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Journal articles on the topic 'Spanish conquest'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Schwaller, Robert C. "Contested Conquests:African Maroons and the Incomplete Conquest of Hispaniola, 1519–1620." Americas 75, no. 4 (2018): 609–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.3.

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On July 13, 1571, King Philip II of Spain, via a real cédula, authorized the Audiencia of Santo Domingo to enact plans to “conquer” a community of Africancimarrones(maroons, runaway slaves) located about 36 miles from the city of Santo Domingo. The king offered to those who ventured forth compensation in the form of the cimarrones they captured as slaves. At face value, the substance of this order was not particularly unique. Since the 1520s, runaway African slaves had formed maroon communities in remote regions bordering Spanish conquests. By the 1570s, African maroons could be found in practically every part of Spanish America. The uniqueness of Philip's order comes from the choice of language, in particular the decision to label the expedition a conquest. In most cases, the monarch or his officials used words like ‘reduce’ (reducir/reducciones), ‘pacify’ (pacificar/pacificación), ‘castigate’ (castigar), or ‘dislodge’ (desechar) to describe the goal of such campaigns. By describing an anti-maroon campaign as a conquest, this cédula went against the dominant Spanish narrative of the sixteenth century, in which resistance, especially by Africans or native groups, signified a punctuated disturbance of an ostensibly stable and coherent postconquest colonial order. The wording of the cédula, and the maroon movements to which it responded, explicitly link anti-maroon campaigns to the process of Spanish conquest. This article suggests that Spanish-maroon contestation on Hispaniola should be construed as an integral piece of a prolonged and often incomplete Spanish conquest. More importantly, this reevaluation of the conflict reveals maroons to be conquerors in their own right.

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2

Restall, Matthew. "The Spanish Conquest Revisited." Historically Speaking 5, no. 5 (2004): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2004.0061.

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3

Horton, Sarah. "Where is the "Mexican" in "New Mexican"? Enacting History, Enacting Dominance in the Santa Fe Fiesta." Public Historian 23, no. 4 (2001): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2001.23.4.41.

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What are the implications of public commemorations of the Southwest's Spanish colonization, and do such celebrations sanction the conquest's continuing legacy of racial inequality? This paper examines such questions by way of an analysis of the Santa Fe Fiesta, an annual celebration of New Mexico's 1692 re-conquest from the Pueblo Indians by Spanish General Don Diego de Vargas. The Santa Fe Fiesta, which uses living actors to publicly re-enact the Pueblos' submission to Spanish conquistadors, may be analyzed as a variant of the "conquest dramas" the Spanish historically used to convey a message of Spanish superiority and indigenous inferiority. Indeed, New Mexico's All Indian Pueblo Council and its Eight Northern Pueblos have boycotted the Fiesta since 1977, and some Chicanos have complained the event's glorification of a Spanish identity excludes Latinos of mixed heritage. However, an examination of the history of the Fiesta illustrates that although it ritually re-enacts the Spanish re-conquest of New Mexico, it also comments obliquely on another--the Anglo usurpation of Hispanos' former control over the region. Although Anglo officials at the Museum of New Mexico revived the Fiesta as a lure for tourists and settlers in the early 20th-century, Hispanos have gradually re-appropriated the Fiesta as a vehicle for the "active preservation of Hispanic heritage in New Mexico." Thus an analysis of the Fiesta's history illustrates that the event conveys a powerful contemporary message; it is both part conquest theater and part theater of resistance to Hispanos' own conquest.

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4

Don, Patricia Lopes, and Matthew Restall. "Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest." Sixteenth Century Journal 35, no. 4 (2004): 1208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477206.

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5

Julien, Catherine. "Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest." Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 2 (2007): 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2006-135.

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6

Kossarik, M. A. "The treatise on the history of spanish by B. de Aldrete (1606) as the first textbook of romance philology." Philology at MGIMO 6, no. 4 (2020): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-4-24-135-145.

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The paper analyses the role of B. de Aldrete’s treatise “Del Origen y principio de la lengua castellana o romance que oi se usa en España” (1606) in the development of Romance philology. The XVII-century author writes about the most important aspects of internal and external history of Spanish, such as: pre-Romance Spain and substratum languages; Roman conquest and romanization; Hispanic Latin; German conquests of Spain; Arabic conquest and the Reconquista; formation of kingdoms in the north and state-building processes; sociolinguistic situation in Spain; the role of Spanish in the New World; changes from Latin to Spanish in phonetics and morphology; sources of Spanish lexis; early written texts; territorial, social, functional variation of Spanish. Apart from the aspects of Spanish philology, B. de Aldrete pays attention to the formation and functioning of Pyrenean languages: Catalan, Galician, and Portuguese. However, B. de Aldrete does not limit himself to examining Ibero-Romance languages. Many aspects of the history of Spanish are shown against a wider, Romance background, bearing in mind the earlier tradition (the Antiquity, in the first place). He also confronts Spanish with other Romance languages and Latin. The analysis of the first treatise on the history of Spanish makes one reconsider B. de Aldrete’s contribution to the development of language description models and the bases of Romance philology. The treatise sets up a model of Romance philology as a full-fledged philological discipline.

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7

McMahon, Dorothy. "Sidelights on the Spanish Conquest of America." Americas 18, no. 1 (1989): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/979750.

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There could scarcely be an event of the magnitude of the Spanish discovery and conquest of a brand new world without its giving rise to a whole inundation of literature about the New World. For one thing, it really was a new world. Every detail reported about America had the same exotic appeal for the Spaniard of the day that an eye-witness account of life on another planet would have for us. Another reason for the great interest of the Spaniard in the happenings in America was his taste for greatness, for heroic deeds, a taste which he had developed and nurtured through the novels of chivalry so popular with all classes in Spain. It would be interesting to know to what extent the novels of chivalry influenced the psychology of the Spanish explorers and conquerors. Many of the feats accomplished in the New World bear comparison with feats described in the novels, and many of the chronicles and documents describing the conquest reveal attitudes and even turns of expression such as were often found in the novels of chivalry.

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8

Vogt, Evon Z. "How the Yucatec survived the Spanish conquest." Reviews in Anthropology 13, no. 1 (1986): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00988157.1986.9977758.

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9

Nielsen, Hjørdis. "The 2:2:1 Tribute Distribution in the Triple Alliance." Ancient Mesoamerica 7, no. 2 (1996): 207–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001413.

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AbstractTribute sources have played a significant role in reconstructions of the Triple Alliance's history and geography at the time just before the Spanish Conquest. The Tenochcan tradition has been the main source for these reconstructions. The critical historical analysis of the internal relationship of an alternative tradition, that of Tetzcoco, sheds new light on the Tenochcan tradition and on the tribute distributional ratio of 2:2:1, i.e., of the Triple Alliance tribute to Tenochtitlan, to Tetzcoco, and to Tlacopan. I conclude that this distribution only applied to a minor geographical area in the Triple Alliance conquests. This ratio shows only that Tetzcoco and Tenochtitlan had a major participation in the conquest of part of the northeastern area of central Mexico.

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10

Sousa, L. "The "Original Conquest" of Oaxaca: Nahua and Mixtec Accounts of the Spanish Conquest." Ethnohistory 50, no. 2 (2003): 349–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-50-2-349.

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11

Restall, Matthew. "Black Conquistadors: Armed Africans in Early Spanish America." Americas 57, no. 2 (2000): 171–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2000.0015.

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“I, Juan Garrido, black resident [de color negro vecino] of this city [Mexico], appear before Your Mercy and state that I am in need of making aprobanzato the perpetuity of the king [a perpetuad rey], a report on how I served Your Majesty in the conquest and pacification of this New Spain, from the time when the Marqués del Valle [Cortés] entered it; and in his company I was present at all the invasions and conquests and pacifications which were carried out, always with the said Marqués, all of which I did at my own expense without being given either salary or allotment of natives [repartimiento de indios] or anything else. As I am married and a resident of this city, where I have always lived; and also as I went with the Marqués del Valle to discover the islands which are in that part of the southern sea [the Pacific] where there was much hunger and privation; and also as I went to discover and pacify the islands of San Juan de Buriquén de Puerto Rico; and also as I went on the pacification and conquest of the island of Cuba with theadelantadoDiego Velázquez; in all these ways for thirty years have I served and continue to serve Your Majesty—for these reasons stated above do I petition Your Mercy. And also because I was the first to have the inspiration to sow maize here in New Spain and to see if it took; I did this and experimented at my own expense.”

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12

Lynch, J. "Mexico: From the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest." English Historical Review 118, no. 479 (2003): 1318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.479.1318.

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13

Boomgaard, Peter. "Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 54, no. 2 (2011): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852011x586895.

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14

Anderson, Warwick. "Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines." Asian Studies Review 37, no. 4 (2013): 603–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2013.855120.

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15

Bakewell, Peter. "Book Review: Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest." European History Quarterly 35, no. 1 (2005): 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140503500123.

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16

Palencia-Roth, Michael. "Mexico and the Spanish Conquest - by Ross Hassig." Bulletin of Latin American Research 27, no. 1 (2008): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.2007.00260_3.x.

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17

Bechtloff, Dagmar. "Transcending Conquest: Nahua Views of Spanish Colonial Mexico." Hispanic American Historical Review 84, no. 4 (2004): 728–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-84-4-728.

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18

Altman, Ida. "Spanish Society in Mexico City after the Conquest." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 3 (1991): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515878.

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19

Altman, Ida. "Spanish Society in Mexico City After the Conquest." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 3 (1991): 413–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-71.3.413.

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20

Lee, Jongsoo, Alan Knight, and Alan Knight. "Mexico from the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest." Hispania 87, no. 2 (2004): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20140846.

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21

MÉNDEZ ALONZO, Manuel. "Dominium, poder civil y su problemática en el Nuevo Mundo según Francisco de Vitoria / Dominium, Civil Power and its Problems in the New World, According to Francisco de Vitoria." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 18 (October 1, 2011): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v18i.6129.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze some of the philosophical problems that derived of the Spanish conquest of America in the perspective of the Spanish Dominican Francisco de Vitoria. Specifically this paper will try to prove that Vitoria considered the Indian commonwealths in the New World, or least some of them, as genuine political entities with the same rights to exercise dominium of their lands and goods as their Europeans counterparts. To justify this, it will be necessary to analyzed key concepts in Vitoria’s thought such as dominium, natural law, and the origins of the civil society. Nevertheless, at the end, it will be examined in which ways Vitoria considers Indian commonwealths inferior to the Europeans, in order to justify the Spanish conquista of the New World.

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22

Lüsenbrik, Hans-Jürgen. "Intercultural communication and cultural transfers in the colonial context. The encounter between Pizarro and Atahualpa in 1532 ans its discursive representations in early-modern cultures." Jangada: crítica | literatura | artes 1, no. 17 (2021): 242–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35921/jangada.v1i17.401.

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This contribution treats the historical representations of the encounter between the Inca King Atahualpa and the Spanish conquistador Francisco Pizarro on november 16th, 1532, in the Peruvian town of Cajamarca which was one of the decisive turning points of the Spanish conquest of South America. After theoretical and methodological reflections on the relations between intercultural communication processes and cultural transfers in the context of the conquista, it focuses first on the various contemporary Spanish discourses on the event of November 16th, 1532, which represented predominantly an official ideological version of it. In a further step are analyzed the new 18th-century discourses, influenced by different historical sources, like the work of Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, which reveal very different ‘constructions’, based on a transcultural network of cultural transfers and intercultural mediators, of this event.

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23

Rodriguez, Veronica. "Chimalpahin’s Nahua Authority: Modifying a Spanish Account of the Conquest of Mexico." Ethnohistory 68, no. 1 (2021): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-8702378.

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Abstract This article provides an analysis of Chimalpahin’s additions to Francisco López de Gómara’s Historia de la conquista de México. In his account, Chimalpahin draws attention to the plurality of ethnic states, their cultural practices, and political conflicts. In this article, the author argues that Chimalpahin’s modifications depict a Nahua version of the conquest in which the emphasis on the native’s active participation reflects its effect in the outcome of the war even though such contributions are often unseen in the most representative narratives of the event. It shows that Chimalpahin participates in the production of an indigenous collective memory and that he had the agency to create an account that clarifies, and even challenges, Spanish-centered narratives such as López de Gómara’s work.

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24

Greene, Molly. "Commerce and the Ottoman Conquest of Kandiye." New Perspectives on Turkey 10 (1994): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600000868.

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The Ottoman-Venetian war for the island of Crete in the middle of the 17th century (1645-1669) was in some ways an anachronistic struggle. The era of imperial struggle in the Mediterranean had come to a close in 1578 when the Portuguese army, assisted by Spain, was defeated at Alcazar in Morocco by the army of the Ottoman protégé, Abd al-Malik. The Ottoman victory was followed by a Spanish-Ottoman truce signed in 1580 which, though it seemed tentative at the time, ushered in a long period of peace in the Mediterranean region. The Spanish acquiesced to Ottoman control of North Africa and turned their attention to their acquisitions in the new world. The Ottomans, for their part, occupied themselves with military conquests in the East and no new campaigns were launched in the Mediterranean.

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25

Cushner, Nicholas P., and John C. Super. "Food, Conquest, and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America." American Historical Review 95, no. 3 (1990): 949. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164521.

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26

Parsons, James J., and John C. Super. "Food, Conquest and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (1989): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515846.

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27

Seligmann, Linda J., and John C. Super. "Food, Conquest, and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America." Technology and Culture 31, no. 1 (1990): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3105788.

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28

Daniel, Douglas A. "Tactical Factors in the Spanish Conquest of the Aztecs." Anthropological Quarterly 65, no. 4 (1992): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3317246.

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29

MacLeod, Murdo J., and John C. Super. "Food, Conquest and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20, no. 1 (1989): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204078.

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30

Soler, Daniel Wasserman. "Language and Communication in the Spanish Conquest of America." History Compass 8, no. 6 (2010): 491–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00681.x.

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31

Sheridan, Thomas E., and John C. Super. "Food, Conquest, and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America." American Indian Quarterly 14, no. 4 (1990): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1184996.

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32

Parsons, James J. "Food, Conquest and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (1989): 347–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.2.347.

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33

Bohrer, Ashley J. "Just wars of accumulation: the Salamanca School, race and colonial capitalism." Race & Class 59, no. 3 (2017): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396817733384.

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This paper explores the links between international law, race and colonial capitalism through the Spanish and Portuguese Conquests of the Americas. Turning to the early modern philosophers of the School of Salamanca, Bohrer argues that economic theories of emergent capitalism are deeply intertwined with the racial theories of colonial conquest. Moreover, through a close reading of these texts, and in particular of the texts of Francisco de Vitoria, this paper argues that the conceptions of international trade, commerce and travel at the heart of liberal notions of international law are themselves suffused with the logics of racism, colonisation, and capitalist accumulation.

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34

Lovell, W. George. "Presidential Address: A Rainbow of Spanish Illusions: Research Frontiers in Colonial Guatemala." Ethnohistory 66, no. 3 (2019): 409–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-7517850.

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Abstract Compared still to what we know about Mexico and Peru, the historiography of colonial Guatemala, despite notable advances, continues to lag behind, registering minimally in the Latin American scholarly imagination. The field is surveyed by examining some of the issues that have intrigued the author over the course of his career. Personal reflections are offered of research activities that engage indigenous resistance to Spanish intrusion, demographic collapse in the wake of conquest, the link between disease outbreaks and Maya demise, and the role played by Pedro de Alvarado (1485–1541) in attaining imperial objectives. Scrutiny of the Lienzo de Quauhquechollan, a sixteenth-century source the contents of which have been incisively reappraised, affords fuller appreciation of strategic Indian involvement in the act of subjugation. Alvarado, a key protagonist in the conquest of Mexico, also harbored ambitions to muscle in on the conquest of Peru, a little-known episode that awaits further investigation. The conqueror’s own life, like Central America itself, may indeed have been a rainbow of Spanish illusions, pots of gold dreamed of, lost and found at native expense.

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35

Megged, Amos. "The Sixteenth-Century Zinacantepec Census: Between Ethnohistory and Historical Demography." Ethnohistory 67, no. 2 (2020): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-8025340.

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Abstract While earlier census studies yielded population data mainly for the Tepetlaoztoc and Morelos regions of central Mexico during the 1530s and 1540s, this ethnohistoric study, based on a newly discovered manuscript, sheds light on household types and population density in the town of Zinacantepec by 1574. By comparing population figures, household types, and migration patterns, this article reconsiders how Aztec invasion, and thereafter the Spanish conquest, affected population movements and stability in the Valley of Toluca, a former Aztec stronghold in central Mexico. Furthermore, the nature of Toluca Valley habitats may prompt us to rethink about how we interpret the nature of indigenous demographic layouts before and after the Spanish conquest, whether its features be urban or rural.

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36

Durand, José. "Irving A. Leonard, Books of the brave. Being an account of books and of men in the Spanish conquest and settlement of the sixteenth-century New World, Cambridge, Mass., 1949· 381 págs. + 7 grabs." Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica (NRFH) 5, no. 3 (2007): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/nrfh.v5i3.3360.

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37

Adams, Richard N. "The Conquest Tradition of Mesoamerica." Americas 46, no. 2 (1989): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007079.

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To observe that events are determined by historical antecedents is hardly informative. What is difficult about history is that it is rarely equally easy to find out how the past shapes the future. Central America presents an interesting case in which indigenous cultures and Spanish conquest have succeeded in reproducing old geographical patterns while the cultures and societies therein have changed in extraordinary ways. The present paper suggests how it is that some of these cultural and social relational continuities, perhaps difficult to understand apart from this long tradition, may have continued down from the pre-Columbian period to the present. A key element in the process seems to lie in the ethnic relations, those relations that have been retained between Ladinos and the state on the one hand, and the highly populous Indian population of Guatemala.

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38

Orella Martínez, José Luis. "Podemos and the conquest of the skies." Przegląd europejski 4 (February 2, 2020): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7893.

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The article deals with the establishment by several professors of the Complutense University of a leftist political movement. Its name is Podemos, and it is a political movement that emerged from 15-M movement, based on different groups of left-wing and claim struggle, and it inaugurated a platform, that had a strong role in shaping the Spanish left, assuming a plurinational, feminist, antimilitarist and favorable speech to the new Bolivarian left.

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39

Fisher, Andrew B., and Alan Knight. "Mexico: Volume 1, From the Beginning to the Spanish Conquest." Latin American Politics and Society 45, no. 4 (2003): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3177138.

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40

Reyes, R. A. G. "Linda Newson, Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines." Social History of Medicine 23, no. 2 (2010): 438–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hkq032.

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41

Zoppi, U., Q. Hua, G. Jacobsen, et al. "AMS and controversies in history: The Spanish conquest of Peru." Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research Section B: Beam Interactions with Materials and Atoms 172, no. 1-4 (2000): 756–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0168-583x(00)00213-5.

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42

Schwaller, John F. "Reviews of Books:Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest Matthew Restall." American Historical Review 109, no. 4 (2004): 1271–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/530842.

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43

Newson, Linda A. "Conquest, pestilence and demographic collapse in the early Spanish Philippines." Journal of Historical Geography 32, no. 1 (2006): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2004.08.001.

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44

Pugh, Timothy W., Katherine Miller Wolf, Carolyn Freiwald, and Prudence M. Rice. "TECHNOLOGIES OF DOMINATION AT MISSION SAN BERNABÉ, PETÉN, GUATEMALA." Ancient Mesoamerica 27, no. 1 (2016): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536116000067.

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AbstractThe Spaniards established severalcongregacionesor missions in central Petén, Guatemala, shortly after the 1697 conquest of the region to help control local indigenous populations. Recent investigations at the church and community of Mission San Bernabé revealed details about the entangled relations of Mayas and Spaniards. Foucault's four technologies of domination help explicate these power relations as they were played out in the small settlement and the church at its center. Material culture differed in many ways from that of the pre-conquest Itzas, but was clearly predominantly “Maya.” Spanish-style goods and burial patterns were found as were hybrid ceramic wares, the Spanish-style artifacts most common in an elite residence, reflecting that Maya elite acted as brokers with the Spaniards. The occupants also incorporated Spanish domesticates into their diets. Some changes likely resulted from various ethnic groups residing in the same settlement, but others were the product of indigenous adaptations to the situation of contact. Nevertheless, it is clear that the mission anchored a number of strategies of domination that subdued the occupants of San Bernabé.

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45

Malagón-Barceló, Javier. "The Role of the Letrado in the Colonization of America." Americas 18, no. 1 (1989): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/979749.

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When people speak of the Spanish conquest of America, they generally mention the outstanding figures, either heroic or odious, like Pizarro, Alvarado, Cortés, Benalcázar, Nuño de Guzmán, De Soto, Cabeza de Vaca, etc., but they forget those other figures, whose names in many cases have not even come down to us, who played just as important parts as the better-known leaders and who were the veritable “motors” of the conquest—and even more of the colonization: the royal scribes, the judges, the oidores, in a word, the letrados or men of the law. This statement is neither exaggerated nor one-sided. The letrados were the organizers of the Spanish empire, the empire that was able to sustain itself for three and a half centuries—or four up to the loss of the Antilles. There today in Santiago de Cuba a monument stands on San Juan Hill, near those of the mambi and of the American soldier, which is inscribed to the Spaniard as a ”homage to the defender of the last Spanish territory in America (1492-1898).“

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46

Smyrnov, I. "Military logistics and national currency in international tourism in historical and geographical perspective: the Latin American experience." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 63 (2015): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2015.63.2.

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Revealed the relationship of military logistics and national currency in the international tourism in historical and geographical perspectives on the Concista example, that is the Spanish conquest of Central and South America, including the Aztec and Inca empires in the XV-XVI centuries. Special attention is devoted to seizure by Spanish conquistadors led by Hernan Cortes Aztec capital city of Tenochtitlan (modern Mexico) and geologistical aspects of the operation.

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Smith, Paul Julian. "Screenings." Film Quarterly 72, no. 4 (2019): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2019.72.4.74.

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FQ Columnist Paul Julian Smith discusses the Mexican limited series, Malinche, which tracks the Spanish conquest of Mexico and destruction of the Mexica (Aztec) Empire from the perspective of the conquistador Hernán Cortés's interpreter, the indigenous woman Malinche. He explains how the series differs from other televisual accounts of the conquest of Mexico in both its emphasis on the domestic lives of women and its use of multiple indigenous languages. He concludes by comparing the series to a recent film about the colonial experience by another Latin American female director—Zama by Lucrecia Martel.

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48

Lutz, Christopher H., and Linda Newson. "The Cost of Conquest: Indian Decline in Honduras under Spanish Rule." American Historical Review 93, no. 3 (1988): 809. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868305.

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49

Russell, P. "Some Portuguese paradigms for the discovery and conquest of Spanish America." Renaissance Studies 6, no. 3-4 (1992): 377–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.1992.tb00348.x.

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Bautista, Julius. "Linda A. Newson, Conquest and Pestilence in the Early Spanish Philippines." Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 32, no. 3 (2011): 403–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9493.2011.00439_4.x.

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