communication, return and home, and the memory of exile within families. How and why did people leave? How did they change their behaviour in order to adapt to or survive particular circumstances? How have the children and grandchildren of Spanish refugees reacted to family narratives and memories? Central to this analysis is the role played by factors such as gender, age, class, status, personality and political views in shaping peoples’ experiences, as well as an emphasis on ‘non-elite’ alongside ‘elite’ refugees’ experiences of displacement. The historiography of the Spanish Civil War and subsequent exile has been shaped by political and ideological debates, as well as the different national contexts refugees found themselves in. From the numbers of refugees recorded as having left Spain, to the idea that returning to Spain was a betrayal, to the memory of the exile within Spain, almost every aspect of the refugees’ experiences has been used to make or refute arguments surrounding the morality of the republican cause and the nature of the Francoist regime. At the same time, the different circumstances of refugees living in countries like France and Mexico meant that different narratives or collective memories regarding the role of refugees in their host countries are still being constructed and reconstructed. One of the central aims of this thesis is to show how these debates have obscured the richness of individual experiences; the thesis therefore argues that considering stories which do not “fit” or details which are difficult to synthesise ultimately leads us to a more profound understanding of history. Driven by an extensive use of a range of oral history interviews, the thesis will also explore how historical time is complicated by personal testimony. The events of one person’s life are carried into the present, as they continue to affect their character, state of mind and attitude to success and hardship. Personal memories and perspectives will provide a contrast to historical narratives which focus on the role of the state, military events, ideology or political parties; instead, the thesis will show how these entities and events affect people’s lives, and the lives of their children. The central argument of this thesis is that Spanish refugees were not ‘preordained’ by the ideological conflicts which were embedded in the Civil War or their displacement. Instead, refugees actively constructed their ‘self-hood’ in response to these circumstances, rather than being (wholly) defined by them.

La història de les llengües s'ha enfocat tradicionalment des de l'òptica dels sectors cultes. Aquesta tesi, en canvi, posa en el seu centre d'estudi els anònims. Les escriptures populars són una tipologia de documents personals vinculats amb l'època en què l'alfabatetització arriba als sectors populars. Arran de l'exili republicà del 1939, aquest tipus de documents van proliferar entre els estrats populars. Aquesta tesi posa en relleu els diversos aspectes que conformen l'escriptura popular. En primer lloc, examina la distribució dels usos de les diferents llengües en epistolaris i analitza els factors que van contribuir a la seva tria. En segon lloc, se centra en les característiques textuals que presenten els documents posant atenció als diferents fenònems lingüístics que es poden identificar en l'escriptura popular. El darrer punt en què se centra l'estudi és en la categorització i anàlisi del contingut temàtic de les fonts selecccionades, posant-lo en relació amb el context històric i cultural de l'època, per d'aquesta manera, donar a conèixer els temes que preocupaven les classes populars exiliades, que al capdevall són les que configuren la microhistòria de l'exili.
The history of languages was traditionally viewed from the perspective of the cultivated sectors. This thesis, nevertheless, focuses on the study of the anonymous. Ordinary writings are a type of personal documents related to the time when literacy reached the popular sectors, between the 19th and the 20th century. Because of the 1939 Republican exile, such documents proliferated among the popular strata who had the urge to communicate and explain their dramatic experience. The main aim of this thesis is to highlight, with the help of a panoramic approach, the various aspects that can shape people’s writing. Firstly, the study examines the distribution of the uses of different languages in the collected letters and analyses the factors that contributed to the choice of each of them. Secondly, it exposes and analyses the textual features that present these documents paying attention to different linguistic phenomena that can be identified in ordinary writings. Finally, the third point on which the study is focused concerns the categorization and analysis of the thematic content of selected sources, in relation to the historical and cultural context, thus to unveil the topics that preoccupied the exiled working classes, which ultimately are the ones who form the microhistory of the exile.

Considerando a relação História-Cinema, a presente dissertação é uma reflexão sobre a produção cinematográfica anarquista da CNT durante a Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), a partir da análise de três de seus principais filmes de ficção: Carne de Fieras (1936/1992), Barrios Bajos (1937) e Aurora de Esperanza (1937). Eles foram construídos numa estrutura de narrativa clássica e melodramática e, dotados de temáticas diversas, como o adultério, a prostituição assediada por gangsteres e o drama do desemprego, representam uma iniciativa ímpar na construção de um cinema social, sob o comando de uma poderosa organização anarquista e durante o processo revolucionário. Neste sentido, consideramos também os meandros do desenvolvimento do anarquismo e do cinema espanhóis, cujas singularidades imprimiram uma dinâmica específica àqueles filmes.
Considering the relation between History and Cinema, this present dissertation will ponder on the anarchist cinematographic production of CNT during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) through the analysis of three of its most important fiction works: Carne de Fieras (1936/1992), Barrios Bajos (1937) and Aurora de Esperanza (1937). They were structured in a classic and melodramatic narrative and, dealing with several themes, as adultery, gangster-linked prostitution and the misfortune of unemployment, they represent a unique initiative in the construction of a social cinema, under the command of a powerful anarchist organization during the revolutionary process. In this sense, well consider the specifics in the development of Spanish anarchism and cinema, for their singular features have given a specific dynamic to those movies.

Spain underwent a series of tumultuous social and political changes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Prostitute women directly experienced these changes as fluctuations in their social and legal status within Spanish society. The years spanning from 1874 to 1931 are known as the Restoration, when the Bourbon monarchy was reinstalled under King Alfonso XII (1857-1885) after the crumbling of the First Spanish Republic (1873-1874). During this time, Spain experienced a period of growing nationalism and urbanization, and prostitution began to be interpreted as a threat to the nation in terms of public health and decency. Between 1923 and 1930, Spain was under the royally-sponsored military dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera (1870-1930). Primo de Rivera stifled much of the public discussion around the problem of prostitution. Spain later returned briefly to a Republican mode of government in 1931, and the Second Republic turned a portion of its divided attention to the reform of prostitution laws. The chaos of the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1939 disrupted these Republican reforms but provided an opportunity for radical groups, including Mujeres Libres, to campaign against prostitution in new and innovative ways.

Cette thèse doctorale analyse la représentation de la guerre civile espagnole dans les bandes dessinées publiées en Espagne et dans le reste du monde entre 1976 et 2015, soit environ 350œuvres et un peu plus de 7000 pages consacrées au conflit. La spécificité du média et la taille du corpus imposent un retour théorique sur la communication par la bande dessinée, sur sa transmission du sens et sur ses modes de confrontation des représentations de l'auteur et du lecteur. Ceci conduit à proposer une méthode standardisée d'analyse statistique fondée sur un vocabulaire et une grammaire de l'image spécifiques au contenu traité, analogue à la lexicométrie pour le texte. Les résultats structurent le corpus en trois dimensions principales stables et indépendantes : le degré de provocation du lecteur (entre raconter la guerre et susciter la réflexion, l'émotion ou l'engagement), la légitimité du conflit (entre un combat juste et une guerre folie qu'aucune raison ne peut justifier) et la polémique (deux Espagne qui s'affrontent encore). Ces résultats mettent aussi en évidence des différences et des évolutions significatives de la représentation du conflit espagnol compatibles avec les conclusions des travaux sur la mémoire du conflit menés à partir d'autres matériaux historiques et culturels. La période étudiée se divise ainsi en phases de construction, de cristallisation et d'abandon d'une première représentation du conflit entre les années 70 et 90, puis de construction et de cristallisation d'une seconde représentation plus polémique à partir de la seconde moitié des années 90 et dans les années 2000. La bande dessinée montre enfin que certains aspects de la guerre, comme la violence aux civils, le rôle de l'Église, la prison et l'exil, la place de la République dans le conflit, sont des thèmes encore non conclus. À la fois récits d'histoire et objets historiques, les bandes dessinées nous renseignent ainsi non seulement sur la guerre civile espagnole, mais aussi sur les sociétés et les époques qui se la remémorent
This doctoral thesis analyzes the representation of the Spanish civil war in comics published in Spain and over the world between 1976 and 2015, i.e. about 350 comics and more than 7000 pages dedicated to the conflict. The specificity of the media as well as the size of the sample require investigating some theoretical issues such as the way comics communicate, transmit meaning and confront author's and reader's representations. This leads to propose a standardized method of statistical analysis build on the creation of topic-related lexicon and grammar for comic images,comparable to text data-mining. Results structure the corpus according to three main stable and independent dimensions: the degree of provocation of the reader (between only recording events and sparking thought, emotion or commitment), the legitimacy of the conflict (between a just fight and a mad war that no reason can justify) and polemics (two still opposed Spains). These results also point out significant differences and evolutions of the representation of the Spanish war,compatible with the conclusions of other works about the memory of the conflict based on different historical and cultural sources. Studied period can be divided into times of construction, crystallization and abandonment of a first representation between the 70s and the mid-90s, then of construction and crystallization of a second more polemical representation from the second half of the 90s to nowadays. Comics also show that some aspects of the war, such as violence towards civilians, the role of Catholic church, prison and exile, the place of the Republic during the conflict, are still inconclusive. Being both historical records and historic objects, comics inform us not only on the Spanish civil war, but also on the societies and times that remember it

Tra il 1936 e il 1943 la Spagna visse un periodo di guerra civile e scontri fra la Falange e la Chiesa. Tutto ciò non fece altro che innalzare la figura di Franco, un generale, che viene sacralizzato e che governò per quasi 40 anni
The sacralization of politics and politization of the sacred occurred between 1936 to 1943 thanks to the war and the religious persecution. Franco gained power and became a god-like dictator.