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Journal articles on the topic 'Spanish missions of Texas'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Almaráz, Félix D. "San Antonio's Old Franciscan Missions: Material Decline and Secular Avarice in the Transition from Hispanic to Mexican Control." Americas 44, no. 1 (1987): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006846.

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In the twilight years of the eighteenth century, Spanish authorities of church and state resolved that the original Franciscan missions of Texas had achieved the goal of their early foundation, namely conversion of indigenous cultures to an Hispano-European lifestyle. Cognizant that the mission as a frontier agency had gained souls for the Catholic faith and citizens for the empire, Hispanic officials initiated secularization of the Texas establishments with the longest tenure, beginning with the missions along the upper San Antonio River. Less than a generation later, in the transition from S

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2

Rausch, Jane M. "Frontiers in Crisis: The Breakdown of the Missions in Far Northern Mexico and New Granada, 1821–1849." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 2 (1987): 340–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014547.

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The decline of the missions in far northern Mexico during the age of Santa Anna has attracted the attention of several scholars. Most recently David Weber in The Mexican Frontier, 1821–1846 has identified many complex national and regional factors that contributed to their demise, arguing that in the cases of California and Texas the government's secularization policy played a decisive role, while the reductions—towns of Indians converted to Christianity—in Arizona “crumbled by default” and in New Mexico were quietly abandoned by the clergy.1 (The term secularization means the replacement of s

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3

de Terreros, Juan M. Romero. "The Destruction of the San Sabá Apache Mission: A Discussion of the Casualties." Americas 60, no. 04 (2004): 617–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500070632.

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The Lipan Apache mission on the banks of the San Sabá River was located on the northern boundary of Coahuila, New Spain, in the center of today’s state of Texas. On March 16, 1758, Norteño tribes, allied with the Comanches, attacked and destroyed the mission, demonstrating their hostility to what they saw as the Spaniards’ unjust support of their traditional enemy, the Apaches. The destruction of the mission contributed to the failure of the most far-reaching attempt by the Spanish Crown and the Franciscan Order to settle the Apaches in Texas. The Spanish believed that the mission was the only

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4

de Terreros, Juan M. Romero. "The Destruction of the San Sabá Apache Mission: A Discussion of the Casualties." Americas 60, no. 4 (2004): 617–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0075.

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The Lipan Apache mission on the banks of the San Sabá River was located on the northern boundary of Coahuila, New Spain, in the center of today’s state of Texas. On March 16, 1758, Norteño tribes, allied with the Comanches, attacked and destroyed the mission, demonstrating their hostility to what they saw as the Spaniards’ unjust support of their traditional enemy, the Apaches. The destruction of the mission contributed to the failure of the most far-reaching attempt by the Spanish Crown and the Franciscan Order to settle the Apaches in Texas. The Spanish believed that the mission was the only

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5

Holmes, Sarah A., Sandra T. Welch, and Laura R. Knudson. "THE ROLE OF ACCOUNTING PRACTICES IN THE DISEMPOWERMENT OF THE COAHUILTECAN INDIANS." Accounting Historians Journal 32, no. 2 (2005): 105–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.32.2.105.

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This paper argues that a complex of accounting measures — account books, inventories of accumulated wealth, and detailed instructions for production performance — were used to inculcate Western values into the native population located at five Franciscan missions along the San Antonio River in New Spain (present-day Texas) from 1718 to 1794. Bolstered by the need to alleviate communications problems caused by extreme isolation, the missionaries constructed detailed mission documents that described the acquisition of scarce resources, reported the aggregation of material and spiritual mission w

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6

Carlson, S. B., and W. D. James. "An instrumental neutron activation analysis of 18th century lead-glazed earthenwares from four Spanish missions in Texas." Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry Articles 196, no. 2 (1995): 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02038038.

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7

Tennis, Cynthia L. "Archaeological investigations at the last Spanish Colonial mission establised on the Texas frontier: Nuestra Senora del Rufugio (41RF1), Refugio County, Texas." Index of Texas Archaeology: Open Access Gray Literature from the Lone Star State 2002, no. 1 (2002): Article 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21112/ita.2002.1.13.

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8

Wade, Mariah, Jennifer McWilliams, and Douglas Boyd. "Spanish Colonial Documents Pertaining to Mission Santa Cruz de San Saba (41MN23), Menard County, Texas." Index of Texas Archaeology: Open Access Gray Literature from the Lone Star State 2007, no. 1 (2007): Article 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21112/ita.2007.1.11.

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9

Canedo, Lino G. "The San Sabá Mission, Spanish Pivot in Texas. By Robert S. Weddle Drawings by Mary Nabers Prewit. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964. Pp. xvi, 238. Maps. $5.00.)." Americas 23, no. 2 (2004): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/980585.

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10

Marcos-Marín, Francisco. "Marco historico, base lingüística y recursos textuales para la investigación del español del suroeste." Language Problems and Language Planning 32, no. 2 (2008): 113–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.32.2.02mar.

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En esta primera parte de las dos que constituyen el conjunto dedicado al análisis epistemológico de los estudios pasados y presentes sobre el español en el suroeste de los Estados Unidos de América se cubren tres aspectos. En el primero se presenta el marco geográfico-histórico, seguido de una propuesta de periodización que reformula planteamientos previos del autor. En el análisis de la base lingüística se atiende especialmente a la cuestión del español vestigial, en relación con las propuestas de criollización. En la parte final se presentan y analizan los estudios y proyectos de fuentes doc

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11

B.A.T. "Texas Missions." Americas 46, no. 4 (1990): 530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500076951.

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12

Lee, Antoinette J. "Spanish Missions." APT Bulletin 22, no. 3 (1990): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1504327.

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13

Hinojosa, Gilberto M., and Donald E. Chipman. "Spanish Texas, 1519-1821." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (1994): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081197.

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14

Kessell, John L., and Donald E. Chipman. "Spanish Texas, 1519-1821." American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (1995): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168118.

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15

de la Teja, Jesus F., and Donald E. Chipman. "Spanish Texas, 1519-1821." Western Historical Quarterly 24, no. 4 (1993): 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970718.

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16

Cutter, Charles R., and Donald E. Chipman. "Spanish Texas, 1519-1821." Journal of Southern History 60, no. 3 (1994): 555. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210995.

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17

Deeds, Susan M., and Donald E. Chipman. "Spanish Texas, 1519-1821." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 1 (1995): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516795.

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18

Deeds, Susan M. "Spanish Texas, 1519—1821." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 1 (1995): 94–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-75.1.094.

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19

BOVEE, JOANNA C., and GARY E. RANEY. "Evaluating missing-letter effects and comprehension in proficient and nonproficient languages." Applied Psycholinguistics 37, no. 2 (2015): 285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716414000563.

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ABSTRACTThis study was conducted to examine whether word recognition and comprehension processes change as a function of language proficiency. Participants were highly proficient in English but at a low proficiency level in Spanish. The participants read texts presented in English and Spanish while reading normally or while performing a letter-detection task and then answered comprehension questions that tested their mental representations of the surface form, text base, and situational model. Overall letter-detection error rates were lower when texts were presented in the nonproficient Spanis

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20

Matter, Robert A., and Bonnie G. McEwan. "The Spanish Missions of La Florida." Journal of Southern History 61, no. 2 (1995): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211583.

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21

Bushnell, Amy Turner, and Bonnie G. McEwan. "The Spanish Missions of La Florida." American Indian Quarterly 20, no. 1 (1996): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1184956.

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22

Lyon, Eugene, and Bonnie G. McEwan. "The Spanish Missions of La Florida." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 2 (1995): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517318.

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23

Lyon, Eugene. "The Spanish Missions of La Florida." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 2 (1995): 263–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-75.2.263.

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24

Almaráz, Félix D. "Franciscan Missions Along the Coahuila-Texas Corridor." Catholic Social Science Review 1 (1996): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr1996117.

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25

Sánchez-Barrioluengo, Mabel. "Articulating the ‘three-missions’ in Spanish universities." Research Policy 43, no. 10 (2014): 1760–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.respol.2014.06.001.

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26

Baer, Kurt. "Spanish Colonial Art in the California Missions." Americas 18, no. 1 (1989): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/979751.

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Art work throughout almost the entire history of the Church has been primarily didactic. Man was taught through the arts of sculpture, painting, mosaic, and stained glass, all that he should know of the creation of the world, the dogmas of religion, the virtues, the hero-saints, and during the middle ages especially, the range of the sciences, the arts and crafts. Thus, in the latter half of the eighteenth century when the Franciscans came to the remote outposts in California, they brought with them the pictures and statues by which the simple and ignorant Indian might learn, through his eyes,

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27

Coffman, Christopher K. "New World Missions and the Spanish Context." Religion and the Arts 17, no. 1-2 (2013): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685292-12341259.

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28

JACKSON, ROBERT H. "Missions on the Frontiers of Spanish America." Journal of Religious History 33, no. 3 (2009): 328–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.2009.00800.x.

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29

Guice, John D. W., and William C. Foster. "Spanish Expeditions into Texas, 1689-1768." Western Historical Quarterly 27, no. 3 (1996): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970157.

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30

Weddle, Robert S., and William C. Foster. "Spanish Expeditions into Texas, 1689-1768." Journal of Southern History 63, no. 1 (1997): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211949.

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31

Drake, James, and William C. Foster. "Spanish Expedition into Texas, 1689-1768." Journal of American History 84, no. 3 (1997): 1039. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953115.

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32

Hann, John H. "Summary Guide to Spanish Florida Missions and Visitas With Churches in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries." Americas 46, no. 4 (1990): 417–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006866.

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The early European presence in California and in the American Southwest in general is identified with missions. Although missions were equally important in Spanish Florida and at an earlier date, the average American does not associate missions with Florida or Georgia. Indeed, as David Hurst Thomas observed in a recent monograph on the archaeological exploration of a site of the Franciscan mission of Santa Catalina de Guale on Georgia's St. Catherines Island, the numerous missions of Spanish Florida have remained little known even in scholarly circles. And as Charles Hudson has noted, this ign

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33

Velázquez, Isabel. "Intergenerational Spanish transmission in El Paso, Texas." Spanish Maintenance and Loss in the U.S. Southwest 6, no. 1 (2009): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.6.1.05vel.

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This study examines the beliefs held by a group of adult Spanish-English bilinguals from El Paso, Texas regarding the vitality of Spanish in their community and the ways in which their own experience of being bilingual on the US-Mexico border has influenced their perceptions of the benefits and costs of fostering Spanish development in their children. Results show that parents’ positive attitudes toward Spanish did not translate into the investment of time and resources to foster Spanish development in their children nor, ultimately, into the use of Spanish by their children. Households where

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34

Bretos, Miguel A., Richard Perry, and Rosalind Perry. "Maya Missions: Exploring the Spanish Colonial Churches of Yucatan." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 1 (1993): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517639.

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35

Bretos, Miguel A. "Maya Missions: Exploring the Spanish Colonial Churches of Yucatán." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 1 (1993): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-73.1.134.

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36

Jackson, Robert H. "Jesuits in Spanish America before the Suppression." Brill Research Perspectives in Jesuit Studies 2, no. 4 (2021): 1–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25897454-12340008.

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Abstract From the late sixteenth century until their expulsion in 1767, members of the Society of Jesus played an important role in the urban life of Spanish America and as administrators of frontier missions. This study examines the organization of the Society of Jesus in Spanish America in large provinces, as well as the different urban institutions such as colegios and frontier missions. It outlines the spiritual and educational activities in cities. The Jesuits supported the royal initiative to evangelize indigenous populations on the frontiers, and particularly the outcomes that did not a

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37

Michno, Jeff. "Greeting and leave-taking in Texas." Spanish in Context 14, no. 1 (2017): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.14.1.01mic.

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Abstract The present study reveals how 16 Mexican-Americans residing in Texas perceive and follow politeness norms (e.g. Brown and Levinson 1987; Locher and Watts 2005; Scollon and Scollon 2001) related to greetings and leave-takings in different cultural and linguistic contexts. Data from online questionnaires identify a significant difference in perceived level of social expectation (i.e. politeness) for employing the speech acts with Spanish- versus non-Spanish speakers. The data support previous research in identifying a sense of solidarity among Mexican-American extended families, but als

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38

de la Plata, Carlos Marquez, B. Vicioso, Linda Hynan, et al. "Development of the Texas Spanish Naming Test: A Test For Spanish Speakers." Clinical Neuropsychologist 22, no. 2 (2008): 288–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13854040701250470.

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39

Carter, Phillip M., and Tonya Wolford. "Cross-generational prosodic convergence in South Texas Spanish." Spanish in Context 13, no. 1 (2016): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.13.1.02car.

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This study investigates variation in the prosodic system of Spanish in the speech of three generations of Mexican Americans living in a Mexican American-majority community in South Texas, United States, characterized by high levels of bilingualism and long-term, sustained contact between languages. Low and Grabe’s (1995) Pairwise Variability Index was used to quantify prosodic rhythm in the Spanish and the English of community members across generations in order to: (1) assess differences between contact and non-contact varieties of Spanish, (2) investigate the cross-generational stability of

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40

Yaremko, Jason M. "Protestant Missions, Cuban Nationalism and the Machadato." Americas 56, no. 3 (2000): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500029527.

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Before the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898, Protestantism and Cuban nationalism coexisted relatively comfortably and even naturally, the function of a Protestant movement under Spanish colonialism that, unlike the rest of Latin America, was run not by North American or English missionaries, but by Cuban ministers. After United States intervention in 1898, U.S. interests were imposed on virtually every sector of Cuban society, including organized Protestantism, influencing Cuba's development for at least the next half-century. Preempted by U.S. intervention, Cuban nationalism, in both its ec

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41

Sibley, Marilyn McAdams, and Jack Jackson. "Los Mestenos: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721-1821." Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (1987): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908531.

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42

Jones, Oakah L., and Jack Jackson. "Los Mestenos: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721-1821." Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 3 (1987): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515596.

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43

Almaraz, Felix D., and Jack Jackson. "Los Mestenos: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721-1821." Western Historical Quarterly 18, no. 2 (1987): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969601.

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44

Hinojosa, Gilberto M., and Jack Jackson. "Los Mestenos: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721-1821." American Historical Review 92, no. 2 (1987): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866813.

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45

Hinton, Harwood P., and Jack Jackson. "Los Mestenos: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721-1821." Journal of the Early Republic 7, no. 1 (1987): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3123439.

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46

Mejías, Hugo A., Pamela L. Anderson-Mejías, and Ralph Carlson. "Attitude Update: Spanish on the South Texas Border." Hispania 86, no. 1 (2003): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20062822.

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47

Jones, Oakah L. "Los Mesteños: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721-1821." Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 3 (1987): 516–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-67.3.516.

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48

Richmond, Douglas W., and Jack Jackson. "Los Mestenos: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721-1821." Journal of Southern History 54, no. 1 (1988): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2208527.

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49

Rivaya-Martínez, Joaquín. "Los Adaes, the First Capital of Spanish Texas." Hispanic American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (2021): 515–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-9051990.

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50

Rodríguez Frade, Pía. "Análisis técnico de telas con textos y marcas de propietario procedentes de la tumba UE 1018 en Dra Abu el-Naga." Trabajos de Egiptología. Papers on Ancient Egypt, no. 10 (2019): 335–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.tde.2019.10.19.

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Description and documentation of a set of fabrics found in a tomb at Dra Abu el-Naga North, Luxor, excavated by the Spanish Mission directed by José Manuel Galán. The original tomb was built in the Eleventh or Twelfth Dynasty and was reused in the Twenty-second Dynasty, when this deposit is dated. The set consists of tunics, rectangular fabrics, fragments, and shrouds whose common characteristic is to show texts with names and dates and/or owner or laundry marks. Together with the fabrics, a group of human remains, fragments of a leather stola and shabtis were also documented.

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