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Journal articles on the topic 'Spanish Falange of JONS'

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1

Payne, Stanley G., and Sheelagh M. Ellwood. "Spanish Fascism in the Franco Era: Falange Espanola de las Jons, 1936-1976." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (1989): 789. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873861.

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2

Alcalde, Ángel. "War Veterans and Fascism during the Franco Dictatorship in Spain (1936–1959)." European History Quarterly 47, no. 1 (2016): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691416674417.

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This article argues that analysis and contextualization of the history of the Francoist veterans of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) leads to an understanding of Franco’s dictatorship as a fascist regime typical of the late 1930s and early 1940s. It reveals the congruence of the regime with the phenomenon of neo-fascism during the Cold War era. Drawing on a large range of archival and published sources, this article examines the history of the main Francoist veterans’ organization, the Delegación Nacional de Excombatientes (DNE) of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS (FET-JONS),
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3

Perfecto García, Miguel Ángel. "EL NACIONALISMO FRANQUISTA. Catolicismo, antiliberalismo, fascismo." Cliocanarias, no. 3 (2021): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.53335/cliocanarias.2021.3.09.

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The regime of general Francisco Franco imposed a nationalist model from two ideological sources: the nationalcatholicism, an antiliberal proposal of the Catholic Church that identified Spain with catholicism; and the anti-liberal and fascist alternatives born in the heat of the European political-social crisis and Spanish of the First World War. The political model was strongly centralist, authoritarian and interventionist around Castile and the Castilian language, rejecting the other nationalist models. At the social level, the corporate proposal stood out by means of the compulsory framing o
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4

Thomàs, Joan Maria. "La Alemania nazi y el fascismo español durante la Guerra Civil." Cuadernos de Historia de España, no. 87 (November 30, 2020): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.34096/che.n87.9047.

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El presente artículo reflexiona sobre las relaciones establecidas por la Alemania nazi durante la Guerra Civil española primero con el partido fascista español Falange Española de las JONS y posteriormente, desde el momento de su creación, con el partido único del régimen franquista, Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS. Analiza los orígenes y desarrollo de dichas relaciones, centrándose en las de tipo político del Estado y del partido nazis establecidas por el Encargado de Negocios y después embajador general Faupel, caracterizadas por un extremado intervencionismo, así como las de
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5

Grecco, Gabriela De Lima. "Falange Española: de la corte literaria de José Antonio al protagonismo del nacionalcatolicismo * Falange Espanhola: da corte literária de José Antonio ao protagonismo do nacionalcatolicismo." História e Cultura 5, no. 3 (2016): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v5i3.1999.

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La Falange fue capaz de proporcionar un cuerpo doctrinal y una política cultural necesarias para sustentar el nuevo régimen de Francisco Franco, aunque su proyecto revolucionario fascista perdió fuerza frente a los cuadros tradicionalistas y conservadores del propio partido FET de las JONS. Este artículo tiene como objetivo, por un lado, formular una aproximación desde una perspectiva cultural al movimiento fascista en España, la Falange Española, señalando el papel de los poetas, escritores y literatos en el proceso de fascistización de la cultura y sociedad; y, por otro lado, analizar la pér
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6

Barrera, Begoña. "La Sección Femenina en perspectiva. Historias y otros relatos sobre las mujeres de Falange." Historia Contemporánea, no. 62 (February 10, 2020): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/hc.20029.

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La bibliografía dedicada al estudio de la Sección Femenina de FET-JONS cuenta ya con cuatro décadas de recorrido, tiempo durante el cual ha ido participando de distintas tendencias historiográficas. Partiendo de esta premisa, el propósito del presente ensayo es explorar las principales aportaciones sobre el falangismo femenino atendiendo tanto a la singularidad de sus diferentes análisis como al contexto epistemológico en el que estos se han desarrollado. Con este objetivo, la primera parte analiza transversalmente la polémica que ha mantenido más activa la atención sobre las mujeres del falan
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7

Payne, Stanley G. "Franco, the Spanish Falange and the Institutionalisation of Mission." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7, no. 2 (2006): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760600642206.

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8

Peñalba-Sotorrío, Mercedes. "Beyond the War: Nazi Propaganda Aims in Spain during the Second World War." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 4 (2018): 902–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418761214.

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This article argues that the objectives pursued by Nazi propaganda in Spain went far beyond merely securing Spanish participation in the Second World War. Through the examination of under-utilized materials from Spanish and German archives, including the previously inaccessible archive of José Luis de Arrese, general secretary of the Falange, this article shows that propaganda campaigns varied in means, content and dissemination, depending on the evolution of the conflict. The aims of these campaigns reflect in turn Nazi interests in Spain, from protecting economic assets in the Peninsula, to
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9

Heywood, Paul. "Spanish fascism in the Franco era: Falange Española de las Jon-s, 1936–76." International Affairs 64, no. 4 (1988): 694–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2626108.

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10

Ruiz Carnicer, Miguel Ángel. "Late Spanish Fascists in a Changing World: Latin American Communists and East European Reformism, 1956–1975." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (2019): 358–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000079.

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AbstractThe main aim of this article is to show how the political evolution of Western and Eastern Europe during the Cold War cannot be fully understood without analysing the political experiences of countries like Spain, which were not at the centre of the period's political decisions but whose evolution was inspired and suggested by strategies outside the political mainstream. In this respect, the internal evolution of Francoist Spain from the mid-1950s through the 1960s portrays a peculiar political situation demonstrating the capillarity of political and social experiences across the Iron
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11

Pagès, Maria. "The shift to national Catholicism and the Falange in the Second World War: The case of Garbancito de la Mancha (1945)." Journal of Visual Political Communication 6, no. 1 (2020): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jvpc_00004_1.

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This article analyses the political undercurrents running through the first European hand-drawn animated feature-length film, which was made in Barcelona in 1945. It was titled Garbancito de la Mancha and will be analysed at discursive, iconic and visual levels. The goal is to establish whether political events during the Second World War years as well as the early years (1939‐45) of the Franco dictatorship are reflected in the film. After the Spanish Civil War (1936‐39), two main political parties struggled to control the nation. One of them was the Spanish version of fascism (the Falange); t
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12

Ofer, Inbal. "Historical Models — Contemporary Identities: The Sección Femenina of the Spanish Falange and its Redefinition of the Term ‘Femininity’." Journal of Contemporary History 40, no. 4 (2005): 663–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009405056123.

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13

Priorelli, Giorgia. "The fight against the ‘anti-nation’ as a historical mission: the delegitimization of the enemy in Italian Fascism and Spanish Fascism." Revista História: Debates e Tendências 18, no. 3 (2018): 449–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/hdtv.18n.3.8600.

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For the Italian Partito Nazionale Fascista (Pnf) and the Falange Española (Fe), the political community coincided with the nation, conceived not as an undifferentiated conglomeration of citizens but as a community of believers in a ‘religion of the Fatherland’. The common goal of the Italian and the Spanish fascists, since their appearance on the political scene of their respective countries, was the defence of national values. But the claim to being the only and exclusive representatives of those values denied any effective freedom of dissent, even to those who respected national values but i
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14

Payne, Stanley G. "Women and Spanish Fascism: The Women’s Section of the Falange, 1934–1959. By Kathleen Richmond. Routledge/Cañada Blanch Studies on Contemporary Spain. Edited by, Paul Preston and Sebastian Balfour. London: Routledge, 2003. Pp. x+182. $90.00." Journal of Modern History 77, no. 4 (2005): 1131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/499877.

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15

Sánchez, Antonio Cazorla. "La Falange de Franco: El proyecto fascista del Régimen. By Joan Maria Thomàs. Asi Fue. La Historia Rescatada. Barcelona: Plaza Janés, 2001. Pp. 398.Irrational Triumph: Cultural Despair, Military Nationalism, and the Ideological Origins of Franco’s Spain. By Geoffrey Jensen. Wilbur S. Shepperson Series in History and Humanities. Edited by, Jerome E. Edwards. Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2002. Pp. x+237. $44.95.Fighting for Franco: International Volunteers in Nationalist Spain during the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939. By Judith Keene. Foreword by, Gabriel Jackson. London: Leicester University Press, 2001. Pp. viii+310. $39.95." Journal of Modern History 75, no. 3 (2003): 707–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/380265.

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16

THOMÀS, JOAN MARIA. "LUCHAS INTERNAS EN LA ZONA FRANQUISTA DURANTE LA GUERRA CIVIL." Contenciosa, no. 7 (November 6, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.14409/contenciosa.v0i7.8575.

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El presente artículo analiza las tensiones políticas internas producidas en la zona franquista oEspaña “nacional” durante la Guerra Civil española (1936-1939). Partiendo de la diversidad de la coalición autoritaria o bloque político y social de los alzados contra la Segunda República, estudia dicha conflictividad atendiendo a los diferentes proyectos políticos en concurrencia, así como las tensiones entre los dos partidos ultraderechistas dominantes -Falange Española de las JONS (fascista) y Comunión Tradicionalista (carlista)- y el poder franquista. Analiza igualmente la gestación de la unifi
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17

Slaven, James. "The Falange Española: a Spanish Paradox." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3266916.

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18

Thomàs, Joan Maria. "España: la coalición autoritaria franquista ante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Los años 1939 y 1940." Dictatorships & Democracies, December 20, 2019, 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7238/dd.v0i7.3159.

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El artículo pone el foco en el análisis de aspectos internos de la coalición autoritaria franquista en los años 1939 y 1940. Específicamente, en cómo vivieron, cómo actuaron políticamente y qué propugnaron ante el estallido y durante el primer año de la Segunda Guerra Mundial los diferentes grupos políticos e instituciones que conformaban este bloque político y social presidido por el dictador. Igualmente, se incide en las coincidencias y en los conflictos que se dieron tanto en el seno de esta coalición autoritaria franquista como dentro de algunos de los sectores e individuos que la conforma
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19

Jordan, Daniel. "Sección Femenina: Documenting and Performing Spanish Musical Folklore During the Early Franco Regime (1939–1953)." Music and Letters, November 22, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcz099.

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Abstract The Franco regime (1939–75) used Spanish musical traditions as a form of propaganda and cultural diplomacy during the first two decades of the dictatorship––a period that saw Spain transform itself from a supporter of Nazi Germany to a staunch ally of the Western Bloc. Based on archival work conducted in eight archives throughout Andalusia and Madrid, the rather monolithic view of how the Franco regime portrayed Spanish identity within the nation, the Protectorates in Morocco, and the United Kingdom is challenged. The Sección Femenina, the women’s section of the fascist Falange party,
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20

Sanchidrián Blanco, Carmen, and María Dolores Molina Poveda. "The Spanish Labor Universities and the Belgian Labor University: An Example of Education Transfer and Transformation (1955–1983)." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 21 (November 16, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/encounters.v21i0.14084.

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The Falange of José Antonio Primo de Rivera and the Franco regime imported from other countries several institutions, among them, the Labour Universities (1955-1983). José Antonio Girón was the founder, although to create them he followed the Belgian Labor University (1911) created by Paul Pastur. In this paper, we will analyze the similarities and differences between both institutions through the information that NO-DO (Noticiarios-Documentales) (Newsreels and Documentaries, audiovisual propaganda of Franco’s regime) offered in its newsreels about the Spanish Labour Universities. Both institu
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21

Hernández Burgos, Claudio. "La difícil adaptación a los cambios: la Iglesia, Falange y la sociedad española durante el “segundo franquismo” (1960-1975) = The difficult adaptation to changes: the Church, Falange and the Spanish society during the “Second Francoism” (1960-1975)." HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, January 14, 2019, 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/hn.2019.4519.

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Resumen: Este artículo analiza el proceso de adaptación tanto del régimen como del conjunto de la sociedad a las profundas transformaciones que caracterizaron el “segundo franquismo”. Para ello, apoyándose en fuentes archivísticas de diversa procedencia, prensa y bibliografía relevante, esta investigación adopta una perspectiva centrada en las provincias con el objetivo de evaluar tanto el alcance real de los proyectos del régimen para garantizar su supervivencia, como los cambios en las actitudes y comportamientos de la sociedad española. Los dos primeros apartados examinan la capacidad de la
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22

"Sheelagh M. Ellwood. Spanish Fascism in the Franco Era: F alange Espanola de las Jons, 1936–1976. New York: St. Martin's. 1987. Pp. vii, 207. $32.50." American Historical Review, June 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/94.3.789.

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