Journal articles on the topic 'Spanish Costume'

Released during the heyday of the costume drama, La princesa de Éboli (That Lady) (Young, 1955) is an Anglo-Spanish co-production about Ana de Mendoza, Princess of Éboli (1540–92), a prominent figure at Philip II’s court who was accused of treason. Based on Kate O’Brien’s novel, the film adaptation was eventually made into two different films for Spanish- and English-speaking audiences owing to the restrictions of Spanish censorship. Modifications to the script, film-edit and ending of the film offered a reversed interpretation of the fate of the protagonist in the Spanish version. Focusing on the costumes of the Princess of Éboli (played by Olivia de Havilland), we explore the shifting meanings that are brought to bear between the Spanish and the English versions. In contrast to costume films of nationalistic glorification in which the heroine sacrifices her personal desires for the more noble cause of patriotic ambitions, the English version disturbed official views of the past by celebrating female pleasure.

The article considers the costume description as an efficient political tool. The study sets out to show by comparing the clothing description of the representatives of the opposing parties that the vestimentary elements obtain new meanings affecting the image of the person that is nothing else but the way of the public control.

This article investigates how the traditional attire and religious iconography of Cristóbal Balenciaga's (1895–1972) country of origin inspired his designs. The arguments presented here build on what has already been established on the subject, provide new data regarding the cultural context that informed the couturier's creative process (with which the Anglo-Saxon world is less familiar) and conclude by investigating the reasons and timing of his exploration of these fields. They suggest why this Spanish influence is present in his innovations in the 1950s and 1960s and go beyond clichéd interpretations of the ruffles of flamenco dress and bullfighters’ jackets. The findings derive from research for the author's doctoral thesis and her curatorial contribution to the exhibition Coal and Velvet. Balenciaga and Ortiz Echagüe. Views on the Popular Costume (Balenciaga Museum, Getaria, Spain, 7 October 2016–7 May 2017).

Resumen: El vestuario teatral, en la génesis de un proyecto escénico de danza, se considera un elemento más cuya importancia radica en su significación. El objetivo general de este trabajo ha sido constatar la importancia del traje escénico como herramienta transmisora de conceptos y como elemento simbólico que aporta un sentido a la interpretación de la Danza Española. Se ha estudiado el uso de este vestuario desde una perspectiva profesional (Ballet Nacional de España (BNE), intérpretes y coreógrafos de reconocido prestigio) y desde una perspectiva educativa (Conservatorios Profesionales de Danza de Andalucía-España (CPDA)). Se ha realizado una triangulación metodológica combinando investigación cuantitativa y cualitativa utilizando como instrumentos básicos el cuestionario y entrevistas previamente validadas. Como conclusión, resalta la importancia otorgada al uso del vestuario teatral en la Danza Española como herramienta comunicativa intencional, así como su aportación a la interpretación en la representación escénica, confirmándose así las hipótesis planteadas.Abstract: The theatrical costumes, in the genesis of a scenic dance project, are considered one more element whose importance lies in its significance. The aim of this paper has been to verify the importance of it as a communicating tool of concepts and as a symbolic element that contributes a sense to the interpretation of Spanish Dance.The use of this costume has been studied from a professional perspective (National Ballet of Spain (BNE), renowned performers and choreographers) and from an educational perspective (Professional Dance Conservatories of Andalusia (Spain) (CPDA)),making a methodological triangulation that combines quantitative and qualitative research, using the questionnaire and previously validated interviews as basic instruments. As a conclusion, the importance given to the use of theatrical costumes in Spanish Dance as an intentional communicative tool stands out, as well as their contribution to the interpretation in the scenic representation, confirming the hypotheses raised.

Museums have been the main centers for the dissemination of cultural heritage throughout history. In recent years, they have been increasingly digitizing their content, so that it is now common for each museum to have free digital content available on the Web. This can be photographs of the works with detailed information or even objects created in three dimensions. It is also common to find virtual museums, which might be a representation of an existing museum that has been digitized or a museum created only in digital format. This paper describes the creation of a virtual museum of Spanish clothing from the 16th century, one that exists only in digital format, accessible from a computer or digital tablet. In order to create the museum, various documentation and drawings or pictures of the clothing of that time were studied. The costumes were then created in a specialized 3D costume-modeling program called Marvelous Designer. A 3D model of the exhibition hall was created in Blender, and finally, everything was assembled in the Unity videogame engine, where the interactive part was also added, allowing the virtual visitors to walk through the hall as if they were visiting a real museum.

In Spain, the wet nurse increased the survival of children through care and breastfeeding of other women’s children. They had a great development together with the Spanish monarchy between 1850 and 1910. The aim is to identify the role of wet nurses in the Spanish monarchy and the survival of the royal infants (s. XIX–XX). A scoping review is presented to study documents about the wet nurse in the Spanish monarchy. Applying the dialectical structural model of care (DSMC). Recognizing five thematic blocks that shape the historical-cultural model. Books, decrees and databases were analyzed: Scopus, Scielo, Dialnet, Cuiden, Medline/Pubmed, CINAHL, Science Direct and Google Scholar, from January to July 2020. The selection process was rigorous because it was difficult to choose. They had to overcome medical and moral exams. The selected rural northern wet nurses emigrated to Madrid. The contract was regulated by laws and paid. Wet nurses were hired by the monarchy due to health problems of the biological mother and a need for greater offspring. The wet nurse wore a typical costume, a symbol of wealth. The northern wet nurses hired by the monarchists have been the engine that has promoted the health of infants through the breastfeeding process.

In June 2003, the remains of Margaretha Franziska de Lobkowitz, née von Dietrichstein (1597–1617), were discovered in the crypt of the parish church of Saint Wenceslas in Mikulov, Czech Republic. The coffin contained the skeleton of Margaretha Franziska and her clothes which were exceptionally well preserved. The costume is an outstanding example of early seventeenth-century women's clothing. The short life of the wearer suggests that the garments were made around 1616. The set of textiles comprises an elaborate formal gown, referred to as 'ropa' in Spanish, an exquisitely tailored doublet and a precious velvet skirt. The burial outfit includes a bonnet, a lace collar, cuffs, knitted stockings and costly garters.

The paper takes as its focus the theatrical oeuvre of Elżbieta Wittlin Lipton – a Polish émigré artist and the daughter of an eminent Polish émigré writer Józef Wittlin. It presents a concise introduction to the artistic work of Wittlin Lipton – her costume and set designs – which she has been creating on the European (Spain) and North American continents (United States) since late seventies of the previous century onwards. Biographical facts have been outlined here along with the most charactristic features of her artistic style, with a special emphasis laid on the Spanish genius loci which should be regarded as the most outstanding trait of her total work. The paper constitutes a part of a book devoted to the life and artistic achievements of Elżbieta Wittlin Lipton which the author of this manuscript has been currently writing.

Buried in the miscellaneous writings of Capuchin abbess Sor María Ángela Astorch (1592-1665) is a curious spiritual exercise the author calls ‘teatro santo’. In it, Sor María, never herself investigated by the Inquisition, imagines herself as a priest being sentenced to death in an auto de fe. The exercise is practised in total solitude, but also requires props and costume. Sor María inhabits various identities and voices in her account, moving freely between genders and roles, as well as between her embodied identity and her imagined ones. This article argues that the ‘teatro santo’, while singular in its particulars, may give insight into how a female public reacted to the diverse genres of performance that characterize the Spanish Baroque. Sor María’s identification with multiple ‘characters’, and her creative self-insertion into the narrative, shows how early modern women could cultivate creative freedom within, and without disturbing, the most restrictive spaces.

The collection of the National Museum in Krakow includes over ninety walking sticks from different parts of Europe, Asia and Africa, dated from the 18th century to the second half of the 20th century. Most are kept in the Department of Decorative Arts, Material Culture and Militaria, in the collection of which artefacts manufactured in Spain constitute a relatively small percent. Therefore, from this group it is worth presenting two walking sticks, previously unpublished, connected with the culture and art of the Iberian peninsula. The staffs described in this article represent two categories. The first of them is an elegant clothing accessory carried by a man who took care of his appearance. A note in the documentation of the donation indicates the cane had once belonged to Lucjan Siemieński (1807–1877), a Polish poet. Although its handle was made in Eibar or Toledo, as a whole the cane might have been made and used outside Spanish borders. Regardless of the how and where the cane was bought by Siemieński, it seems it can be dated to the third quarter of the 19th century. The second of the staffs, linked more with the local folklore, provides information about the place where it was made. The inscription visible on the bottom ferrule suggests the staff was made in 1881 in Saint-Jean de-Luz, a town on the Atlantic coast in the Nouvelle-Aquitaine region, France, several kilometres from the border with Spain, a part of the Basque province of Labourd (Lapurdi). Both the construction and decoration signify that is a makila (makhila), a cane characteristic of the Basque men’s costume.

This paper will offer a reading of Calderón’s Love after Death (Amar después de la muerte) that is removed from the binary opposition between Christianity versus Islam, which premise readings of the text as a pro-morisco play, and focuses on teasing out nuances of transculturation inherent in the text. At pivotal moments in the play, the morisco and the “pure” Christian are simultaneously presented in opposition and equality to one another in their shared adherence to a strict moral code of honor, which is arguably a Christian contribution to Spain’s hybrid culture. The cultural hybridization of clothing and costume points to the unreliability of visible signifiers that distinguished the morisco from the “pure” Spaniard and as a result, brings forth the difficulties Spain had in self-identification in opposition to the morisco. The only real signifier – the Arabic language – is linguistic, although it is clear many words from Arabic made their way into Spanish. Read in the context of a text produced in a Spain that was located at the border between purity and hybridity and between the Iberian Peninsula and the rest of Europe, it can be argued that the representations of cultural practices in Calderón’s re-imagination of the rebellion of Alpujarras, bring forth evidence of a gradual process of transculturation between the moriscos and Christians and shed light on Spain’s almost desperate attempt to fight that process. Through this lens, the conflict between the moriscos and the Christians appears to have been conceived in the struggle against external forces that relegated Spain to the periphery of Europe. As a result of anti-Spanish prejudices of the leyenda negra that identified “Spanishness” with “Moorishness,” Spain was at once the colonial center in relation to the Americas and the New World, and simultaneously, Europe’s very own morisco “other.”

The popular culture version of the zombie, developed over the latter half of the twentieth century, made only sporadic appearances in South Korean film, which may in part be attributed to the restrictions on the distribution of American and Japanese films before 1988. Thus the first zombie film Monstrous Corpse (Goeshi 1980, directed by Gang Beom-Gu), was a loose remake of the Spanish-Italian Non si deve profanare il sonno dei morti (1974). Monstrous Corpse was largely forgotten until given a screening by KBS in 2011. Zombies don’t appear again for a quarter of a century. This article examines four zombie films released between 2012 and 2018: “Ambulance”, the fourth film in Horror Stories (2012), a popular horror portmanteau film; Train to Busan (2016) (directed by Yeon Sang-Ho), the first South Korean blockbuster film in the “zombie apocalypse” sub-genre; Seoul Station (2016), an animation prequel to Train to Busan (also directed by Yeon Sang-Ho); and Rampant (2018, directed by Kim Seong-Hun ), a costume drama set in Korea’s Joseon era. Based on a cognitive studies approach, this article examines two conceptual metaphors which underlie these films: the very common metaphor, LIFE IS A JOURNEY, and the endemically Korean metaphor THE NATION IS A FAMILY.

Resumo: É costume considerar a região do Caribe como a mais compacta e uniforme das zonas do espanhol. No campo da sintaxe, uma das características de destaque que diferenciariam a variedade caribenha das outras variedades do espanhol é justamente a frequente menção explícita do sujeito pronominal, inclusive em contextos neutros. Neste trabalho, investigamos se o espanhol de Cuba, que recebeu pouca atenção da literatura até o momento, se comporta de forma análoga ou se distancia das demais variedades que compõem a zona caribenha, no que se refere à expressão do sujeito pronominal. Para tanto, a partir de uma orientação teórico-metodológica sociolinguística de base laboviana (WEINREICH; LABOV; HERZOG, 2006[1968]; LABOV, 2008[1972], 1994), o corpus utilizado consiste nas entrevistas disponibilizadas pelo projeto PRESEEA (Proyecto para el estudio sociolingüistico del español de España y América). Os resultados gerais indicam que o sujeito nulo é a estratégia preferida nessa variedade. No entanto, quando comparado com as taxas pronominais encontradas em outros trabalhos – sejam da variedade Cubana ou de outras variedades – nota-se que Cuba se comporta de forma semelhante a outras variedades da zona caribenha.Palavras-chaves: sujeito pronominal; variedade caribenha; PRESEEA; Havana; variação e mudança.Abstract: It is commom to consider the Caribbean region as the most compact and uniform of the Spanish areas. In the field of syntax, one of the outstanding characteristics that would differentiate the Caribbean variety from other varieties of Spanish is precisely the frequent explicit expression of the pronominal subject, even in neutral contexts. In this work, we investigated whether the Cuban Spanish, which has received little attention from the literature so far, behaves in a similar way or distances itself from the other varieties that make up the Caribbean zone, with regard to the expression of the pronominal subject. Therefore, based on a Labovian-based sociolinguistic theoretical and methodological orientation (WEINREICH; LABOV; HERZOG, 2006[1968]; LABOV, 2008[1972], 1994), the corpus used consists of the interviews provided by the PRESEEA project (Proyecto para el estudio sociolingüistico del español de España y América). The general results indicate that the null subject is the preferred strategy in this variety. However, when compared to the pronominal rates found in other studies – whether of the Cuban variety or other varieties – it is noted that Cuba behaves similarly to other varieties in the Caribbean area.Keywords: pronominal subject; Caribbean variety; PRESEEA; Havana; variation and change.

In an earlier article (Pharo 2007), the author investigated how Spanish ethnographer-missionaries and missionary-linguists of the Colonial period translated the concept of ‘religion’ into various indigenous Mesoamerican languages. In the present article, he concedes that “assorted Mesoamerican notions may well together, as a family of concepts, be subordinated to the abstract superior concept of ‘religion’. Other relevant modern Spanish concepts like ‘sagrado’, ‘creencia’, ‘ritual’ and ‘costumbre’ etc. can thus be studied in the dictionaries.” In particular ‘costumbre’ (“custom”, “habit”) proves to be a central word among present-day Mesoamericans, not only to circumscribe their own religious practice, but also to designate ‘religion’ as well. As a result, the author, this time, analyses Spanish concepts associated with religion — but not exclusively with Christianity, i.e., neutral religious notions are the object of the analysis — translated into Nahuatl and Yucatec as recorded in colonial period dictionaries. The general hypothesis is that the dictionaries, in particular the Vocabulario (1555 and 1571) by the Franciscan Alonso de Molina (1514–1585), constituted a pedagogical strategy of transculturation at this early stage of the mission, not a radical linguistic attempt at acculturation, in order to transmit the unfamiliar Christian notions (such as conversion) to the natives of Mesoamerica.

Summary In an earlier article (Pharo 2007), the author investigated how Spanish ethnographer-missionaries and missionary-linguists of the Colonial period translated the concept of ‘religion’ into various indigenous Mesoamerican languages. In the present article, he concedes that “assorted Mesoamerican notions may well together, as a family of concepts, be subordinated to the abstract superior concept of ‘religion’. Other relevant modern Spanish concepts like ‘sagrado’, ‘creencia’, ‘ritual’ and ‘costumbre’ etc. can thus be studied in the dictionaries.” In particular ‘costumbre’ (“custom”, “habit”) proves to be a central word among present-day Mesoamericans, not only to circumscribe their own religious practice, but also to designate ‘religion’ as well. As a result, the author, this time, analyses Spanish concepts associated with religion – but not exclusively with Christianity, i.e., neutral religious notions are the object of the analysis – translated into Nahuatl and Yucatec as recorded in colonial period dictionaries. The general hypothesis is that the dictionaries, in particular the Vocabulario (1555 and 1571) by the Franciscan Alonso de Molina (1514–1585), constituted a pedagogical strategy of transculturation at this early stage of the mission, not a radical linguistic attempt at acculturation, in order to transmit the unfamiliar Christian notions (such as conversion) to the natives of Mesoamerica.

AbstractThe closeness of a work from Rubens' studio in the English Royal Collection, known as Equestrian Portrait of a Knight of the Golden Fleece (Fig. I, Note 1), to two equestrian portraits painted by Van Dyck during his stay in Genoa, from 1621 to 1626 (Figs. 2, 3, Note 2) has led to the identification of the sitter. A number of other pictures from the circle of Rubens and Van Dyck show horses and/or riders in related poses and the dates on some of them reveal them to have been painted before Van Dyck's portraits. This applies to The Riding School by or after Rubens, which is generally dated 1610-12 (Fig. 4, Note 3), a Paradise Landscape by Jan Brueghel of 1613 (Note 4) and Sight dated 1617 by the same artist (Fig.5, Note 5), which features a horseman known as Archduke Albert. A number of undated paintings inspired by the same model include six supposed to be of Archduke Albert (Notes 6, 10), three by Casper de Crayer (Fig. 6, Note 13) and eguestrian portraits of Louis XIII (Note 14) and Ladislaw IV of Poland. Thus it seems likely that these followers of Rubens', Van Dyck included, based themselves on one and the same equestrian portrait by their teacher. Since Van Dyck almost certainly painted the two equestrian portraits in Genoa during his stay in that city, his model or a replica of it must also have been there between 1621 and 1626. In fact, probably at the request of his patrons (Note 17), he often used models by Rubens, who had worked in Genoa for a time in 1606 (Note 16). However, his two equestrian portraits are not based on the only Genoese one by Rubens now known, that of the Marchese Doria (Fig. 7, Note 18), which is very different and has a liveliness quite, unlike Van Dyck's quiet static compositions. The equestrian portrait in the English Royal Collection was bought by George I in 1723 as a Rubens. The sitter is clad in the Spanish costume of the early 17 th century while the towers in the background could be those of Antwerp (Note 36). The sitter has been identified as the Archduke Albert, but he actually bears no resemblance to other portraits of the Archduke, who was also much older than this at the time of Ruberas' stay in Genoa in 1606. The most likely candidate is Ambrogio Spinola (Note 32) , the statesman and general, of whom both Rubens and Van Dyck painted more than one portrait. Spinola was commander of the Spanish troups in the Southern Netherlands, a friend of Rubens and Knight of the Golden Fleece, and he also came from Genoa, where this portrait could have been painted during a visit he made to the city in 1606 (Notes 33, 34). Stylistically too the portrait seems to fit in with the series of portraits painted by Rubens in Genoa in that year. The physiognomy of the sitter is certainly close to that of the known portraits of Spinola (Figs. 8-1, Note 35), while the details of Spinola's life also support the identification. Spinola (1569-1630), who was Marquis of Sesto and Venafro, belonged to one of the group of closely related, families of bankers who held key positions in Genoa. He arrived in the Netherlands around 1602 at the head of a large and unusually well-trained body of troops. In 1603 he provided funds to prevent a mutiny among the Spanish troups and after his capture of Ostend in 1604 he was appointed second in command to Archduke Albert. He was made a Knight of the Golden Fleece on I March 1605 and in the same year he was put in charge of military finances. From 1606 until his departure for Spain in 1628 he was superintendent of the military treasury and' mayordomo mayor' to the Archdukes Albert and Isabella. After the death of Albert in 1621 he became principal adviser to Isabella and thus the most powerful man in the Spanish Netherlands. His amiable character brought him many friends, even among the ranks of the enemy, notably the Princes Maurice and Frederick Henry, with whom he had a great deal of contact during the Twelve Years Truce. It was probably one of them who bought the Portrait of Spinola by Van Miereveld (Fig. 8). After a disappointing mission to Spain in 1628, Spinola was relieved of his command of the Army of Flanders and put in charge of the Spanish troups in Lombardy. He died in his castle in Piedmont in 1630. During the years 1603-5 and later Spinola made several visits to Madrid, where he will undoubtedly have met the powerful Duke of Lerma and probably also seen the equestrian portrait that Rubens painted of him in 1603 (Fig. 12, Note 39). He must also have known of the portraits Rubens painted in Genoa in 1606, since at least three and probably five of them are of members of the Spinola family, while there survives a letter to Rubens from Paolo Agostino Spinola on the subject of portraits (Note 40). All this makes it likely that Spinola would have had his own Portrait painted too and that Rubens may well have painted his first portrait of the man who was to become his lifelong friend as early as 1606. Although Rubens was sometimes irritated by Spinola's lack of interest in his work (Note 41) , he admired him greatly (Note 42). He cultivated Spinola's friendship after his return to Antwerp in 1608 and will doubtless have introduced Van Dyck to him. Van Dyck later painted more than twenty pictures for the five Spinola palaces (Note 43) in Genoa and his work also became known in Madrid via Spinola and his son-in-law Don Diego Felipez Messia Guzman de Legañes, who owned many works by Van Dyck (Note 44). The presumed equestrian portrait of Spinola was much copied, as were other portraits of him by Rubens. Spinola was admired all over Europe and that may have been why other commanders and princes wanted to have themselves portrayed in the same way. The original or a replica may have hung in Spirtola's palace in Brussels, where the first to have seen it would have been Archduke Albert, which may explain the many equestrian portraits of him by Rubens' followeers which were based on it. Another possibility is that Rubens himself may have painted an equestrian portrait of the Archduke very similar to that of Spinola around 1610, but that this is no longer known. Caspar de Crayer of Brussels, a friend, though not a pupil of Rubens, was also influenced by the Spinola equestrian portrait. Furthermore, when he was invited to paint a set of equestrian portraits for the Huis ten Bosch, he sent the young Antwerp painter Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert to The Hague in his place (Note 46) and it was in this way that Rubens' model came to the Northern Netherlands, where it was copied only once, by Isaac Isacsz. in his equestrian portrait of William the Silent (Note 47). The equestrian portrait of Sigmund III of Poland (Fig. 13), a cousin of Archduke Albert, could also have been painted in Van Dyck's studio in Genoa, which was probably visited by his son Prince Ladislaw in 1624 (Note 48). This picture too still owes much to Rubens' model which Van Dyck used again ten years later for his equestrian portraits of Charles I of England (Fig. 14, Note, 50) and Francisco de Moncada (Note 51).

Thomas Middleton's A Game at Chess has long held a place of particular importance in studies of early modern English theatre history. Performed for a record nine straight performances (a feat not accomplished again until the Restoration), Middleton's production has attracted scholarly interest by virtue of both its unparalleled contemporary success and its overt religious and political messages of anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish propaganda. Performed by the King's Men at the Globe playhouse between 5 and 14 August (except for Sunday) 1624, A Game at Chess provides the most conspicuous instance from the period in which the stage addressed issues of immediate political significance. Certainly history plays, such as Shakespeare's series of works chronicling the Wars of the Roses, dealt with English politics, but no play dealt so directly with the politics of the moment. Even more important, the politics of the moment responded. John Woolley, the secretary of the English agent in Brussels, wrote “all the nues I have heard since my comming to towne is of a nue Play. It is called a game at Chess, but it may be a vox populy for by reporte it is 6 tymes worse against the Spanyard.” The play's politics struck such a chord and the performance was deemed so scandalous that it was ultimately shut down by King James himself after he received an official complaint from the Spanish Ambassador Extraordinary, Don Carlos Coloma.

This article explores the multidimensional relationship between fashion and cinema by analysing the Spanish film Alta costura (Marquina, 1954). The film centres on a noir plot involving the investigation of a homicide during a couture show of garments designed by Cristóbal Balenciaga. The catwalk show becomes a structural pillar providing a framework for characterization and plot development, instead of a mere narrative digression. In addition, the show serves to display some of Balenciaga’s groundbreaking innovations in the female silhouette, while also making a surprisingly strong anti-fashion statement by encapsulating the film’s ethical message that is coded negatively. Fashion becomes associated with the negative effects of modernity, with death and destruction, to make a case for the conservative notions of gender roles that prevailed in the 1950s in Spain.

At the beginning of June 1904, the Hungarian capital was in a state of frenzy. The bullfights, starring Pouly fils—a toreador from Nîmes, France—as the matador, and scheduled to take place in a recently built 15,000-seat bullring in the Budapest City Park, attracted everyone's attention. Reporting a wave of “Spanish fever” spreading among inhabitants of the city, the newspapers highlighted the fact that a large percentage of the population was talking about “toreadors, picadors, matadors, and bulls.” The toreadors dressed in their “exotic costumes” caused a stir everywhere they went (Figure 1). As the toreadors visited Budapest's tourist attractions many female passersby noticed their “suntanned faces and muscular bodies.” The matador's collar ornament, consisting of two studs representing two “miniature diamond bulls,” was a subject of conversation on everyone's lips. Local tailors proposed “Spanish collars” replicating those worn by Pouly as the ne plus ultra of fashion to their customers. Furniture makers and carpenters witnessed their sales of Spanish dressing-screens skyrocket. Surfing the wave of public interest, the Uránia, a local association for the popularization of science, scheduled slide shows about Spain. The Budapest Orpheum hired Tortajada, a well known Spanish female dancer, for several appearances on its stage. Parodic plays, mimicking a bullfight, were staged throughout June both on the site of Ős Budavára (Ancient Buda Castle), a historical theme park that opened in the City Park in 1896, and on an improvised outdoor stage on the Margaret Island. Theaters also claimed their share by scheduling operas such as Carmen, the Marriage of Figaro, and the Barber of Seville. Restaurants offered a new cocktail drink called “Krampumpouly.” Journalists turned into impromtu poets and wrote poems dedicated to the bulls. Even politicians joined in the popular enthusiasm for the bullfights, declaring in the Budapest parliament, as a journalist sarcastically remarked, that for the local political body from that moment on: “Vox popouly” is “vox dei.”

Purpose – Employees working in the leisure service industry are required to show positive emotions when dealing with customers. However, empirical evidence confirms that faking emotions can lead to burnout. In contrast, employees that try to experience the emotions required by the role (i.e. deep acting (DA)) can lead to healthier outcomes. However, little is known about the process that underpins the link between DA and positive outcomes. Building on Côte’s social interaction model of emotion regulation and evidence linking customer satisfaction and DA, it was hypothesized that DA would be associated with employees’ self-actualization through customer interactions. This, in turn, was expected to explain the influence that DA has on relevant job attitudes (i.e. commitment, efficacy, turnover intentions). The model was tested in two countries with different emotional culture: Spain (i.e. impulsive) and the UK (i.e. institutional). Although UK was expected to report higher levels of effortful DA, the hypothesized process was expected to be the same. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – A cross-national design with theme park employees from Spain (n=208) and UK (n=204) was used. Hypotheses were tested with multigroup confirmatory factor analysis. Findings – The relationship between job commitment and DA was mediated by self-actualization, and commitment partially explained the association between DA and professional efficacy in both countries. The impulsive-oriented country showed lower levels of DA and more positive job attitudes. Originality/value – It is concluded that training employees to re-interpret costumer demands in less harming ways is required. The need to attend to cultural values is also discussed.

Este trabajo se propone analizar las formas de trabajo institucional desarrolladas por distintos actores para la emergencia e implantación del Coste Efectivo de los Servicios de las Entidades Locales (CESEL). Los resultados del estudio de caso longitudinal realizado ponen de manifiesto que los principales actores, Gobierno Central y Ayuntamiento, llevaron a cabo diferentes formas de trabajo institucional (político, cultural y técnico), surgiendo conflictos durante su desarrollo debido a las distintas lógicas institucionales en las que se apoyaron: eficiencia económica e interés social, respectivamente. Este trabajo contribuye a la perspectiva teórica adoptada evidenciando que las formas en las que se desarrolla el trabajo institucional por distintos actores determinan la configuración final de la nueva institución que quiere crearse. Así, aunque la regulación estableció como finalidad del CESEL profundizar en el cumplimiento de los principios de eficiencia y de transparencia de la gestión pública local, las formas en las que se ha desarrollado el trabajo institucional durante su implantación lo han configurado como un instrumento de transparencia, presentando además serias limitaciones para que ésta sea efectiva. This paper aims to analyze the forms of institutional work carried out by different actors with regard to the emergence and implementation of Cost-Effective of Local Government Services (CESEL, Coste Efectivo de los Servicios de las Entidades Locales). The results of the longitudinal case study evidence that the main actors, Central Government and Local Government, carried out different types of institutional work (political, cultural and technical), by arising conflicts during their development due to the different institutional logics in which they were supported: economic efficiency and social interest, respectively. This work contributes to the theoretical perspective adopted by evidencing that the ways in which institutional work is developed by different actors determine the final configuration of the new institution that is to be created. Thus, although the regulation established that the purpose of CESEL is to deepen on compliance with the principles of efficiency and transparency of local public management, the ways in which the institutional work has been developed during its implementation have configured it as an instrument for transparency and also it presents serious limitations so that transparency is effective.

Abstract In this study, I examine a hitherto completely unknown subject: the Hungarian reception of Manuel de Falla's ballet pantomime, El sombrero de tres picos (The three-cornered hat). As I point out, the story of the piece began well before Falla composed his music: Alarcón's novel was published in a Hungarian translation just two decades after the Spanish original. In the first decades of the twentieth century, the Budapest Opera House (Magyar Állami Operaház) and Municipal Theatre (Városi Színház) developed intensive opera, theatre, and ballet seasons, in association with the main European capitals during the first decades of the twentieth century. De Falla's ballet was premiered in Budapest in 1927 by Diaghilev's Russian Ballet, in the Municipal Theatre under the Hungarian title A háromszögletű kalap. The piece had such success that it had to be repeated three times. What is more, a Hungarian production was premiered in the Budapest Opera House one year later and this production continued until 1963, delivering a total of 75 performances. The sources (among others the handwritten performing scores) of this latter production preserved in the National Széchényi Library and in the Archives of the Hungarian State Opera House reveal an intense work of choreographic adaptation, along with careful design of staging, costumes, lightning, and scenery effects, all accomplished by great international personalities to make this very Spanish ballet understandable to the Magyar audience. Falla's work also found a significant support in the press, highlighting both the plot's universality and the expressiveness of his music, which had made it a Hungarian success.

Resum: Entre l’obra en vers de Pau Puig trobem una vintena de composicions dedicades a botigues i fondes barcelonines, la majoria relacionada amb petits altars o capelles que s’hi havien instal·lat. Fidel al seu estil, Puig hi manté un to desenfadat i utilitza gran quantitat de locucions i de jocs de paraules referents a les activitats comercials de cada establiment. Més satíric amb els costums llibertins de l’època es mostra l’autor en El Sarrabal de la ciudad de Barcelona para el año 1792, obra en prosa castellana que parodia els calendaris o pronòstics i on va anomenant les festes, processons, saraus i fires que se celebraven a Barcelona al llarg de l’any. En alguns casos incorpora poemes en català i en castellà per il·lustrar les celebracions. Aquí ens centrarem en els poemes referits a les fires. Paraules clau: Pau Puig, segle XVIII, botigues, fires, poesia humorística Abstract: Within Pau Puig’s works we can find some twenty pieces related to shops and inns in Barcelona. Most of them refer to small shrines or chapels located there. Pau Puig, compliant with his style, shows an easygoing tone and uses a wide range of collocations and puns when mentioning the commercial activity of each establishment. Puig is much more satyrical about the libertine mores of his time in his work El Sarrabal de la ciudad de Barcelona para el año 1792 (a kind of What’s On in Barcelona in 1792). This work is written in Spanish prose and makes fun of the calendars and forecasts. He also shows a list of public holidays, religious processions, parties and fairs that take place in Barcelona througout the year. In some cases the author includes poems in Spanish and Catalan to enlighten the celebrations. This paper will focus on the poems related to fairs. Keywords: Pau Puig, XVIII century, shops, fairs, humorous poetry

<p>In the middle of the 19th Century appears in Meliana (Valencia) a tile mosaic factory which will play a preponderant paper in the spanish Industrialization History. Over there, wrapped up by a vast group of industrial premises, we stays the Palauet Nolla, an emblematic building, decorated with the most exquisites compositions that the product which went out from the melianars hovens allowed. This palace, converted as a real scale showroom, has witnessed the visits of the most distinguished personages of the moment, as the King Amadeo I of Saboya, the Romanov Family, o illustrious intellectuals and artists. The study in course pretends providing a complete information about this historic and artistic monument, being its entire virtual restitution one of the most notable and eye-ctching element.</p>

This article reviews part of the stage history of Shakespeare’s Othello in Chile and, in particular, it focuses on two performances of the play: the first, in 1818, and the last one in 2012-2020. By comparing both productions, I aim to establish the exact date and theatrical context of the first Chilean staging of the Shakespearean tragedy using historical sources and English travellers’ records, as well as to explore how the representation of a Moor and of blackness onstage evolved both in its visual dimension — the choice of costumes and the use of blackface—, and in its racial connotations alongside deep social changes. During the nineteenth century Othello became one of the most popular plays in Chile, being performed eleven times in the period of 31 years, a success that also occurred in Spain between 1802 and 1833. The early development of Chilean theatre was very much influenced not only by the ideas of the Spaniards who arrived in the country, but also by the available Spanish translations of Shakespeare; therefore, I argue that the first performances of Othello as Other — different in origin and in skin colour — were characterised by an imitative style, since actors repeated onstage the biased image of Moors that Spaniards had brought to Chile. While the assessment of Othello and race is not new, this article contrasts in its scope, as I do not discuss the protagonist’s actual origin, but how the changes in Chilean social and cultural contexts can reshape and reconfigure the performance of blackness and turn it into a meaningful translation of the Shakespearean Moor that activates audiences’ awareness of racism and fears of miscegenation.

Purpose: This study presents an inquiry on the historical evolution of the uniforming movement in cost accounting and its current position in the lodging sector. Its paramount objective is ‘to learn from the past' and, at the same time, to pose a question of future: where are aiming the current techniques of cost management in the lodging industry to? A specific purpose of this inquiry was fixed, on the base of a necessary retrospective look, in outlining and analyzing the actual accounting informative needs of today’s hotel complexes, considering the two main directions that hotel accounting has taken throughout its (long) history in search of uniformity. A uniform purpose that, from 1926 on, the successive versions of the USAH - Uniform System of Accounts for Hotels has being pursuing (an acronym modified in 1996 as USALI - Uniform System of Accounts for Lodging Industries).Design/methodology: This work composes of two parts differentiated and clearly interconnected:In a first study it examines the movement uniform system in its most dynamic period, as they were the years between the two WW (1920 - 1940), its aims and most outstanding contributions, its economic and politician circumstances, social influences, etc.In a second study the interest is focused in the current period and specifically in the Spanish lodging industry, where, by means of the method of the survey and personal interviewing, it aims to evaluate and interpret the degree of need perceived by the managerial agents of the sector about an accounting uniform movement in Spain.Findings: The inquiry offers two types of contributions and results: on the one hand, a reconfiguration of the role exerted by the ‘uniforming’ movement in the history of management accounting; on the other hand, it makes evident, by means of a field inquiry, which are the main informative needs of the lodging sector in Spain, beyond a mere sectorial adaptation of the current general plan of accounting.Originality/value: The authors have focused their inquiry on the big evolutionary lines that have given fruit in the different versions of the USALI, considering its utility as the starting point for a hypothetical system of accounting management adjusted to the needs and idiosyncrasy of the Hispanic sector. One of the main conclusions that can be extracted is that, either by looking at the review of the past or by summarizing the analysis of the present needs, the evidence shows that the European hotel industry faces a pending task that the North American tradition has been successful to channel in a way comparatively more advanced: the fact of having a complete and uniform instrument of accounting information.

La inversión en la construcción es un factor limitante cuando se desea mejorar la eficiencia energética, debido a que los constructores prestan mayor atención a la inversión que al coste del ciclo de vida durante la vida útil del edificio. Este artículo presenta una metodología desarrollada que permite mejorar la calificación energética de edificios y su coste del ciclo de vida, en la mayoría de los escenarios económicos, las soluciones reducen la inversión, si se escogen los materiales constructivos óptimos.Palabras clave: inversión, coste del ciclo de vida, construcción, eficiencia energética, calificación energética. Investment versus life cycle cost of buildings. Energy-economic projectionsAbstract: Investment in construction is limiting by some factors when it is desired improve energy efficiency, because the builders pay more attention to investment, which the life cycle cost over the lifetime of the building. This paper presents a developed methodology to improve the energy rating of buildings and life cycle cost, in the majority of economic scenarios; the solutions reduce investment, if the optimal construction materials are chosen. The aim of this study focuses on optimizing the life cycle cost of a building with the lowest consumption of energy demand, with the aim of improving environmental quality and energy. A methodology for optimizing the building envelope or skin of a building and the active elements that compose is set, to study the power consumption and the corresponding saving is established, considering the environmental impact and the cost of it. The application of a heuristic Tabu expedites time to resolution of the problem. However, the life cycle cost study is necessary to develop projections possible about the economic future of a building. Homeowners should understand the different economic situations in order to protect their investment. Moreover, investment is often a limiting factor in the decisions of construction. It tends to minimize the investment, within the law when it comes to achieve an energy rating and energy efficiency index, therefore you must know the effect of the investment when optimizing a building. In the future pricing of carbon emissions may provide an incentive for the deployment of efficient and low-carbon technologies across Europe. Those responsible of strategic investments in buildings often make decisions more or less intuitively, generally based on experience. The study of a building for different economic projections, we propose and consider different climatic zones. The building of residential character is described in detail. The application of the methodology presented in this paper can offer the user the study of buildings to various economic situations. The paper presents 956 case studies of this building. By studying Spanish 12 climatic zones, different economic scenarios are presented. The results show that the application of the methodology allows a reduction of CO2 emissions, reduced demand for heating, and the investment is reduced in a considerable number of life cycle cost cases. The final decision is applied by the responsible of making the decision, although the data obtained by applying this methodology are used to make that decision. The methodology provides a competitive advantage when the building is presented. Given the uncertainties in the market, it should not make overly optimistic assessment, although the system helps decision making, the experience will be key to decide the best economic scenario.Keywords: investment, life cycle cost, construction, energy efficiency, energy rating.

RESUMENAparte de las funciones teatrales y cortesanas, de gran aparato escénico, existió durante el siglo XVIII la costumbre de representar zarzuelas, y otros tipos de obras dramáticas con música, tanto en casas particulares como en ámbitos privados, escolares o culturales. Es además constatable que estas obras estuvieron siempre basadas en la mitología, y aunque este es un rasgo común en el teatro músico del siglo XVII y de la primera mitad del XVIII en España, es interesante observar si recibe, en este caso, un tratamiento diferenciado. En el presente artículo se plantea la interacción que se produce entre el elemento musical (formato y contenido textual) y la temática mitológica en estas obras dedicadas a un público diferente al de los teatros, ya sean cortesanos o populares, y para un entorno privado que contaba, además, con unas limitaciones evidentes tanto en el aspecto escenográfico como, especialmente, en el musical.PALABRAS CLAVEZarzuela, mitología, teatro musical español, siglo XVIII, funciones privadas. TITLEThe treatment of mythology in dramas with music made for private circles in the fi rst half of the 18th centuryABSTRACTApart from the theatrical and court performances, of great scenic apparatus, there was during the eighteenth century the custom of representing zarzuelas, and other types of dramatic works with music, both in homes as well as in private school and cultural areas. It is also verifiable that these works were always based on mythology, and although this is a common feature in the music theatre of the seventeenth century and first half of the eighteenth century in Spain, it is interesting to note whether it receives, in this case, a differentiated treatment. This article puts forward the interaction between the musical element (format and textual content) and the mythological subject in these works devoted to a different audience than that of the theatres, either court or popular, and for a private milieu which had, in addition, obvious limitations both in the scenography and, especially, in the musical features.KEY WORDSZarzuela, mythology, Spanish musical theatre, eighteenth century, private performance.

AbstractBegun in 1568, the revolt of the Netherlands against the Spanish stimulated every Dutch province to strive to attain the greatest possible autonomy and independence from the dominant province of Holland. One of the arguments forwarded for pursuing this independent course was how ancient a region was (laudatio ex vetustate). Incidentally, it was Holland with its Batavian myth that had a strong suit in hand in this matter. To counter this, historiographers were appointed to confirm their region's age. In this capacity, the States of Friesland designated Suffridus Petrus (1527-1597), Bernardus Furmerius (1542-1616) and Pierius Winsemius (1586-1644) consecutively. Relying on traditional accounts, which they believed were ancient, Petrus and Furmerius established a line of legendary Frisian monarchs, beginning with Friso - banished from India - who was said to be a descendant of Noah's son Sem. The results of their scholarly research were published in small-scale, unillustrated books in Latin. Not officially commissioned as a historiographer, around 1597 Martinus Hamconius (c. 1550-1620), wrote an acrostic on the name of Suffridus Petrus, which comprised an ekphrasis with an animated description of the legendary Frisians. In 1606 he also devised a table (fig. i) in which all the characters who played a role in the illustrious history of Friesland are described in Latin. This cast of characters was published again in 1617, this time in Dutch (fig. 2). A lost copy of this edition featured illustrations (fig. 3), which were reused in an edition of Hamconius' Frisia (1620) (figs. 17, 20, 21). The tableau of 1617 includes several old Frisian traditional costumes (fig. 10). All the prints were made by Pieter Feddes of Harlingen. A second set of illustrations of the Frisian princes was etched by Simon Wynhoutsz. Frisius around 1617. These prints, known only from Pierius Winsemius' Chronique of 1622 (figs. 15, 18, 19), originally constituted a consecutive series (fig. 13), doubtless intended to illustrate Hamconius' treatise and probably made for his publisher Jan Lamrinck, who (according to the author's hypothesis) could not use it and thus cut down the plates and included them in Winsemius' Chronique, which he also published. A third, incomplete series of illustrations (fig. 14), again by Pieter Feddes, was likewise made to illustrate Hamconius' series, but may have been rejected and likewise used in the Chronique. Some details in four of the figures in both series (figs. 15-23) seem to point to the iconographic tradition of the free Frisian countryman.

ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study was to analyze the effect of the variables on the level of trust, the level of service quality, the level of religiosity, and the level of corporate image on customer loyalty in Bank Syariah Indonesia (BSI), a new bank resulting from the merger of three state-owned banks, namely BRI Syariah, BNI Syariah, and Mandiri Syariah. The study uses quantitative approaches with causality description techniques. The analysis technique used is Partial Least Square-Structural Equation Modeling (SEM-PLS) with a sample of 405 BSI customers. The results showed that the level of trust and religiosity had a positive effect on post-merger BSI customer loyalty. In addition, the level of service quality has no effect on customer loyalty after the merger. Meanwhile, the level of the corporate image did not moderate the effect of the level of trust, service quality, and religiosity on BSI customer loyalty after the merger. However, as a predictor, the level of the corporate image has a direct effect on post-merger BSI customer loyalty. The findings show that trust, religiosity, and corporate image play a very important role in growing BSI's customer loyalty. Therefore, BSI should consider developing a strategy to increase customer loyalty. Keywords: Customer Loyalty, Trust, Service Quality, Religiosity, Corporate Image ABSTRAK: Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis pengaruh variabel tingkat kepercayaan, tingkat kualitas layanan, tingkat religiusitas, dan tingkat citra perusahaan terhadap loyalitas nasabah Bank Syariah Indonesia (BSI), bank baru hasil merger dari tiga bank BUMN, yaitu BRI Syariah, BNI Syariah, dan Mandiri Syariah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metodependekatan kuantitatif dengan teknik deskripsi kausalitas. Teknik analisis yang digunakan adalah Partial Least Square-Structural Equation Modeling (SEM-PLS) dengan sampel sebanyak 405 nasabah BSI. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tingkat kepercayaan dan tingkat religiusitas berpengaruh positif terhadap loyalitas nasabah BSI pasca merger. Selain itu, tingkat kualitas layanan tidak berpengaruh terhadap loyalitas pelanggan setelah merger. Sedangkan tingkat citra perusahaan tidak memoderasi pengaruh tingkat kepercayaan, tingkat kualitas layanan, dan tingkat religiusitas terhadap loyalitas nasabah BSI setelah merger. Namun sebagai prediktor, tingkat citra perusahaan berpengaruh langsung terhadap loyalitas nasabah BSI pasca merger. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa kepercayaan, religiusitas, dan citra perusahaan memainkan peran yang sangat penting dalam menumbuhkan loyalitas pelanggan BSI . Oleh karena itu, BSI dapat mempertimbangkan aspek-aspek tersebut untuk menyusun strategi meningkatkan loyalitas nasabahnya. Kata Kunci: Loyalitas Pelanggan, Kepercayaan, Kualitas Layanan, Religiusitas, Citra Perusahaan REFERENCES Alfi, A. N. (2020). 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Sangre (Spanish for “blood”) is a series of choreographic works developed in Toronto by Colombian artist Olga Barrios. The project was presented in three phases and united by the theme of dehumanization of violence through acts of war. These works are framed within a multidisciplinary approach in which the staging of dance is supported by elements of theatre, video, and music. The choreography involves research into the themes of rhythm, image, and theatricality. Many places in the world deal with longstanding social conflicts. Colombia, my country of origin, has a history with strong issues of social violence that are related to the social/political environment of inequality and corruption. This conflict has lasted more than four decades and its end seems further away every day. Because of this ongoing situation and its involvement in every facet of Colombian society, everyone has a story to tell. Every day there is news of horrendous acts happening in small towns, usually affecting innocent people caught in the middle. Most of the people in Colombia no longer know to whom this conflict belongs or the motivations behind it. They have to live with the consequences: the fear in the atmosphere, and the dehumanization caused by war. There are many acts related to this social violence of war such as kidnappings, massacres and forced displacements. Based on the resonance of some of these acts, I began the choreographic process of the series Sangre. Each piece in this series focused on one of these acts. Thus, the piece “Behind Windows” was initiated by the theme of kidnapping, “Los Ausentes” (The Absent Ones) focused on a massacre, and the dance installation “Moving Earth” centered around images of forced displacements. The first piece “Behind Windows” was choreographed and performed as a solo in the McLean Performance Studio at York University as part of the MFA thesis concert “Cuatro.” The second piece of the series, “Los Ausentes,” was choreographed for the six dancers of the York Dance Ensemble and was presented in the Sandra Faire and Ivan Fecan Theatre at York University as part of the second MFA thesis concert “Penumbra.” The last piece “Moving Earth,” is an exploration of a specific site resulting in the creation of a dance installation where the nature of the space changed the dynamic of spatial composition. This final piece was presented at Arta Gallery in the Distillery District in Toronto. In developing my choreographic work, I used strong contrast between elements of narrative, movement, music and theatre. I also explored my own reality as a woman whose life is affected by technology and information of the contemporary world; however, I found it important to maintain some sense of history and a flavour of the past. In the use of video I explored how the two-dimensional world of video can play and negotiate with the three-dimensional world of the body in performance. This project was possible thanks to the collaborations of many artists and friends: Project Supervisor Carol Anderson (Professor at MFA Dance Department at York University) ; Composer/Musicians Diego Marulanda and Luisito Orbegoso; Visual Artists , Maria Flawia Litwin, Alexandra Gelis and Trevor Schwellnus; Dramaturg Alejandro Roncería; Costume Designer Ruth Gutiérrez. Dancers: Krista Antonio, Brittany-Brie D’Amico, Hannah Greyson-Gaito, Mellisa Kwok, Jennifer Lee and Caroline Vukson. Adriana Sabogal, Fay Athari, Amy Stewart, Mayahuel Tecozautla, Amanda Paixao and my husband Juan Carlos Márquez.

A la vista de como se han producido la mayoría de los hallazgos analizados y según se desprende de las fuentes escritas, diríamos que en la península ibérica y sobre todo en la parte Occidental se realizaron en la Antigüedad ofrendas monetales a divinidades de las aguas y fundamentalmente, por las referencias que tenemos, a las divinidades de las fuentes termales. Únicamente nos queda la duda de si la fuente de Peña Cutral en Retortillo (Reinosa, Santander) es termal o no, pues si no lo fuese sería el único hallazgo dentro de una fuente no termal. Se podría entender, con ciertos reparos en algún caso, que también se hicieron arrojándolas al curso de los ríos, depositándolas en la orilla y lanzándolas a las charcas o pantanos. Por otro lado, las monedas que se han encontrado en las fuentes, en contraposición con las recogidas en los ríos, suelen estar en muy mala conservación, hasta el punto de que muchas se desintegran en las manos al estar muy atacadas por los ácidos. A juzgar por algunos de los hallazgos, se podría creer que las ofrendas más valiosas se procuró depositarlas en lugares seguros o resguardados, como es el caso de la Hermida, de la Fuente de El Sarso, del Balneario de Fortuna y podríamos recordar también el hallazgo del conocido depósito de Oñate. De acuerdo con la cronología de las monedas y según sus resultados estadísticos, la costumbre o rito de depositar o arrojar «stips» a las aguas, principalmente termales, se practicó en la península Ibérica más intensamente entre los siglos i a. C. al ii d. C. Este período coincide con el momento que más estuvo en boga el uso de las aguas termales, a juzgar por lo que se trató el tema en las fuentes escritas. Al mismo tiempo que se percibe esta moda en la vida diaria, pues Suetonio nos dice que Augusto, a pesar de que por su naturaleza enfermiza no abusaba de los baños, sin embargo, cuando necesitaba templar los nervios tomaba baños de mar o las aguas termales de Albula ^'. De Nerón nos dice que cuando reconstruyó su casa en Roma después del incendio, la famosa domus áurea, hizo llegar a las salas de baño agua de mar y de Albula *"*. Por las aras recogidas en las fuentes termales, sabemos que las divinidades que más se sintieron favorecidas con estas ofrendas monetales fueron las Ninfas y las aguas que más beneficios causaron o por las que se sintieron más agradecidos los visitantes fueron las de aguas sulfuradas- cálcicas, es decir, las que se recomiendan principalmente para los problemas de dermatosis herpética, neurosis y catarros crónicos de las vías respiratorias ^^ sin que ésto signifique que hubiese alguna relación entre las cualidades de las aguas y las divinidades a quienes se dedicaron las aras. Finalmente, conviene señalar que son éstas las únicas conclusiones a las que nos atrevemos a llegar partiendo de las informaciones que tenemos. No obstante, deseamos que en un futuro se produzcan más hallazgos en lugares tan particulares como los señalados, fuentes, ríos y lagos, que nos permitan confirmar o desmentir con más precisión nuestras hipótesis. Para que ésto suceda animo desde aquí a los arqueólogos para que busquen este tipo de yacimientos y tengan en cuenta sus ofrendas, tratándolas con cuidado por su mal estado, y no tardando en darlas a conocer como tales.This paper deals with the finding of thirty one cases of possible monetary offerings to the divinities in the waters of the Spanish península. The largest number of cases involve springs, which make up 74.19 % of the total, of which 78.26 % are hyperthermal springs with temperatures ranging between 15 and 70 C. Most of these springs are to be found ín the West of Spaín. They are mainly connected with the Nymphis, except in the North West, where they are offered up to Apollini, to judge from the devotional alters which can be sean. It would appear, from the coins collected, that the custom of throwing stipes to the deities of the springs was mostly practiced between the 1st century B.C. and the 2nd century A. D., although a slight increase can be seen towards the middie of the 4th century A. D. The thermal springs which benefitted nnost from the profits of these offerings were those with suifuric-caicic waters.

From elephants to ABBA fans, silicon to hormone, the following discussion uses a new research method to look at printed text, motion pictures and a teenage rebel icon. If by ‘print’ we mean a mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium, then printing has been with us since before microdot security prints were painted onto cars, before voice prints, laser prints, network servers, record pressings, motion picture prints, photo prints, colour woodblock prints, before books, textile prints, and footprints. If we accept that higher mammals such as elephants have a learnt culture, then it is possible to extend a definition of printing beyond Homo sapiens. Poole reports that elephants mechanically trumpet reproductions of human car horns into the air surrounding their society. If nothing else, this cross-species, cross-cultural reproduction, this ‘ability to mimic’ is ‘another sign of their intelligence’. Observation of child development suggests that the first significant meaningful ‘impression’ made on the human mind is that of the face of the child’s nurturer – usually its mother. The baby’s mind forms an ‘impression’, a mental print, a reproducible memory data set, of the nurturer’s face, voice, smell, touch, etc. That face is itself a cultural construct: hair style, makeup, piercings, tattoos, ornaments, nutrition-influenced skin and smell, perfume, temperature and voice. A mentally reproducible pattern of a unique face is formed in the mind, and we use that pattern to distinguish ‘familiar and strange’ in our expanding social orbit. The social relations of patterned memory – of imprinting – determine the extent to which we explore our world (armed with research aids such as text print) or whether we turn to violence or self-harm (Bretherton). While our cultural artifacts (such as vellum maps or networked voice message servers) bravely extend our significant patterns into the social world and the traversed environment, it is useful to remember that such artifacts, including print, are themselves understood by our original pattern-reproduction and impression system – the human mind, developed in childhood. The ‘print’ is brought to mind differently in different discourses. For a reader, a ‘print’ is a book, a memo or a broadsheet, whether it is the Indian Buddhist Sanskrit texts ordered to be printed in 593 AD by the Chinese emperor Sui Wen-ti (Silk Road) or the US Defense Department memo authorizing lower ranks to torture the prisoners taken by the Bush administration (Sanchez, cited in ABC). Other fields see prints differently. For a musician, a ‘print’ may be the sheet music which spread classical and popular music around the world; it may be a ‘record’ (as in a ‘recording’ session), where sound is impressed to wax, vinyl, charged silicon particles, or the alloys (Smith, “Elpida”) of an mp3 file. For the fine artist, a ‘print’ may be any mechanically reproduced two-dimensional (or embossed) impression of a significant image in media from paper to metal, textile to ceramics. ‘Print’ embraces the Japanese Ukiyo-e colour prints of Utamaro, the company logos that wink from credit card holographs, the early photographs of Talbot, and the textured patterns printed into neolithic ceramics. Computer hardware engineers print computational circuits. Homicide detectives investigate both sweaty finger prints and the repeated, mechanical gaits of suspects, which are imprinted into the earthy medium of a crime scene. For film makers, the ‘print’ may refer to a photochemical polyester reproduction of a motion picture artifact (the reel of ‘celluloid’), or a DVD laser disc impression of the same film. Textualist discourse has borrowed the word ‘print’ to mean ‘text’, so ‘print’ may also refer to the text elements within the vision track of a motion picture: the film’s opening titles, or texts photographed inside the motion picture story such as the sword-cut ‘Z’ in Zorro (Niblo). Before the invention of writing, the main mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium was the humble footprint in the sand. The footprints of tribes – and neighbouring animals – cut tracks in the vegetation and the soil. Printed tracks led towards food, water, shelter, enemies and friends. Having learnt to pattern certain faces into their mental world, children grew older and were educated in the footprints of family and clan, enemies and food. The continuous impression of significant foot traffic in the medium of the earth produced the lines between significant nodes of prewriting and pre-wheeled cultures. These tracks were married to audio tracks, such as the song lines of the Australian Aborigines, or the ballads of tramping culture everywhere. A typical tramping song has the line, ‘There’s a track winding back to an old-fashion shack along the road to Gundagai,’ (O’Hagan), although this colonial-style song was actually written for radio and became an international hit on the airwaves, rather than the tramping trails. The printed tracks impressed by these cultural flows are highly contested and diverse, and their foot prints are woven into our very language. The names for printed tracks have entered our shared memory from the intersection of many cultures: ‘Track’ is a Germanic word entering English usage comparatively late (1470) and now used mainly in audio visual cultural reproduction, as in ‘soundtrack’. ‘Trek’ is a Dutch word for ‘track’ now used mainly by ecotourists and science fiction fans. ‘Learn’ is a Proto-Indo-European word: the verb ‘learn’ originally meant ‘to find a track’ back in the days when ‘learn’ had a noun form which meant ‘the sole of the foot’. ‘Tract’ and ‘trace’ are Latin words entering English print usage before 1374 and now used mainly in religious, and electronic surveillance, cultural reproduction. ‘Trench’ in 1386 was a French path cut through a forest. ‘Sagacity’ in English print in 1548 was originally the ability to track or hunt, in Proto-Indo-European cultures. ‘Career’ (in English before 1534) was the print made by chariots in ancient Rome. ‘Sleuth’ (1200) was a Norse noun for a track. ‘Investigation’ (1436) was Latin for studying a footprint (Harper). The arrival of symbolic writing scratched on caves, hearth stones, and trees (the original meaning of ‘book’ is tree), brought extremely limited text education close to home. Then, with baked clay tablets, incised boards, slate, bamboo, tortoise shell, cast metal, bark cloth, textiles, vellum, and – later – paper, a portability came to text that allowed any culture to venture away from known ‘foot’ paths with a reduction in the risk of becoming lost and perishing. So began the world of maps, memos, bills of sale, philosophic treatises and epic mythologies. Some of this was printed, such as the mechanical reproduction of coins, but the fine handwriting required of long, extended, portable texts could not be printed until the invention of paper in China about 2000 years ago. Compared to lithic architecture and genes, portable text is a fragile medium, and little survives from the millennia of its innovators. The printing of large non-text designs onto bark-paper and textiles began in neolithic times, but Sui Wen-ti’s imperial memo of 593 AD gives us the earliest written date for printed books, although we can assume they had been published for many years previously. The printed book was a combination of Indian philosophic thought, wood carving, ink chemistry and Chinese paper. The earliest surviving fragment of paper-print technology is ‘Mantras of the Dharani Sutra’, a Buddhist scripture written in the Sanskrit language of the Indian subcontinent, unearthed at an early Tang Dynasty site in Xian, China – making the fragment a veteran piece of printing, in the sense that Sanskrit books had been in print for at least a century by the early Tang Dynasty (Chinese Graphic Arts Net). At first, paper books were printed with page-size carved wooden boards. Five hundred years later, Pi Sheng (c.1041) baked individual reusable ceramic characters in a fire and invented the durable moveable type of modern printing (Silk Road 2000). Abandoning carved wooden tablets, the ‘digitizing’ of Chinese moveable type sped up the production of printed texts. In turn, Pi Sheng’s flexible, rapid, sustainable printing process expanded the political-cultural impact of the literati in Asian society. Digitized block text on paper produced a bureaucratic, literate elite so powerful in Asia that Louis XVI of France copied China’s print-based Confucian system of political authority for his own empire, and so began the rise of the examined public university systems, and the civil service systems, of most European states (Watson, Visions). By reason of its durability, its rapid mechanical reproduction, its culturally agreed signs, literate readership, revered authorship, shared ideology, and distributed portability, a ‘print’ can be a powerful cultural network which builds and expands empires. But print also attacks and destroys empires. A case in point is the Spanish conquest of Aztec America: The Aztecs had immense libraries of American literature on bark-cloth scrolls, a technology which predated paper. These libraries were wiped out by the invading Spanish, who carried a different book before them (Ewins). In the industrial age, the printing press and the gun were seen as the weapons of rebellions everywhere. In 1776, American rebels staffed their ‘Homeland Security’ units with paper makers, knowing that defeating the English would be based on printed and written documents (Hahn). Mao Zedong was a book librarian; Mao said political power came out of the barrel of a gun, but Mao himself came out of a library. With the spread of wireless networked servers, political ferment comes out of the barrel of the cell phone and the internet chat room these days. Witness the cell phone displays of a plane hitting a tower that appear immediately after 9/11 in the Middle East, or witness the show trials of a few US and UK lower ranks who published prints of their torturing activities onto the internet: only lower ranks who published prints were arrested or tried. The control of secure servers and satellites is the new press. These days, we live in a global library of burning books – ‘burning’ in the sense that ‘print’ is now a charged silicon medium (Smith, “Intel”) which is usually made readable by connecting the chip to nuclear reactors and petrochemically-fired power stations. World resources burn as we read our screens. Men, women, children burn too, as we watch our infotainment news in comfort while ‘their’ flickering dead faces are printed in our broadcast hearths. The print we watch is not the living; it is the voodoo of the living in the blackout behind the camera, engaging the blood sacrifice of the tormented and the unfortunate. Internet texts are also ‘on fire’ in the third sense of their fragility and instability as a medium: data bases regularly ‘print’ fail-safe copies in an attempt to postpone the inevitable mechanical, chemical and electrical failure that awaits all electronic media in time. Print defines a moral position for everyone. In reporting conflict, in deciding to go to press or censor, any ‘print’ cannot avoid an ethical context, starting with the fact that there is a difference in power between print maker, armed perpetrators, the weak, the peaceful, the publisher, and the viewer. So many human factors attend a text, video or voice ‘print’: its very existence as an aesthetic object, even before publication and reception, speaks of unbalanced, and therefore dynamic, power relationships. For example, Graham Greene departed unscathed from all the highly dangerous battlefields he entered as a novelist: Riot-torn Germany, London Blitz, Belgian Congo, Voodoo Haiti, Vietnam, Panama, Reagan’s Washington, and mafia Europe. His texts are peopled with the injustices of the less fortunate of the twentieth century, while he himself was a member of the fortunate (if not happy) elite, as is anyone today who has the luxury of time to read Greene’s works for pleasure. Ethically a member of London and Paris’ colonizers, Greene’s best writing still electrifies, perhaps partly because he was in the same line of fire as the victims he shared bread with. In fact, Greene hoped daily that he would escape from the dreadful conflicts he fictionalized via a body bag or an urn of ashes (see Sherry). In reading an author’s biography we have one window on the ethical dimensions of authority and print. If a print’s aesthetics are sometimes enduring, its ethical relationships are always mutable. Take the stylized logo of a running athlete: four limbs bent in a rotation of action. This dynamic icon has symbolized ‘good health’ in Hindu and Buddhist culture, from Madras to Tokyo, for thousands of years. The cross of bent limbs was borrowed for the militarized health programs of 1930s Germany, and, because of what was only a brief, recent, isolated yet monstrously horrific segment of its history in print, the bent-limbed swastika is now a vilified symbol in the West. The sign remains ‘impressed’ differently on traditional Eastern culture, and without the taint of Nazism. Dramatic prints are emotionally charged because, in depicting Homo sapiens in danger, or passionately in love, they elicit a hormonal reaction from the reader, the viewer, or the audience. The type of emotions triggered by a print vary across the whole gamut of human chemistry. A recent study of three genres of motion picture prints shows a marked differences in the hormonal responses of men compared to women when viewing a romance, an actioner, and a documentary (see Schultheiss, Wirth, and Stanton). Society is biochemically diverse in its engagement with printed culture, which raises questions about equality in the arts. Motion picture prints probably comprise around one third of internet traffic, in the form of stolen digitized movie files pirated across the globe via peer-to-peer file transfer networks (p2p), and burnt as DVD laser prints (BBC). There is also a US 40 billion dollar per annum legitimate commerce in DVD laser pressings (Grassl), which would suggest an US 80 billion per annum world total in legitimate laser disc print culture. The actively screen literate, or the ‘sliterati’ as I prefer to call them, research this world of motion picture prints via their peers, their internet information channels, their television programming, and their web forums. Most of this activity occurs outside the ambit of universities and schools. One large site of sliterate (screen literate) practice outside most schooling and official research is the net of online forums at imdb.com (International Movie Data Base). Imdb.com ‘prints’ about 25,000,000 top pages per month to client browsers. Hundreds of sliterati forums are located at imdb, including a forum for the Australian movie, Muriel’s Wedding (Hogan). Ten years after the release of Muriel’s Wedding, young people who are concerned with victimization and bullying still log on to http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/> and put their thoughts into print: I still feel so bad for Muriel in the beginning of the movie, when the girls ‘dump’ her, and how much the poor girl cried and cried! Those girls were such biartches…I love how they got their comeuppance! bunniesormaybemidgets’s comment is typical of the current discussion. Muriel’s Wedding was a very popular film in its first cinema edition in Australia and elsewhere. About 30% of the entire over-14 Australian population went to see this photochemical polyester print in the cinemas on its first release. A decade on, the distributors printed a DVD laser disc edition. The story concerns Muriel (played by Toni Collette), the unemployed daughter of a corrupt, ‘police state’ politician. Muriel is bullied by her peers and she withdraws into a fantasy world, deluding herself that a white wedding will rescue her from the torments of her blighted life. Through theft and deceit (the modus operandi of her father) Muriel escapes to the entertainment industry and finds a ‘wicked’ girlfriend mentor. From a rebellious position of stubborn independence, Muriel plays out her fantasy. She gets her white wedding, before seeing both her father and her new married life as hollow shams which have goaded her abandoned mother to suicide. Redefining her life as a ‘game’ and assuming responsibility for her independence, Muriel turns her back on the mainstream, image-conscious, female gang of her oppressed youth. Muriel leaves the story, having rekindled her friendship with her rebel mentor. My methodological approach to viewing the laser disc print was to first make a more accessible, coded record of the entire movie. I was able to code and record the print in real time, using a new metalanguage (Watson, “Eyes”). The advantage of Coding is that ‘thinks’ the same way as film making, it does not sidetrack the analyst into prose. The Code splits the movie print into Vision Action [vision graphic elements, including text] (sound) The Coding splits the vision track into normal action and graphic elements, such as text, so this Coding is an ideal method for extracting all the text elements of a film in real time. After playing the film once, I had four and a half tightly packed pages of the coded story, including all its text elements in square brackets. Being a unique, indexed hard copy, the Coded copy allowed me immediate access to any point of the Muriel’s Wedding saga without having to search the DVD laser print. How are ‘print’ elements used in Muriel’s Wedding? Firstly, a rose-coloured monoprint of Muriel Heslop’s smiling face stares enigmatically from the plastic surface of the DVD picture disc. The print is a still photo captured from her smile as she walked down the aisle of her white wedding. In this print, Toni Collette is the Mona Lisa of Australian culture, except that fans of Muriel’s Wedding know the meaning of that smile is a magical combination of the actor’s art: the smile is both the flush of dreams come true and the frightening self deception that will kill her mother. Inserting and playing the disc, the text-dominant menu appears, and the film commences with the text-dominant opening titles. Text and titles confer a legitimacy on a work, whether it is a trade mark of the laser print owners, or the household names of stars. Text titles confer status relationships on both the presenters of the cultural artifact and the viewer who has entered into a legal license agreement with the owners of the movie. A title makes us comfortable, because the mind always seeks to name the unfamiliar, and a set of text titles does that job for us so that we can navigate the ‘tracks’ and settle into our engagement with the unfamiliar. The apparent ‘truth’ and ‘stability’ of printed text calms our fears and beguiles our uncertainties. Muriel attends the white wedding of a school bully bride, wearing a leopard print dress she has stolen. Muriel’s spotted wild animal print contrasts with the pure white handmade dress of the bride. In Muriel’s leopard textile print, we have the wild, rebellious, impoverished, inappropriate intrusion into the social ritual and fantasy of her high-status tormentor. An off-duty store detective recognizes the printed dress and calls the police. The police are themselves distinguished by their blue-and-white checked prints and other mechanically reproduced impressions of cultural symbols: in steel, brass, embroidery, leather and plastics. Muriel is driven in the police car past the stenciled town sign (‘Welcome To Porpoise Spit’ heads a paragraph of small print). She is delivered to her father, a politician who presides over the policing of his town. In a state where the judiciary, police and executive are hijacked by the same tyrant, Muriel’s father, Bill, pays off the police constables with a carton of legal drugs (beer) and Muriel must face her father’s wrath, which he proceeds to transfer to his detested wife. Like his daughter, the father also wears a spotted brown print costume, but his is a batik print from neighbouring Indonesia (incidentally, in a nation that takes the political status of its batik prints very seriously). Bill demands that Muriel find the receipt for the leopard print dress she claims she has purchased. The legitimate ownership of the object is enmeshed with a printed receipt, the printed evidence of trade. The law (and the paramilitary power behind the law) are legitimized, or contested, by the presence or absence of printed text. Muriel hides in her bedroom, surround by poster prints of the pop group ABBA. Torn-out prints of other people’s weddings adorn her mirror. Her face is embossed with the clown-like primary colours of the marionette as she lifts a bouquet to her chin and stares into the real time ‘print’ of her mirror image. Bill takes the opportunity of a business meeting with Japanese investors to feed his entire family at ‘Charlie Chan’’s restaurant. Muriel’s middle sister sloppily wears her father’s state election tee shirt, printed with the text: ‘Vote 1, Bill Heslop. You can’t stop progress.’ The text sets up two ironic gags that are paid off on the dialogue track: “He lost,’ we are told. ‘Progress’ turns out to be funding the concreting of a beach. Bill berates his daughter Muriel: she has no chance of becoming a printer’s apprentice and she has failed a typing course. Her dysfunction in printed text has been covered up by Bill: he has bribed the typing teacher to issue a printed diploma to his daughter. In the gambling saloon of the club, under the arrays of mechanically repeated cultural symbols lit above the poker machines (‘A’ for ace, ‘Q’ for queen, etc.), Bill’s secret girlfriend Diedre risks giving Muriel a cosmetics job. Another text icon in lights announces the surf nightclub ‘Breakers’. Tania, the newly married queen bitch who has made Muriel’s teenage years a living hell, breaks up with her husband, deciding to cash in his negotiable text documents – his Bali honeymoon tickets – and go on an island holiday with her girlfriends instead. Text documents are the enduring site of agreements between people and also the site of mutations to those agreements. Tania dumps Muriel, who sobs and sobs. Sobs are a mechanical, percussive reproduction impressed on the sound track. Returning home, we discover that Muriel’s older brother has failed a printed test and been rejected for police recruitment. There is a high incidence of print illiteracy in the Heslop family. Mrs Heslop (Jeannie Drynan), for instance, regularly has trouble at the post office. Muriel sees a chance to escape the oppression of her family by tricking her mother into giving her a blank cheque. Here is the confluence of the legitimacy of a bank’s printed negotiable document with the risk and freedom of a blank space for rebel Muriel’s handwriting. Unable to type, her handwriting has the power to steal every cent of her father’s savings. She leaves home and spends the family’s savings at an island resort. On the island, the text print-challenged Muriel dances to a recording (sound print) of ABBA, her hand gestures emphasizing her bewigged face, which is made up in an impression of her pop idol. Her imitation of her goddesses – the ABBA women, her only hope in a real world of people who hate or avoid her – is accompanied by her goddesses’ voices singing: ‘the mystery book on the shelf is always repeating itself.’ Before jpeg and gif image downloads, we had postcard prints and snail mail. Muriel sends a postcard to her family, lying about her ‘success’ in the cosmetics business. The printed missal is clutched by her father Bill (Bill Hunter), who proclaims about his daughter, ‘you can’t type but you really impress me’. Meanwhile, on Hibiscus Island, Muriel lies under a moonlit palm tree with her newly found mentor, ‘bad girl’ Ronda (Rachel Griffiths). In this critical scene, where foolish Muriel opens her heart’s yearnings to a confidante she can finally trust, the director and DP have chosen to shoot a flat, high contrast blue filtered image. The visual result is very much like the semiabstract Japanese Ukiyo-e woodblock prints by Utamaro. This Japanese printing style informed the rise of European modern painting (Monet, Van Gogh, Picasso, etc., were all important collectors and students of Ukiyo-e prints). The above print and text elements in Muriel’s Wedding take us 27 minutes into her story, as recorded on a single page of real-time handwritten Coding. Although not discussed here, the Coding recorded the complete film – a total of 106 minutes of text elements and main graphic elements – as four pages of Code. Referring to this Coding some weeks after it was made, I looked up the final code on page four: taxi [food of the sea] bq. Translation: a shop sign whizzes past in the film’s background, as Muriel and Ronda leave Porpoise Spit in a taxi. Over their heads the text ‘Food Of The Sea’ flashes. We are reminded that Muriel and Ronda are mermaids, fantastic creatures sprung from the brow of author PJ Hogan, and illuminated even today in the pantheon of women’s coming-of-age art works. That the movie is relevant ten years on is evidenced by the current usage of the Muriel’s Wedding online forum, an intersection of wider discussions by sliterate women on imdb.com who, like Muriel, are observers (and in some cases victims) of horrific pressure from ambitious female gangs and bullies. Text is always a minor element in a motion picture (unless it is a subtitled foreign film) and text usually whizzes by subliminally while viewing a film. By Coding the work for [text], all the text nuances made by the film makers come to light. While I have viewed Muriel’s Wedding on many occasions, it has only been in Coding it specifically for text that I have noticed that Muriel is a representative of that vast class of talented youth who are discriminated against by print (as in text) educators who cannot offer her a life-affirming identity in the English classroom. Severely depressed at school, and failing to type or get a printer’s apprenticeship, Muriel finds paid work (and hence, freedom, life, identity, independence) working in her audio visual printed medium of choice: a video store in a new city. Muriel found a sliterate admirer at the video store but she later dumped him for her fantasy man, before leaving him too. One of the points of conjecture on the imdb Muriel’s Wedding site is, did Muriel (in the unwritten future) get back together with admirer Brice Nobes? That we will never know. While a print forms a track that tells us where culture has been, a print cannot be the future, a print is never animate reality. At the end of any trail of prints, one must lift one’s head from the last impression, and negotiate satisfaction in the happening world. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation. “Memo Shows US General Approved Interrogations.” 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. British Broadcasting Commission. “Films ‘Fuel Online File-Sharing’.’’ 22 Feb. 2005 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/3890527.stm>. Bretherton, I. “The Origins of Attachment Theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth.” 1994. 23 Jan. 2005 http://www.psy.med.br/livros/autores/bowlby/bowlby.pdf>. Bunniesormaybemidgets. Chat Room Comment. “What Did Those Girls Do to Rhonda?” 28 Mar. 2005 http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/>. Chinese Graphic Arts Net. Mantras of the Dharani Sutra. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.cgan.com/english/english/cpg/engcp10.htm>. Ewins, R. Barkcloth and the Origins of Paper. 1991. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.justpacific.com/pacific/papers/barkcloth~paper.html>. Grassl K.R. The DVD Statistical Report. 14 Mar. 2005 http://www.corbell.com>. Hahn, C. M. The Topic Is Paper. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.nystamp.org/Topic_is_paper.html>. Harper, D. Online Etymology Dictionary. 14 Mar. 2005 http://www.etymonline.com/>. Mask of Zorro, The. Screenplay by J McCulley. UA, 1920. Muriel’s Wedding. Dir. PJ Hogan. Perf. Toni Collette, Rachel Griffiths, Bill Hunter, and Jeannie Drynan. Village Roadshow, 1994. O’Hagan, Jack. On The Road to Gundagai. 1922. 2 Apr. 2005 http://ingeb.org/songs/roadtogu.html>. Poole, J.H., P.L. Tyack, A.S. Stoeger-Horwath, and S. Watwood. “Animal Behaviour: Elephants Are Capable of Vocal Learning.” Nature 24 Mar. 2005. Sanchez, R. “Interrogation and Counter-Resistance Policy.” 14 Sept. 2003. 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. Schultheiss, O.C., M.M. Wirth, and S.J. Stanton. “Effects of Affiliation and Power Motivation Arousal on Salivary Progesterone and Testosterone.” Hormones and Behavior 46 (2005). Sherry, N. The Life of Graham Greene. 3 vols. London: Jonathan Cape 2004, 1994, 1989. Silk Road. Printing. 2000. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.silk-road.com/artl/printing.shtml>. Smith, T. “Elpida Licenses ‘DVD on a Chip’ Memory Tech.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. —. “Intel Boffins Build First Continuous Beam Silicon Laser.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. Watson, R. S. “Eyes And Ears: Dramatic Memory Slicing and Salable Media Content.” Innovation and Speculation, ed. Brad Haseman. Brisbane: QUT. [in press] Watson, R. S. Visions. Melbourne: Curriculum Corporation, 1994. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Watson, Robert. "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion." M/C Journal 8.2 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>. APA Style Watson, R. (Jun. 2005) "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion," M/C Journal, 8(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>.

Se admite que, al menos, una de cada cinco ciudadanas de la UE ha sido víctima de violencia doméstica, y creemos que, por desgracia, todavía es más frecuente en España, para ello se propuso un estudio gestionado por Socidrogalcohol, subvencionado por el Plan Nacional sobre Drogas, del que se van a derivar otros hacia otras comunidades más específicamente. Objetivos: Objetivo general: relacionar el consumo de alcohol y los malos tratos a la pareja, así como algunos factores asociados al mismo. Objetivos específicos: conocer algunos aspectos vinculados a las características sanitarias y sociales de las mujeres que hubieran podido sufrir malos tratos. Metodología: Se estudió una muestra de mujeres de la provincia de Valencia, entre mujeres que habían sufrido malos tratos y se hallaban en centros de acogida como grupo general y entre mujeres que participaban en asociaciones de alcohólicos rehabilitados o centros de atención al alcoholismo, fundamentalmente como esposas, como grupo específico, que quisieran voluntariamente participar. Siendo la muestra final de 148 mujeres. Las variables que se estudiaron fueron las características sociodemográficas, violencia y malos tratos en hogar, denuncias problemas legales, asociación entre alcohol y violencia familiar.Es un estudio abierto, muestra con participación voluntaria. Se puede definir como descriptivo y al que queremos establecer algunas comparaciones entre ambos entre ambos grupos de mujeres, sin llegar a ser un grupo control. Se ha realizado con cuestionario elaborado ad hoc para la recogida de dicha información y obtenida con personal entrenado en los servicios sociales y de atención a mujeres. Resultados: El 62% eran mujeres de centros de acogida y el resto en centros de alcoholismo. Las edades más frecuentes oscilaban entre los 36-45 años. Una mayoría de ellas estaba o había estado casada por la iglesia o por lo civil. Los ingresos mensuales se situaban entre las de 100.000 pesetas o menos. Un 77% de ellas había tenido hijos. El 49% eran amas de casa y un 40% trabajaban en casa y fuera de ella. Los trabajos más frecuentes fueron las limpiezas, administrativas y hostelería. Sus parejas tenían trabajo remunerado en un 34% en el grupo general y 42% entre las del grupo específico Un 18% consumía alcohol habitualmente y un 63% no bebía. Un 56% de las parejas del grupo general bebía y actualmente no lo hacía un 25,7%. Entre ellos había un 46% de bebedores diarios o casi diarios, aunque hay que decir que de las mujeres que respondieron, un 60% no sabía exactamente cuánto bebía ni con qué frecuencia lo hacia. Por lo que respecta al grupo específico, a pesar de ser centros de rehabilitación de alcohólicos un 11% de ellos seguía bebiendo. Al menos, un 30% de ellas había recibido tratamiento psiquiátrico, por ansiedad o depresión. Al menos, un 18% de sus parejas había recibido tratamiento psiquiátrico. Entre los antecedentes de agresiones en las familias, nos respondieron que un 23% de ellas habían sufrido malos tratos en su familia, especialmente procedentes de sus padres. La mayoría de las agresiones fue de tipo físico y psicológico, seguido de violencia sexual en el grupo general. En el grupo específico, predominaban las que respondieron que habían sido malos tratos psicológicos. El inicio de las agresiones en el grupo general fue al año de matrimonio, seguidas de las que nos mencionaron que habían sido maltratadas ya en el noviazgo y al nacer el primer hijo. Por lo que respecta a los motivos del inicio de las agresiones fueron los siguientes: desconfianza en sí mismos, problemas económicos, problemas laborales y por el consumo de alcohol de la entrevistada. Los motivos para plantearse las denuncias fueron: la pérdida de miedo al agresor, el miedo a la muerte, la mayor ayuda de la administración y una mayor sensibilidad social. No denunciaron por: dependencia económica, miedo a represalias, nuevo comportamiento del marido, vergüenza y sentimientos de culpa. Entre las consecuencias de los malos tratos podemos encontrar: síntomas depresivos, miedo a las represalias, miedo a perder la tutela de los hijos, intentos de suicidio, inicio consumo de alcohol. Hemos cruzado una serie de variables que definirían al alcohólico como es el consumo del mismo, la frecuencia y la cantidad, con variables como los motivos para iniciar los malos tratos, tiempo en qué empezaron los malos tratos y el haber denunciado los malos tratos, encontramos que hay correlaciones significativas entre consumo de alcohol de la pareja y el haber tenido problemas laborales y problemas económicos y su consumo de alcohol, el haber empezado los malos tratos en el noviazgo. El número de consumiciones correlaciona significativamente con: su consumo de alcohol, los celos y problemas de salud mental, junto con su costumbre de pegar a las mujeres. La frecuencia de consumo de alcohol de la pareja ha correlacionado significativamente con: iniciar las agresiones al nacer el primer hijo. Conclusiones: Los datos obtenidos nos permiten afirmar que el consumo de alcohol de las parejas ha sido una causa frecuente entre las mujeres maltratadas, así como nos encontramos con un perfil aproximado de las características de estos grupos de mujeres que, por desgracia son frecuentes en nuestro país. AbstractIt is admitted that, at least, one of each five citizens of the EU has been victim of domestic violence, and we believe that, unfortunately, it is still more frequent in Spain. It is intended a study carried out by Socidrogalcohol, subsidized by the National Plan on Drugs, of which will be derived others specifically toward other more communities. Objectives: General Objective: to relate the consumption of alcohol and the rough treatments to the couple, as well as some factors associated to the same one. Specific objectives: to know some aspects linked to the sanitary and social characteristics of the women that had been able to suffer rough treatments.Methodology: a sample of women of the province of Valencia was studied, among women that had suffered rough treatments and they were in welcome centers as general group and among women that participated in recovery alcoholic’ associations or centers of attention to the alcoholism, fundamentally like wives, as specific group that wanted voluntarily to participate. Being the final sample of 148 women. The variables that were studied, were the sociodemographic characteristics, violence and rough treatments at home, accusations of legal problems, association between alcohol and family violence. It is an open study, it shows with voluntary participation. It can be defined as descriptive and to the one that want to stablish some comparisons between both between both women’s group, whitouth ending up being a group control. It has been carried out with questionnaire elaborated ad hoc for the collection of this information and obtained with personnel trained in the social services and of attention to women. Results: 62% were women of refuge centers and the rest in centers of alcoholism. The mos frequent ages oscillated among 36-45 years. A majority of the were or had benn married by the Church or for the Civil way. The monthly revenues were located among those of 100.000 Spanish Pesetas or less. 77% of them had had children. 49% were housewives and 40% they worked at home and outside of her. The most frequent works were the cleanings, administrative and hostelry. Their couples had work remunerate in 34% in the general group and 42% among those of the specific group. 18% Habitually consumed alcohol and 63% didn’t drink. 56% Of the couples of the general group drank and at the moment didn’t make it 25,7%. Among them there were 46% of daily or almost daily drinkers, although it is necessary to say that of the women that responded, 60% didn’t know exactly how much they drank, neither with what frequency him toward. Regarding the specific group, in spite of being rehabilitation centers of alcoholic 11% of them it continued drinking. At least, 30% of them had received psychiatric treatment, for anxiety or depression. At least, 18% of its couples had received psychiatric treatment. Among the antecedents of aggressions in the families, they responded us what 23% of them had suffered rough treatments in its family, specially coming from its parents. Most of the aggressions were of physicial and psychological type, followed by sexual violence in the general group. In the specific group, those that responded prevailed that they had been rough psychological trataments. The beginning of the aggressions in the general group went to the year of marriage, followed by those that mentioned us that they had already been mistreated in the courtship and when being born the first son. Regarding the reasons of the begginning of the aggressions they were the following ones: distrust in themselves, economic problems, labor problems and the consumption of the interviewee’s alcohol. The reasons to think about the accusations were: the loss of fear to the aggressor, the fear to the death, the biggest help in the administration and a bigger social sensibility. They didn’t denounce for: economic dependence, fear to reprisals, the husband’s new behaviour, shame and blame feelings. Among the consequences of the rough treatments we can find: depressive symptoms of the rough treatments, fear to the reprisals, fear to lose the guides of the children, suicide intents, beginning consumption of alcohol. We have crossed a series of variables that they would define the alcoholic as itis the consumption of the same one, the frequency and the quantity, with variables as the reasons to begin the rough treatments, time in waht the bad are significant correlations among consumption of alcohol of the couple and having had labor problems and economic problems and their consumption of alcohol, the jealousies and problems of mental health, together with its habit of hitting the women. The frequency of consumption of alcohol of the couple has correlated significantly with: to begin the aggressions when being born the first son. Conclusions: The obtained data allow us to affirm that the consumption of alcohol by the couples has been a frequent cause among the battered women, as well as we meet with an approximate profile of the characteristics of these groups of women that, unfortunately they are frequent in our country.

“Alegria nas mãos, primavera nos dentes” Aos vinte e dois dias do ano de dois mil e vinte e dois, quingentésimo vigésimo segundo aniversário do baixo começo, o chão de Nhoesembé tremeu. Não pelas forças da Terra, que ali são firmes — do que provém o batismo tardio de Porto Seguro, na Bahia. O que moveu o chão e suspendeu um pouco o céu foi o passo ritmado da marcha cantante dos pataxós, que naquela manhã partiam rumo à capital do estado para o 4º Acampamento dos Povos Indígenas da Bahia, quando trombaram pelo caminho com os preparativos de aparição da comitiva de inimigos oficiais da vida, recém-chegada de Brasília, para participar das mórbidas celebrações em torno dos 522 anos da chegada das caravelas portuguesas a Pindorama. Enquanto a Polícia Federal rondava, engatilhada, as imediações do Marco do Descobrimento, protegendo o palanque ainda vazio, a multidão formada por quinze aldeias indígenas cantarolava em direção à praça. Entre cantos de guerra e exaltações de alegria, um recado soa mais alto: “Pega seu governo genocida e vai embora!”.Tratada pelos jornais e sites de notícia como apenas mais uma imagem invisível destes tempos revirados, o ato Pataxó circula pelas redes sociais em vídeos feitos pelos próprios indígenas, mas também por blogueiros locais, jornalistas e, sem espanto, por apoiadores da máquina genocidária que hoje se atualiza em governo. No mar de imagens que deslizamos na tela dos smartphones, uma parece insistir: à frente da multidão, o cacique Zeca Pataxó (coordenador estadual do Movimento Indígenas da Bahia) afasta com os braços as barreiras instaladas para delimitar o percurso até o palanque.Em segundos, as grades de metal que interditam o contato entre o dentro e o fora do poder são lançadas umas sobre as outras, cedendo ao gesto implacável das mãos Pataxó, desfazendo o frágil alinhamento da barreira sobre o chão. Em impulsos ritmados pelos tambores às suas costas, o corpo do cacique faz passagem para a multidão que avança, alegre, alargando o caminho. “Os índios tão quebrando tudo”, diz um homem que grava o ato, discípulo audiovisual de Caminha, acusando seu próprio modo de ver o mundo. “Isto tomávamos nós nesse sentido, por assim o desejarmos!”Diante da presença contagiante dos Pataxó, os habitualmente ruidosos apoiadores do fascismo verde-amarelo emudecem, titubeiam, engolindo a poeira da dança. Aos semblantes atordoados do patriotismo cafona, o povo da terra contrapõe sua presença irresistível. Os inimigos, impotentes, se evadem. “Apequenante” como sempre, o chefe de Estado mede seus passos entre amedrontados.O que estas cenas podem nos dizer ultrapassa a mera sucessão das ocorrências. A imagem do Cacique e do seu povo arrebentando a barreira imaginária que os separa do livre movimento implica uma energia política em tudo distinta daquela que preparou o palanque fascista e faz circular as “andanças” do seu porta-voz, angariando engajamento através dessa eficaz algoritmia da tristeza. Ele, que precisa ser visto e ouvido para poder, não interessa aos olhos e ouvidos Pataxó. O ato carnavalesco do povo enlutado não pede que este corpo político apodrecido os escute ou os veja. Exige, ao contrário, que ele vá embora, que se pique!Poder pouco não impede que a multidão saiba muito bem o que pode. Atrapalhar a propaganda da morte com a presença da vida é “ter a força de saber que existe”, como nos lembra certa canção inatual. O gesto dos braços que rompem a ordem mortífera é um lampejo do que nos torna vivos. E olhar para o tempo assim é teimar em sempre poder contar outra história. As grades do corredor presidencial não resistem à alegria dos braços indígenas, porque as mãos Pataxó sorriem para o aço, que recua, se amontoa e diz seu sim metálico. O rosto do Cacique, “tranquilo e infalível”, transmite a alegria de quem não precisa sorrir, pois “entre os dentes segura a primavera”.É preciso ter sido feito da mesma debilidade das grades (do palanque, da história…) para respeitá-las e obedecê-las. Do contrário, testaríamos sua força lançando mão da nossa. Mas o que há nas mãos do Cacique para que ele perceba isso que nos tem escapado? Como inventar, concretamente, nossa própria capacidade de agir, de também fazer fugir o medo e a tristeza? Impulsionados pelo gesto Pataxó, perguntamos: como abrir o presente? Este livro reúne e combina as forças de cada vida que o teceu (por dentro e por fora das autorias) em meio ao desastre humanitário que nos atinge pandêmica e politicamente. Fruto da articulação do Grupo de Trabalho Políticas da Subjetividade, vinculado à Associação Nacional de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação em Psicologia, Abrir o presente: inventar mundos, narrar a vida, enfrentar o fascismo entrelaça em suas linhas a composição de uma abertura prospectiva do nosso tempo, interpelando-o através de três vias, a saber: a análise dos processos de subjetivação em meio às políticas neoliberais no campo do trabalho, da educação, da saúde, da assistência social, da cidade, da justiça e dos direitos humanos; experimentações ficcionais, figurativas e fabulativas como aposta para a produção de afetações e deslocamentos sensíveis em processos de subjetivação hegemônicos, a partir de estratégias metodológicas inventivas construídas na singularidade dos seus campos de atuação; e por fim, o acionamento de práticas clínico-políticas atentas aos processos de resistência frente ao conservadorismo e ao acirramento de violências relativas aos marcadores raciais, de gênero, de classe e de privação sensorial e motora. Tarefas enormes, intermináveis, é verdade. Razão pela qual elas precisam de muitas mãos. O livro que se segue é, neste sentido, um convite à cumplicidade que estes pequenos-grandes combates exigem entre nós.Começamos com as mãos de Danichi Mizoguchi, Marcelo Ferreira e Maria Elizabeth Barros de Barros em “Subjetividades e sujeições no fascismo tropical?”, capítulo que aborda o projeto político jamais escamoteado na ocupação da máquina pública federal brasileira: um fascismo tropical. São exaltadas problemáticas do Brasil contemporâneo marcadas por extrema violência estatal para com as dissidências e minorias e pelo enfrentamento negacionista do governo de Jair Bolsonaro em relação à pandemia de Covid-19. Partindo das perguntas: “como enfrentar esse modo de subjetivação tão duradouro na história brasileira e que hoje viceja na cena pública sem qualquer escrúpulo? Como disputar a existência de outros mundos possíveis? Afinal, que outras imagens e que outras vidas ainda podemos inventar?”, os autores e a autora discutem as modulações do microfascismo espraiado como fluxo e tornado modo de vida, tecendo análises de que é preciso sustentar um movimento de revolta. Revolta como disputa na criação de mundos e de modos de produção subjetiva.Em “Contar nossos mortos”, Gabriel Lacerda de Resende trata das políticas de desaparecimento, com destaque àquelas praticadas no Brasil de hoje, indagando: “como contamos nossos mortos?”. Transitando por entre considerações bio e necropolíticas, suas análises abordam a particular conexão entre morte, violência e luto, destacando a importância de narrar as vidas e as mortes, com destaque para aquelas relacionadas aos mais diversos contornos da violência de Estado, tal como expresso em falas do atual presidente brasileiro quanto aos desaparecidos políticos ou às pessoas mortas pela Covid-19. “É tempo de escavar este solo de valas comuns, este solo de que somos filhos. É tempo de buscarmos na solidariedade lutuosa e na força da memória o empuxo para interromper, ainda que por um frágil instante, o curso da barbárie”, diz o autor.As mãos carnavalescas e antropofágicas de Juliana Cecchetti, Eder Amaral e Danichi Hausen Mizoguchi estão juntas no terceiro capítulo. “‘Nunca fomos catequizados. Fizemos foi carnaval’: a vacina antropofágica contra a doença fascista” busca em experiências estéticas brasileiras de cem anos para cá o que chamam de “fagulhas de insurreição”. Do carnaval de 1919 (pós-gripe espanhola) à Semana de Arte Moderna, e desta à Tropicália, ao Teatro Oficina, ao Cinema Novo e tanto mais, o trio revisita o modernismo antropofágico explorando sua potência de invenção de mundos, pela alegria e pela erotização do agir na defesa de um sair da linha, como modo de restaurar a “vacina antropofágica”.Ainda sob os ares da festa, Juliana Cecchetti e Marcelo Santana Ferreira dão as mãos em “Outras doces barbáries: a força dos carnavais na disputa do presente”. Nele, discute-se a inesgotabilidade do sentido do carnaval, explorando-o como potência de uma alegria que revoluciona e a carnavalização na qualidade de força de interrupção da cronologia, tentativa oportuna de se abrigar no tempo intensivo da festa para indicar que se está em luta. Partindo da cena de um Rio de Janeiro de 2021, sem carnaval devido à pandemia de Covid-19, sob a “égide” de uma política genocida e negacionista em que a alegria parece ter sucumbido, a dupla pergunta: “quando o carnaval se recolhe, o que ele ainda tem a nos dizer em relação à viabilidade da vida e da existência em comum que não estão separadas da alegria?”.“Como o discurso de ódio pode prosperar com tal facilidade entre nós? Por que nos é tão difícil compor com a diferença, uma vez que ela é também uma direção estratégica? Como promover outras modulações micropolíticas dos encontros com as diferenças de modo a escapar deste voraz jogo de assimilação pela colonização, fetichização, tokenismo?”. Estas perguntas nos chegam pelas mãos de Vanessa Maurente, Luis Artur Costa e Cleci Maraschin em seus “Ensaios para figurações: Indústria do Gênero e Ilhas dos Afetos”. A partir daí, as autoras e o autor trazem elementos de suas experiências de pesquisa e extensão pelo nucogs (Núcleo de Ecologias e Políticas Cognitivas/UFRGS), onde empregam tecnologias materiais, semióticas e coletivas, promovendo jogos narrativos que tensionem e desloquem as formas normativas hegemônicas que costumam conformar nossas experiências e fazeres com o mundo. São abordadas duas experiências de jogo em particular: A Indústria do Gênero e Ilha dos Afetos, as quais geraram uma estranha experiência familiar com o presente, bem como envolvem a construção coletiva de sentidos sobre afetos e experiências na e com a diferença.“Por uma Clínica do Trabalho antirracista” vem das mãos de Tatiane Oliveira e Fernanda Spanier Amador. Decorrendo da pesquisa de mestrado intitulada Racializar o problema clínico do trabalho: professoras negras e experiência do trabalho como atividade na educação básica, defendida no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Psicologia Social e Institucional/UFRGS, discute-se aqui a necessidade de racializar as Clínicas do Trabalho. Trata-se de interpelar a dimensão racializada da experiência por entre a história do ofício, a qual permite-nos compreender como o racismo sustenta certos gêneros profissionais. Partindo do conceito de Estilo em Clínica da Atividade, apresenta-se a original formulação das Estilizações Marginais (produzidas no escopo da dissertação em questão), isto é, aquilo que diz das estratégias empregadas pelas docentes negras na direção da expansão do poder de ação no trabalho, uma vez que enfrentam, reiteradamente, o não reconhecimento de sua contribuição ao ofício por parte da branquitude. Argumenta-se pela urgente necessidade de tensionar o campo das Clínicas do Trabalho na direção de um fazer comprometido com uma prática antirracista, comprometido com um fazer clínico que escute, veja e problematize as práticas de violência racista que conformam o cotidiano do trabalho e do próprio ofício.Ainda com as mãos sobre o trabalho, Fabio Hebert, Fernanda Spanier Amador, Jéssica Prudente e Maria Elizabeth Barros de Barros escrevem “Sobre ofício e cosmopolíticas: quando a vida no trabalho se torna defensável?”. Nele são levantados elementos analíticos relativos a como conectar trabalho a uma vida digna de ser vivida. Partindo dos desafios ético, políticos e estéticos, tendo em vista os modos como se têm cuidado do planeta, liga-se a pergunta: “como cuidar do trabalho no presente distópico?.” Levando em conta o recrudescimento dos fascismos e da intensificação precarização do trabalho contemporâneo, analisa-se a gravidade do que se passa com os ofícios no presente. Partindo do argumento de Yves Clot de que a vida precisa ser defensável no e pelo trabalho para que a sua prática opere saúde, trabalhos nos quais a vida não é defensável requer de nós, pessoas que exercemos a Clínica do Trabalho, um posicionamento específico de crítica que não oferte amortecimento do sofrimento, mas que também possa compor com as narrativas e possa operar em outras cosmopolíticas. Por isso reafirma-se a impossibilidade de ofício em certos casos, o que nos mostra uma situação extrema de degradação existencial.“Por uma ética da desobediência para o presente” chega pelas mãos de Jéssica Prudente e Rosimeri de Oliveira Dias. O capítulo trata do desobedecer no tempo presente como um imperativo ético, uma aposta na vida aliançada com a coragem intrínseca aos riscos das modulações do fascismo contemporâneo. Entre essas urgências que as condições de possibilidade do presente engendram, propõe-se dois eixos de análise e de intervenção, pela transversalização de experiências e operação de resistências à aderência fascista que restringe possibilidades de criação e convoca obediência. O primeiro eixo é o da desobediência e o segundo eixo trata da coragem e da alteridade, atravessados pela noção de crítica. Afirma-se uma escrita que se singulariza pelo feminino, escrita por mulheres entre suas práticas na educação e na saúde.Encerramos os trabalhos “Por entre conversas e histórias com povos originários para adiar o fim do mundo”. Feito pelas mãos de Cristiane Bremenkamp Cruz, Fabio Hebert da Silva e Rosimeri de Oliveira Dias. Tecido entre Espírito Santo, Pará e Rio de Janeiro e pela inspiração das Ideias para adiar o fim do mundo, de Ailton Krenak (2019) —, o nono e último capítulo traz histórias como forma de enfrentar o presente em companhia dos povos originários. “Como temos sido capazes de afirmar vida em tempos tão sombrios como os que vivemos no presente? Como nos utilizamos desta conexão e interlocução com os povos originários para que elas sustentem uma aposta ético-estética-política de resistência às práticas de individualização? De que modos podemos nos engajar em experimentações coletivas que busquem tecer possibilidades de um futuro aberto à alteridade e sua própria tessitura coletiva e comum? Como explorar conexões com novas potências de agir, sentir, imaginar e pensar, geradoras de alegria e de solidariedade, enfrentando o modo de produção capitalista e o projeto de eliminação necropolítico que ganha força na contemporaneidade?” são algumas das interrogações das autoras e do autor ao longo do texto.Padecer de Brasil não é coisa que se aguente sozinho. Abrir o presente, sintagma plural e polifônico, nos parece uma maneira direta de cuidar do pensamento e do corpo, de empurrar barreiras entre nós, de abrir passagem e mexer no clima. Cada linha deste livro é um gesto no sentido da restauração do nosso tamanho, isto é, daquilo que alcançamos andando com os pés no sonho. Outono do ano em que voltamos a nos encontrar! Eder Amaral; Fernanda Spanier Amador; Rosimeri de Oliveira Dias

This article is concerned with dance as an embodied form of collective remembering in the Andean department of Ayacucho in Peru. Andean dance and fiesta are inextricably linked with notions of identity, cultural heritage and history. Rather than being simply aesthetic —steps to music or a series of movements — dance is readable as being a deeper embodiment of the broader struggles and concerns of a people. As anthropologist Zoila Mendoza writes, in post-colonial countries such as those in Africa and Latin America, dance is and was a means “through which people contested, domesticated and reworked signs of domination in their society” (39). Andean dance has long been a space of contestation and resistance (Abercrombie; Bigenho; Isbell; Mendoza; Stern). It also functions as a repository, a dynamic archive which holds and tells the collective narrative of a cultural time and space. As Jane Cowan observes “dance is much more than knowing the steps; it involves both social knowledge and social power” (xii). In cultures where the written word has not played a central role in the construction and transmission of knowledge, dance is a particularly rich resource for understanding. “Embodied practice, along with and bound up with other cultural practices, offers a way of knowing” (Taylor 3). This is certainly true in the Andes of Peru where dance, music and fiesta are central to social, cultural, economic and political life. This article combines the areas of cultural memory with aspects of dance anthropology in a bid to reveal what is often unspoken and discover new ways of accessing and understanding non-verbal forms of memory through the embodied medium of dance. In societies where dance is integral to daily life the dance becomes an important resource for a deeper understanding of social and cultural memory. However, this characteristic of the dance has been largely overlooked in the field of memory studies. Paul Connerton writes, “… that there is an aspect of social memory which has been greatly ignored but is absolutely essential: bodily social memory” (382). I am interested in the role of dance as a site memory because as a dancer I am acutely aware of embodied memory and of the importance of dance as a narrative mode, not only for the dancer but also for the spectator. This article explores the case study of rural carnival performed in the city of Huamanga, in the Andean department of Ayacucho and includes interviews I conducted with rural campesinos (this literally translates as people from the country, however, it is a complex term imbedded with notions of class and race) between June 2009 and March 2010. Through examining the transformative effect of what I call the chorography of place, I argue that rural campesinos embody the memory of place, dancing that place into being in the urban setting as a means of remembering and maintaining connection to their homeland and salvaging cultural heritage.The department of Ayacucho is located in the South-Central Andes of Peru. The majority of the population are Quechua-speaking campesinos many of whom live in extreme poverty. Nestled in a cradle of mountains at 2,700 meters above sea level is the capital city of the same name. However, residents prefer the pre-revolutionary name of Huamanga. This is largely due to the fact that the word Ayacucho is a combination of two Quechua words Aya and Kucho which translate as Corner of the Dead. Given the recent history of the department it is not surprising that residents refer to their city as Huamanga instead of Ayacucho. Since 1980 the department of Ayacucho has become known as the birthplace of Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) and the ensuing 20 years of political violence between Sendero and counter insurgency forces. In 2000, the interim government convened the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC – CVR Spanish). In 2003, the TRC released its report which found that over 69,000 people were killed or disappeared during the conflict and hundreds of thousands more were forced to leave their homes (CVR). Those most affected by the violence and human rights abuses were predominantly from the rural population of the central-southern Andes (CVR). Following the release of the TRC Report the department of Ayacucho has become a centre for memory studies investigations and commemorative ceremonies. Whilst there are many traditional arts and creative expressions which commemorate or depict some aspect of the violence, dance is not used it this way. Rather, I contend that the dance is being salvaged as a means of remembering and connecting to place. Migration Brings ChangeAs a direct result of the political violence, the city of Huamanga experienced a large influx of people from the surrounding rural areas, who moved to the city in search of relative safety. Rapid forced migration from the country to the city made integration very difficult due to the sheer volume of displaced populations (Coronel 2). As a result of the internal conflict approximately 450 rural communities in the southern-central Andes were either abandoned or destroyed; 300 of these were in the department of Ayacucho. As a result, Huamanga experienced an enormous influx of rural migrants. In fact, according to the United Nations International Human Rights Instruments, 30 per cent of all people displaced by the violence moved to Ayacucho (par. 39). As campesinos moved to the city in search of safety they formed new neighbourhoods on the outskirts of the city. Although many are now settled in Huamanga, holding professional positions, working in restaurants, running stalls, or owning shops, most maintain strong links to their community of origin. The ways in which individuals sustain connection to their homelands are many and varied. However, dance and fiesta play a central role in maintaining connection.During the years of violence, Sendero Luminoso actively prohibited the celebration of traditional ceremonies and festivals which they considered to be “archaic superstition” (Garcia 40). Reprisals for defying Sendero Luminoso directives were brutal; as a result many rural inhabitants restricted their ritual practices for fear of the tuta puriqkuna or literally, night walkers (Ritter 27). This caused a sharp decline in ritual custom during the conflict (27).As a result, many Ayacuchano campesinos feel they have been robbed of their cultural heritage and identity. There is now a conscious effort to rescatar y recorder or to salvage and remember what was been taken from them, or, in the words of Ruben Romani, a dance teacher from Huanta, “to salvage what was killed during the difficult years.”Los Carnavales Ayacuchanos Whilst carnival is celebrated in many parts of the world, the mention of carnival often evokes images of scantily clad Brazilians dancing to the samba rhythms in the streets of Rio de Janeiro, or visions of elaborate floats and extravagant costumes. None of these are to be found in Huamanga. Rather, the carnival dances celebrated by campesinos in Huamanga are not celebrations of ‘the now’ or for the benefit of tourists, but rather they are embodiments of the memory of a lost place. During carnival, that lost or left homeland is danced into being in the urban setting as a means of maintaining a connection to the homeland and of salvaging cultural heritage.In the Andes, carnival coincides with the first harvest and is associated with fertility and giving thanks. It is considered a time of joy and to be a great leveller. In Huamanga carnival is one of the most anticipated fiestas of the year. As I was told many times “carnival is for everyone” and “we all participate.” From the old to the very young, the rich and poor, men and women all participate in carnival."We all participate." Carnavales Rurales (rural carnival) is celebrated each Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival before Lent. Campesinos from the same rural communities, join together to form comparsas, or groups. Those who participate identify as campesinos; even though many participants have lived in the city for more than 20 years. Some of the younger participants were born in the city. Whilst some campesinos, displaced by the violence, are now returning to their communities, many more have chosen to remain in Huamanga. One such person is Rómulo Canales Bautista. Rómulo dances with the comparsa Claveles de Vinchos.Rómulo Bautista dancing the carnival of VinchosOriginally from Vinchos, Rómulo moved to Huamanga in search of safety when he was a boy after his father was killed. Like many who participate in rural carnival, Rómulo has lived in Huamanga for a many years and for the most part he lives a very urban existence. He completed his studies at the university and works as a professional with no plans to return permanently to Vinchos. However, Rómulo considers himself to be campesino, stating “I am campesino. I identify myself as I am.” Rómulo laughed as he explained “I was not born dancing.” Since moving to Huamanga, Rómulo learned the carnival dance of Vinchos as a means of feeling a connection to his place of origin. He now participates in rural carnival each year and is the captain of his comparsa. For Rómulo, carnival is his cultural inheritance and that which connects him to his homeland. Living and working in the urban setting whilst maintaining strong links to their homelands through the embodied expressions of fiesta, migrants like Rómulo negotiate and move between an urbanised mestizo identity and a rural campesino identity. However, for rural migrants living in Huamanga, it is campesino identity which holds greater importance during carnival. This is because carnival allows participants to feel a visceral connection to both land and ancestry. As Gerardo Muñoz, a sixty-seven year old migrant from Chilcas explained “We want to make our culture live again, it is our patrimony, it is what our grandfathers have left us of their wisdom and how it used to be. This is what we cultivate through our carnival.”The Plaza TransformedComparsa from Huanta enter the PlazaEach Sunday during the three weeks leading up to the official time of carnival the central Plaza is transformed by the dance, music and song of up to seventy comparsas participating in Carnavales Rurales. Rural Carnival has a transformative effect not only on participants but also on the wider urban population. At this time campesinos, who are generally marginalised, discounted or actively discriminated against, briefly hold a place of power and respect. For a few hours each Sunday they are treated as masters of an ancient art. It is no easy task to conjure the dynamic sensory world of dance in words. As Deidre Sklar questions, “how is the ineffable to be made available in words? How shall I draw out the effects of dancing? Imperfectly, and slowly, bit by bit, building fragments of sensation and association so that its pieces lock in with your sensory memories like a jigsaw puzzle” (17).Recalling the DanceAs comparsas arrive in the Plaza there is creative chaos and the atmosphere hums with excitement as more and more comparsas gather for the pasecalle or parade. At the corner of the plaza, the deafening crack of fire works, accompanied by the sounds of music and the blasting of whistles announce the impending arrival of another comparsa. They are Los Hijos de Chilcas from Chilcas in La Mar in the north-east of the department. They proudly dance and sing their way into the Plaza – bodies strong, their movements powerful yet fluid. Their heads are lifted to greet the crowd, their chests wide and open, eyes bright with pride. Led by the capitán, the dancers form two long lines in pairs the men at the front, followed by the women. All the men carry warakas, long whips of plaited leather which they crack in the air as they dance. These are ancient weapons which are later used in a ritual battle. They dance in a swinging stepping motion that swerves and snakes, winds and weaves along the road. At various intervals the two lines open out, doubling back on themselves creating two semicircles. The men wear frontales, pieces of material which hang down the front of the legs, attached with long brightly coloured ribbons. The dancers make high stepping motions, kicking the frontales up in the air as they go; as if moving through high grasses. The ribbons swish and fly around the men and they are clouded in a blur of colour and movement. The women follow carrying warakitas, which are shorter and much finer. They hold their whips in two hands, stretched wide in front of their bodies or sweeping from side to side above their heads. They wear large brightly coloured skirts known as polleras made from heavy material which swish and swoosh as they dance from side to side – step, touch together, bounce; step, touch together, bounce. The women follow the serpent pattern of the men. Behind the women are the musicians playing guitars, quenas and tinyas. The musicians are followed by five older men dressed in pants and suit coats carrying ponchos draped over the right shoulder. They represent the traditional community authorities known as Varayuq and karguyuq. The oldest of the men is carrying the symbols of leadership – the staff and the whip.The Choreography of PlaceFor the members of Los Hijos de Chilcas the dance represents the topography of their homeland. The steps and choreography are created and informed by the dancers’ relationship to the land from which they come. La Mar is a very mountainous region where, as one dancer explained, it is impossible to walk a straight line up or down the terrain. One must therefore weave a winding path so as not to slip and fall. As the dancers snake and weave, curl and wind they literally dance their “place” of origin into being. With each swaying movement of their body, with each turn and with every footfall on the earth, dancers lay the mountainous terrain of La Mar along the paved roads of the Plaza. The flying ribbons of the frontales evoke the long grasses of the hillsides. “The steps are danced in the form of a zigzag which represents the changeable and curvilinear paths that join the towns, as well as creating the figure eight which represents the eight anexos of the district” (Carnaval Tradicional). Los Hijos de ChilcasThe weaving patterns and the figure eights of the dance create a choreography of place, which reflects and evoke the land. This choreography of place is built upon with each step of the dance many of which emulate the native fauna. One of the dancers explained whilst demonstrating a hopping step “this is the step of a little bird” common to La Mar. With his body bent forward from the waist, left hand behind his back and elbow out to the side like a wing, stepping forward on the left leg and sweeping the right leg in half circle motion, he indeed resembled a little bird hopping along the ground. Other animals such as the luwichu or deer are also represented through movement and costume.Katrina Teaiwa notes that the peoples of the South Pacific dance to embody “not space but place”. This is true also for campesinos from Chilcas living in the urban setting, who invoke their place of origin and the time of the ancestors as they dance their carnival. The notion of place is not merely terrain. It includes the nature elements, the ancestors and those who also those who have passed away. The province of La Mar was one of the most severely affected areas during the years of internal armed conflict especially during 1983-1984. More than 1,400 deaths and disappearances were reported to the TRC for this period alone (CVR). Hundreds of people were forced to leave their homes and in many communities it became impossible to celebrate fiestas. Through the choreography of place dancers transform the urban streets and dance the very land of their origin into being, claiming the urban streets as their own. The importance of this act can not be overstated for campesinos who have lost family members and were forced to leave their communities during the years of violence. As Deborah Poole has noted dance is “…the active Andean voice …” (99). As comparsa members teach their children the carnival dance of their parents and grandparents they maintain ancestral connections and pass on the stories and embodied memories of their homes. Much of the literature on carnival views it as a release valve which allows a temporary freedom but which ultimately functions to reinforce established structures. This is no longer the case in Huamanga. The transformative effect of rural carnival goes beyond the moment of the dance. Through dancing the choreography of place campesinos salvage and restore that which was taken from them; the effects of which are felt by both the dancer and spectator.ConclusionThe closer examination of dance as embodied memory reveals those memory practices which may not necessarily voice the violence directly, but which are enacted, funded and embodied and thus, important to the people most affected by the years of conflict and violence. In conclusion, the dance of rural carnival functions as embodied memory which is danced into being through collective participation; through many bodies working together. Dancers who participate in rural carnival have absorbed the land sensorially and embodied it. Through dancing the land they give it form and bring embodied memory into being, imbuing the paved roads of the plaza with the mountainous terrain of their home land. For those born in the city, they come to know their ancestral land through the Andean voice of dance. The dance of carnival functions in a unique way making it possible for participants recall their homelands through a physical memory and to dance their place into being wherever they are. This corporeal memory goes beyond the normal understanding of memory as being of the mind for as Connerton notes “images of the past are remembered by way of ritual performances that are ‘stored’ in a bodily memory” (89). 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