Journal articles on the topic 'Spanish Succession, War of, 1701-1714'

Resum: En aquest article realitzarem una anàlisi quantitativa, semàntica i comparativa dels conceptes ‘Espanya’ i ‘Catalunya’ en les seves formes terminològiques singulars i plurals pròpies dels idiomes català, castellà i llatí, contingudes en els dietaris institucionals del Consell de Cent de Barcelona i de la Diputació del General de Catalunya. La cronologia analitzada serà l’albada del segle XVIII, període convuls en què es produí la mort del monarca hispànic Carles II d’Àustria (1700), l’entronització dels Borbó (1701) i la consegüent guerra de successió per la Monarquia d’Espanya (1702-1715) que es batallà al Principat de Catalunya entre 1704 i 1714. Els resultats de l’estudi ofereixen noves perspectives sobre alguns aspectes del debat historiogràfic desfermat per la celebració del Tricentenari del 1714, i que gira al voltant de com era la identitat col·lectiva dels catalans a inicis del segle XVIII.Paraules clau: Història conceptual, Espanya, Catalunya, Barcelona, Guerra de Successió espanyola.Abstract: In this article we will carry out a quantitative, semantic and comparative analysis of the concepts ‘Spain’ and ‘Catalonia’ in its singular and plural forms of the Catalan, Spanish and Latin languages, contained in the institutional diaries of the Consell de Cent of Barcelona and the Deputation of the General of Catalonia. The chronology analysed will be the start of the 18th century, a period in which the death of the Spanish monarch Charles II of Austria (1700), the enthronement of the Bourbons (1701) and the consequent war of succession for the Monarchy of Spain (1702-1715) that was fought in the Principality of Catalonia between 1704 and 1714. The results of the study offer new perspectives on some aspects of the historiographical debate unleashed by the celebration of the Tricentenary of 1714, which revolves around the collective identity of Catalans at the beginning of the 18th century.Keywords: Conceptual history, Spain, Catalonia, Barcelona, War of Spanish Succession.

The article studies the military campaign of 1703 in the Netherlands of the War of the Spanish Succession of 1701– 1714. The presented campaign, still undervalued by military historiography, is the most typical of the European military art of the early 18th century. The article shows the activities of the Anglo-Dutch and French command in the planning and organizing of military operations. Based on the correspondence of Louis XIV, Duke of Marlborough, French Marshals Villeroy and Bouffler, the article traces the course of the fighting in Flanders and Brabant in the summer and autumn of 1703. At the same time, the war is considered as a combination of careful maneuvering and rapid marches, false demonstrations and decisive strikes, methodical sieges of fortresses and unexpected breakthroughs of fortified lines. As a result, the little-known stage of the War of the Spanish Succession of 1701–1714 is studied in detail.On the example of the above-mentioned campaign, the article reveals such features of Western European military affairs as the limited operational goals and plans, positional nature of strategy, rejection of decisive forms of struggle, commitment to siege warfare and maneuver tactics, increasing role of engineering and fortification and rear services, communications and logistics.

The purpose of this article is to identify the features of military art as an integral part of Western European culture in the period of late feudalism using the example of a separate campaign of the War of the Spanish Succession (1701-1714). The focus of the study is the military operations in Piedmont in 1704 and their reflection in the military documentation, memoirs as well as in the correspondence of Louis XIV, the French minister of war Chamillard with the French command in Piedmont and Savoy. The article examines an episode of Western European military history that has not yet been reflected in Russian historiography. It presents an interest in terms of the prospects for a comparative military-historical analysis of the era of Peter the Great and Europe on the eve of the Modern Age. The article reflects the conditionality of Western European wars by intra-dynastic conflicts and contest between the ruling monarchical houses as well as the typical features of Western European military art namely the decision-making mechanism within the framework of the so-called “cabinet” command and control, the limitation of operational goals, the positional nature of the strategy, the rejection of determinateness in favor of passive methodism, commitment to siege warfare and maneuver tactics, the growing role of military engineering and logistical support.

The purpose of this article is to identify the peculiarities of Western European military affairs as illustrated by a particular campaign of the War of Spanish Succession (1701-1714). The article is of interest in light of comparing military affairs of Western Europe and Russia at the beginning of the 18th century, military art during the War of Spanish Succession (1701-1714) and the Great Northern War (1700-1721). Scientific novelty: the study presents an episode of Western European military history not yet reflected in domestic historiography, combat operations between Franco-Bavarian troops and the allied army under the command of John Marlborough on the Danube theater of war in the summer of 1704. The study is carried out with wide use of memoir, epistolary and documentary sources. During the 1704 campaign on the Danube and in Bavaria, such typical features of the military art of the 18th century were manifested as excessive dependence on supplies and logistics, positional expectant nature of hostilities, their indecision and false methodism. As a result of the study, the author came to the conclusion that the Franco-Bavarian coalition was more inclined towards the canons of the military strategy that had developed by the beginning of the 18th century. It operated within the framework of positional maneuver tactics, enthusiasm for fighting on communications, demonstrating wait-and-see and passivity. French marshals were distinguished by their adherence to the template and therefore were predictable and expected. Unlike the enemy, John Marlborough and Eugene of Savoy managed to break out of the generally accepted tactical canons. During the 1704 campaign, they showed swiftness and offensive character, imposed a decisive aggressive struggle on the enemy, the culmination of which was a resounding victory at Blenheim on August 13, 1704.

ABSTRACTAn unprecedented shift in the portrayal of Cupid took place in the Spanish mythological zarzuela during the years surrounding the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714). For the first time ever, Cupid was depicted not as a god of chaste or erotic love, but as a god at war with other deities. And in every work, a female actor-singer, not a male performer, played the fiery but mournful character. In this article I first explore the cultural understanding of Cupid in early eighteenth-century Spain as articulated by Spanish mythographers of the era, and as seen in the earliest representations of Cupid in Spanish theatre. I then investigate the intersection of myth, allegory, war and music theatre in a case study – the zarzuela Las nuevas armas de amor (Love's New Weapons, 1711) – suggesting that in this work Cupid functioned as an allegorical representation of the Spanish king, and that the deity's struggles for power mirrored the monarch's plight during a time of great political instability. Moreover, I argue that the pre-existing local theatrical practice of cross-dressing allowed for the portrayal of a defeated and sobbing Cupid in the zarzuela.

The relationship between the rise of the modern European state and military resource mobilization has been studied either through the capacity of Europe's fiscal-military states to mobilize war-making resources internally or the continued importance of private, non-state contractors to fund, recruit and supply armies. Missing from this literature is an understanding of how military contractors acquired supplies outside of national borders as well as the sorts of diplomatic and personal connections these contractors drew upon to move war goods across multiple jurisdictions for hundreds of miles. This article adopts a micro-historical approach to the history of military resource mobilization, paying close attention to one shipment of grain purchased in central Europe by the British army during the War of Spanish Succession (1701–1714). By studying closely how British money paid French Huguenot contractors to buy the grain and transmit it across northern Italy to feed German and Spanish troops fighting in Spain, this one case shows how scholarship can move towards a transnational history of military logistics based on key urban centres rather than nations and borders.

The War of the Spanish Succession affected the entire continent of Europe directly or indirectly. Within the Spanish Monarchy, Catalonia and the other states of the Crown of Aragon sided with Archduke Charles of Austria (Charles III), while Crown of Castile lent its support to Duke Philip of Anjou (Philip V). After the Peace of Utrecht, Catalonia prolonged its resistance for 14 more months under a republican government. At the end of the war, the victors imposed repression, exile and the end to the Catalan constitucions.

Organizers of public commemorations held in early eighteenth-century New Spain during the War of the Spanish Succession characterized Philip V as a defender of the faith and queen consort Maria Luisa Gabriela de Saboya and crown prince Luis I as agents of providence. An examination of a corpus of sermons given between 1707 and 1710 reveals that orators assured novohispanos that the birth of Luis I of Spain would inaugurate a messianic age, marked by fecundity and prosperity. The queen, moreover, put the rebirth of the empire in motion before her death. As various orators suggested, her role in bringing about a sort of «Bourbon millennium» had been foretold in the Book of Revelation. In cities throughout New Spain, orators characterized the queen as the fecund vehicle of God’s providence, or the Woman of the Apocalypse, a figure associated with the Immaculate Conception. As the mother of Spain’s messiah, the queen assured the prosperous future of the empire.

This article studies the relationship between Bank and Treasury during the War of the Spanish Succession. It examines two new series of Exchequer bills implemented in 1707 and 1709. Far from being loans-for-rents contracts, the principal aim was to accommodate war-related pressures on the nation's monetary system by manufacturing a substitute for scarce specie. The article also shows there was a covert struggle within the financial community for access to the specie flows associated with the nation's system of public finance.

At the time of the war of the Spanish Succession (1705–1714), Joan Salvador and James Petiver, two apothecaries with an impassioned interest in understanding nature, began a long and fruitful correspondence that would only come to an end with Petiver's death in 1718. A previous paper sets out and discusses these two naturalists’ correspondence (which is quite exceptionally complete) during the wartime period between the end of 1706 and the fall of Barcelona on 11 September 1714. This paper completes the review and discussion of their correspondence up until the death of Petiver in 1718.

The Neapolitan school of fencing, which received official sanction after the reunification of Italy in the nineteenth century, originated in the seventeenth century. It was originally best known as a system of sword and dagger fencing. It is documented as such in both Italian and Spanish sources during the reign of Carlos II and the War of the Spanish Succession (1665-1714). This article discusses the evidence from both sets of sources during this period, comparing and contrasting the Neapolitan approach to previous, contemporary and subsequent approaches in order to provide the necessary historical context for its origin and development.

Abstract The Neapolitan school of fencing, which received official sanction after the reunification of Italy in the nineteenth century, originated in the seventeenth century. It was originally best known as a system of sword and dagger fencing. It is documented as such in both Italian and Spanish sources during the reign of Carlos II and the War of the Spanish Succession (1665-1714). This article discusses the evidence from both sets of sources during this period, comparing and contrasting the Neapolitan approach to previous, contemporary and subsequent approaches in order to provide the necessary historical context for its origin and development.

In 1709 the Great Northern War took an unfortunate course for Sweden, as following Charles XII’s defeat at Poltava, he was forced to retreat to Bender in the Ottoman Empire, where he would remain for 5 years.. The Swedish King’s retreat in the Ottoman Empire also reverberated in Britain, which at the time was involved in the War for Spanish Succession (1709-1714), and consequently sought for tranquillity at the North and Baltic Sea. While politicians were worried about the Swedish fleet, a worry which only aggravated after George I’s accession to the British thrones in 1714, writers such as Daniel Defoe and others could not refrain from expressing their admiration for the ‘Warrior King’ Charles XII. Soon after his return, Charles XII would even be associated with the Jacobite faction, rival to the House of Hanover which at the time ruled Britain. The purpose of this paper is to offer an overview of the whole spectrum of British publications and reactions regarding Charles XII’s sojourn in the Ottoman Empire, during his stay’s duration (1709-1714) and up to his death and the immediately subsequent period.

The accession of the House of Bourbon to the Spanish throne after the death of the last Habsburg king, Carlos II, in 1700 brought important changes for the court high nobility. Historians have seen Philip V’s reign as the beginning of the titled nobility’s withdrawal from the front line of politics. The process, encouraged by the Bourbon’s reformism during the War of the Spanish Succession, was carried out by the nobility in several ways. This article will analyze the careers of aristocrats such as Pedro Manuel Colón de Portugal and José Solís y Valderrábano, dukes of Veragua and Montellano, and Rodrigo Fernández Manrique de Lara, Count of Frigiliana, who adapted their actions to the new regime’s politics in order to enjoy the patronage of new political actors. They took part in royal court circles to achieve important political positions without renouncing their right to oppose change through strategies linked to the political culture of the previous dynasty: for example, their involvement in political gatherings and their absence in important court celebrations. My article posits that, although the relations between the House of Bourbon and these nobles were undoubtedly complex and ambivalent, as their career at court shows, they were far more nuanced and fluid than has previously been revealed.

At the time of the war of the Spanish Succession (1705–1714), Joan Salvador and James Petiver, two apothecaries with an impassioned interest in understanding nature, began a long and fruitful correspondence that would only come to an end with Petiver's death. When this exchange of letters began, Salvador was a 20-year old Catalan apothecary who had just spent two years travelling through France and Italy learning about botany and natural history with some of the best teachers at that time. Petiver, who was 20 years older, was a member of the Royal Society, director of the Chelsea Physic Garden and a well-known figure in London. This paper sets out and discusses the correspondence (which is quite exceptionally complete) between these two naturalists during the wartime period between the end of 1706 and the fall of Barcelona on 11 September 1714. Their letters reflect the obstacles they had to face as a result of war and how they overcame them, and they also explain the reciprocal role played by both correspondents in their respective collections and libraries.

RESUMEN En el contexto del frente catalán en el transcurso de la guerra de Sucesión de España, es muy significativa la evolución de los acontecimientos bélicos vividos los años 1711-1712. La guerra en Cataluña siempre se articuló en tres frentes, el frente del sur, o del Ebro, siendo la plaza principal Tortosa; el frente del oeste, o del río Segre, siendo la plaza principal Lérida, y, por último, el frente del norte, donde destacaba la plaza de Gerona. En las guerras de finales del siglo XVII, la toma de Gerona siempre fue un objetivo importante por darse por hecho que debía preceder a la de Barcelona. En el caso de la guerra de Sucesión el mismo patrón debería cumplirse, de modo que, conocedores de dicha circunstancia, los estrategas del archiduque Carlos de Austria, emperador de Alemania desde 1711 (Carlos VI), diseñaron una estrategia defensiva, pero con características ofensivas, consistente en desarrollar el bloqueo de las dos plazas principales de todo un frente de guerra, Gerona y Rosas, que amenazaban directamente Barcelona, realizado a menudo con fuerzas inferiores, pero que mantuvo dentro del conflicto a Cataluña hasta 1713-1714. Se han contrastado las fuentes borbónicas, depositadas en el Archivo Histórico Nacional (sección Estado), con algunas austracistas, de la Generalitat de Cataluña, y, sobre todo, con la gran obra de Francesc de Castellví, Narraciones Históricas. PALABRAS CLAVE: guerra de Sucesión, Cataluña, siglo XVIII, Gerona, Rosas, bloqueo ABSTRACT In the context of the Catalan front during the War of the Spanish Succession, the developments of the years 1711-1712 are of great importance. The war in Catalonia was fought on three fronts, in the South, on the Ebro river, with the main fortification at Tortosa; on the Western front, on the Segre river, with the main fortification at Lérida, and finally on the Northern front, which had its main fortification at Gerona. In the wars of the late seventeenth century, taking Gerona was always an important goal, one which was presumed to precede the taking of Barcelona. In the case of the War of the Spanish Succession the same pattern was followed. Strategists of Archduke Charles of Austria, Emperor of Germany from 1711 (Charles VI), designed a defensive strategy, but with offensive features which consisted of blockading the two main fortifications of an entire war front, Gerona and Rosas, directly threatening Barcelona. This was often carried out with what were inferior forces but remained in place within the conflict in Catalonia until 1713-1714. Bourbon sources, deposited in the National Historical Archive (State Section) in Madrid, along with some Austrian ones, the archives of the Generalitat of Catalonia, and especially the great work of Francesc de Castellví, Narraciones Históricas, have all been consulted. KEY WORDS: War of the Spanish Succession, Catalonia, eighteenth century, Gerona, Rosas, blockade

SummaryThis article aims to describe the reasons for the decline of customary law in the early modern era. Confining the discussion to a limited geographical setting – the Iberian Peninsula – the arguments I used might be easily applied to other European jurisdictions. Part I presents an explanation of the predominance of custom in the medieval Spanish legal traditions. Part II describes the general features of the law in the early modern era, since they contributed – to a greater or lesser degree – to the demise of custom. Part III focuses more specifically on the theoretical and practical reasons for the decline and displacement of custom in early modern Spain. Part IV describes the consequences of the Decrees of Nueva Planta (1707-1718), approved by Felipe V in the context of the War of the Spanish Succession (1700-1714), regarding the development of the notion and role of custom in the eighteenth century. The article concludes with some reflections, emphasising that although customs do not easily co-exist with the state or a strong political power, neither do they entirely perish.

This article reveals the existence of a hitherto unknown Black Chamber in the Dutch Republic and the identity of its principal codebreaker, Abel Tasien d'Alonne (1646–1723), acting also as private secretary to Grand Pensionary Heinsius. On the basis of an analysis of a number of previously unidentified worksheets, three cases are put together that merited d'Alonne's attention, one related to a French diplomat at the court of the Bavarian Elector during the years 1707–9, one related to an undercover agent of the Bavarian Elector in the Dutch Republic during the years 1711–12 and one related to a French emissary to the state council in Brussels during the period 1714–15. The emergence of a Black Chamber in The Hague is remarkable because the Dutch could always call upon the Black Chamber of Hanover for the solution of any intercepted, coded documents. This indicates that the development of inter-allied relations during the war played a more important role in the rise of the Dutch Black Chamber than one would expect.

The formation of the first state system in Europe took place from the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, as a result of the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648), to the Utrecht (1713), Rastatt-Baden (1714) and Nystad Congresses (1721) which finished the end of the war of the Spanish Succession and the Northern war. The legal fixation of the Westphallian system was accompanied by its public perception and acceptance. First of all, this was demonstrated by International Congresses, which were not only a common negotiation process, but also a place of representation of the significance and culture of each state. In fact, the European Congress was a carefully designed triumph of Рeace within the continent, which required considerable funds, was widely covered in the press and glorified in celebrations, paintings, plastic art, release of commemorative medals, poetry and even fashion. The article presents the most striking examples of iconography of Peace Congresses. The author believes that their performative nature and iconography, emphasizing the European character of Peace and the protopatriotic moods that it evoked, made a significant contribution to the civilization heritage of Europe.

Most theories of state formation emphasize the advantages of legal uniformity for the development of early modern states. The Bourbon monarchy in eighteenth-century Spain demonstrates alternative possibilities because Philip V created a more unified legal system in the kingdoms of Valencia and Aragon in 1707 only to reinstate the distinctive Aragonese civil law in 1711. Philip pursued this change in policy because the difficulties caused by changing Aragonese civil law undercut his support among the local elite, while reinstating these laws increased the dependence of these elite upon the success of the king in the War of Spanish Succession (1700–1714). Philip V’s policies following 1711 demonstrate a consistent interest in securing the support of the local elite over the desire to unify the divergent civil laws throughout his kingdoms. For these reasons, selective legal diversity proved a compelling approach to governing. The persistence of these regional variations in law contributes to broader theories of state formation by demonstrating the potential benefits of legal diversity.

The formation of the first state system in Europe took place from the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, as a result of the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648), to the Utrecht (1713) and Rastatt-Baden (1714) Congresses which finished the end of the war of the Spanish Succession. The legal fixation of the Westphallian system was accompanied by its public perception and acceptance. First of all, this was demonstrated by International Congresses, which were not only a common negotiation process, but also a place of representation of the significance and culture of each state. In fact, the European Congress was a carefully designed triumph of peace within the continent, which required considerable funds, was widely covered in the press and glorified in celebrations, paintings, the release of commemorative medals, poetry and even fashion. The article presents the most striking examples of the analysis of the representation forms of Peace Congresses. The author believes that negotiations between states and the conclusion of peace made a significant contribution to the civilization heritage of Europe. The factor of transition from war to peace was the strongest stimulus for the transformation of the government structure in line with the monopolization of power, the development of trade, the banking system, productive forces and culture, which changed people's attitude to their own personality and environment. The publicity of International Congresses can also be considered as incentive for the development of the Law of Nations and as an act of humanitarian diplomacy. Peace Congresses were designed to minimize the heavy legacy of military conflicts in the historical memory.

The article focuses on the issue of the international status of Russia during the reign of Peter the Great, which progressed from regional power in Eurasia to great power. It seeks to establish when and how Russia officially became a great power. The Poltava victory over the Swedish army (1709) showed that Russia had created the military-industrial poten- tial necessary for great power. The tsar gradually prepared the conditions for the proclama- tion of Russia as an empire and himself as an emperor. Arguably, the recognition of the title by the European states cannot be the main criterion for determining the time of Russia's transformation into a great power because recognizing the imperial title dragged on for sev- eral decades. The great power position of Russia and its new role in international relations began to find its reflection in the treaties between the leading European powers before the official recognition as an empire. International treaties of Russia with France, Austria, Prussia, Rzeczpospolita, Sweden, China, the Ottoman Empire and the Crimean Khanate show that for the first time, the new role of Russia as a great power, as the guarantor of the common Eu- ropean contractual system after the War of the Spanish Succession (1701 / 1702-1714) was enshrined in the Amsterdam Treaty (1717), which was concluded between Russia, France, and Prussia. The subsequent treaty, which had a similar significance for the assertion of the great power role of Russia in Europe, was signed in Vienna on July 26 (August 6), 1726, with another great power - Austria. The system of treaties that Russia was part of in the last years of the reign of Peter the Great was strikingly different from the one that was at the beginning of the reign. According to the Treaty of Nystad, Russia was registered as the guarantor of the new internal state structure of Sweden (which ceased to be an absolutist state) and even the guarantor of the rights to the throne of King Fredrik I (Article 7). Under the allied defense treaty with Sweden (February 22, 1724), both countries agreed to be the guarantors of the internal political structure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The analysis of docu- ments allows us to make a general conclusion that the treaties of Russia with other countries at the end of the reign of Peter the Great were one of the pillars of the system of international relations in Europe, which signified that Russia acquired new great power status.

In 1714 the Catalans, being in the camp of the losers in the War of the Spanish Succession, finally lost any hope to gain independence. 300 years later, nationalists, who are in power now in Catalonia, want to take advantage of that memorable date by organizing a regional referendum in order to choose their own path of development. In the aggravating conflict of interests between Madrid and Barcelona both parties use not only political and propaganda measures, but also financial leverages of influence. The ethnonational issue in the multiethnic Spain is far from being solved, because for centuries the process of forming a unified Spanish state was characterized by political union of several genetically related (except Basque) ethnic communities, although with significant socio-cultural and linguistic differences among them. It is not coincidental that regional identity in Spain is still extremely strong, while the interethnic consolidation of the Spanish nation can be characterized as incomplete, which can be seen, particularly, in the intensification in recent decades of radical nationalist and separatist sentiments in Catalonia, the Basque Country and some other autonomies. Among reasons which escalated confrontation between supporters and opponents of Catalonian independence, we should mention the global financial crisis that hit the regions of Spain as well as the overall national economy. The separatists have many barriers on their way, starting from the constitutional provisions proclaiming Spain a united and indivisible state which impede to carry out regional plebiscites, and ending by an ambiguous attitude towards the hypothetical independence of Catalonia by both the residents of the region and in other parts of the country. It is important to keep in mind that in today's world the possibility of breaking large multiethnic state into ethnically constituting elements is more possible than 40-50 years ago. Disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and the emergence on the world political map of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and most recently of the Republic of Crimea - confirm this. The Catalonian nationalists in their arguments in favor of the sovereignty of Catalonia refer to the arbitrariness of the borders formed in the past between separate European countries and the regions. Modern state boundaries indeed are not the result of rational planning, democratic arrangements or consideration of the local population's opinion. In many ways, the current borders are the result of historical processes, often - of bloody wars and territorial annexations. In other words, they are the result of actions which are contrary to current international law and moral norms of behavior. Independent Catalonia is still a hypothesis, but under certain conditions and, more importantly, as a result of concerted efforts of regional nationalists it could become a reality.

Nacido en Bruselas el 17 de abril de 1649 (o en el 1642), Carlos Enrique de Lorena, príncipe de Vaudémont era hijo del duque de Lorena Carlos IV (1604-1675) y de su segunda mujer, Beatriz de Cusance. De la boda de Carlos Enrique con Ana Isabel de Lorena-Elboeuf (1649-1714), naciò Carlos Tomás (1670-1704), que fue encaminado a la carrera militar en los rangos imperiales. En lo años Ochenta y Noventa Carlos Enrique servió a los Habsburgo de España en Flandes: condecorado por la prestigiosa Orden del Toisón de Oro, tomó el cargo de capitán general de la caballería del ejército español en Flandes. Fue con su mujer a Italia en la primavera del 1690 y del 1692. En la Guerra de la Liga de Augusta fue entroducido en las esferas de dependencias de Guillermo de Orange (1650-1702), que fue su principal protección junto con el potente conde de Melgar, último Almirante de Castilla, político muy influyente que le procurò algunos cargos de gobierno en los territorios de la Monarquía. Se debe considerar estos dos importantes patronazgos las principales fuentes de su promoción en el Consejo de Estado el 29 noviembre de 1699 entre los projectos del partido austracista porlo que se refiere al tema de la successión a Carlos II. El Vaudémont no pudo nunca participar a las consultas porque fue gobernador de Milàn entre 1698 y 1706. Murió a Commercy en el 1723. Born in Brussels on 17 April 1649 (or 1642), Charles Henry of Lorraine, prince of Vaudemont was the son of Charles IV, duke of Lorraine (1604-75) and his second wife, Beatrice de Cusance. Charles Henry’s first marriage, to Anne Elisabeth of Lorrsaine – Elboeuf (1649-1714) produced Charles Thomas (1670-1704), who was destined for a military career in the Imperial armies. In the 1680s and 1690s Charles Henry served the Spanish Habsburgs in Flanders: awarded the prestigious Order of the Golden Fleece, he held the post of captain general of the Spanish cavalry in Flanders. He went with his wife to Italy in the spring of 1690 and again in 1692. During the War of the League of Augsburg he was introduced into the patronage network of William of Orange (1650-1702), who was his chief protector, along with the powerful count of Melgar, the last Admiral of Castile, a very influential politician who obtained for him various senior government posts in the territories of the Monarchy. To these two important patrons must be attributed his promotion to the Council of State on 29 November 1699. However, Vaudemont could never take part in the consultas of the council because he was governor of Milan between 1698 sand 1716. He died at Commercy in 1723.

Scholars long have examined the early modern European business of war – the recruitment, supply, and payment of combatants by non-native contractors. With such attention on who conducted this commerce, however, scholars have ignored where the business of war took place. As Peter Wilson and Marianne Klerk recently have argued in this journal, war business was often conducted in politically autonomous cities. This article takes their findings further by showing how naval contractors and army victuallers conducted the business of war in substantially different spatial settings in one fiscal-military hub, Genoa, during one conflict, the War of Spanish Succession.

IntroductionIn the year 2000, a group of likeminded individuals got together and convened the first annual World Barista Championship in Monte Carlo. With twelve competitors from around the globe, each competitor was judged by seven judges: one head judge who oversaw the process, two technical judges who assessed technical skills, and four sensory judges who evaluated the taste and appearance of the espresso drinks. Competitors had fifteen minutes to serve four espresso coffees, four cappuccino coffees, and four “signature” drinks that they had devised using one shot of espresso and other ingredients of their choice, but no alcohol. The competitors were also assessed on their overall barista skills, their creativity, and their ability to perform under pressure and impress the judges with their knowledge of coffee. This competition has grown to the extent that eleven years later, in 2011, 54 countries held national barista championships with the winner from each country competing for the highly coveted position of World Barista Champion. That year, Alejandro Mendez from El Salvador became the first world champion from a coffee producing nation. Champion baristas are more likely to come from coffee consuming countries than they are from coffee producing countries as countries that produce coffee seldom have a culture of espresso coffee consumption. While Ireland is not a coffee-producing nation, the Irish are the highest per capita consumers of tea in the world (Mac Con Iomaire, “Ireland”). Despite this, in 2008, Stephen Morrissey from Ireland overcame 50 other national champions to become the 2008 World Barista Champion (see, http://vimeo.com/2254130). Another Irish national champion, Colin Harmon, came fourth in this competition in both 2009 and 2010. This paper discusses the history and development of coffee and coffee houses in Dublin from the 17th century, charting how coffee culture in Dublin appeared, evolved, and stagnated before re-emerging at the beginning of the 21st century, with a remarkable win in the World Barista Championships. The historical links between coffeehouses and media—ranging from print media to electronic and social media—are discussed. In this, the coffee house acts as an informal public gathering space, what urban sociologist Ray Oldenburg calls a “third place,” neither work nor home. These “third places” provide anchors for community life and facilitate and foster broader, more creative interaction (Oldenburg). This paper will also show how competition from other “third places” such as clubs, hotels, restaurants, and bars have affected the vibrancy of coffee houses. Early Coffee Houses The first coffee house was established in Constantinople in 1554 (Tannahill 252; Huetz de Lemps 387). The first English coffee houses opened in Oxford in 1650 and in London in 1652. Coffee houses multiplied thereafter but, in 1676, when some London coffee houses became hotbeds for political protest, the city prosecutor decided to close them. The ban was soon lifted and between 1680 and 1730 Londoners discovered the pleasure of drinking coffee (Huetz de Lemps 388), although these coffee houses sold a number of hot drinks including tea and chocolate as well as coffee.The first French coffee houses opened in Marseille in 1671 and in Paris the following year. Coffee houses proliferated during the 18th century: by 1720 there were 380 public cafés in Paris and by the end of the century there were 600 (Huetz de Lemps 387). Café Procope opened in Paris in 1674 and, in the 18th century, became a literary salon with regular patrons: Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and Condorcet (Huetz de Lemps 387; Pitte 472). In England, coffee houses developed into exclusive clubs such as Crockford’s and the Reform, whilst elsewhere in Europe they evolved into what we identify as cafés, similar to the tea shops that would open in England in the late 19th century (Tannahill 252-53). Tea quickly displaced coffee in popularity in British coffee houses (Taylor 142). Pettigrew suggests two reasons why Great Britain became a tea-drinking nation while most of the rest of Europe took to coffee (48). The first was the power of the East India Company, chartered by Elizabeth I in 1600, which controlled the world’s biggest tea monopoly and promoted the beverage enthusiastically. The second was the difficulty England had in securing coffee from the Levant while at war with France at the end of the seventeenth century and again during the War of the Spanish Succession (1702-13). Tea also became the dominant beverage in Ireland and over a period of time became the staple beverage of the whole country. In 1835, Samuel Bewley and his son Charles dared to break the monopoly of The East India Company by importing over 2,000 chests of tea directly from Canton, China, to Ireland. His family would later become synonymous with the importation of coffee and with opening cafés in Ireland (see, Farmar for full history of the Bewley's and their activities). Ireland remains the highest per-capita consumer of tea in the world. Coffee houses have long been linked with social and political change (Kennedy, Politicks; Pincus). The notion that these new non-alcoholic drinks were responsible for the Enlightenment because people could now gather socially without getting drunk is rejected by Wheaton as frivolous, since there had always been alternatives to strong drink, and European civilisation had achieved much in the previous centuries (91). She comments additionally that cafés, as gathering places for dissenters, took over the role that taverns had long played. Pennell and Vickery support this argument adding that by offering a choice of drinks, and often sweets, at a fixed price and in a more civilized setting than most taverns provided, coffee houses and cafés were part of the rise of the modern restaurant. It is believed that, by 1700, the commercial provision of food and drink constituted the second largest occupational sector in London. Travellers’ accounts are full of descriptions of London taverns, pie shops, coffee, bun and chop houses, breakfast huts, and food hawkers (Pennell; Vickery). Dublin Coffee Houses and Later incarnations The earliest reference to coffee houses in Dublin is to the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85). Public dining or drinking establishments listed in the 1738 Dublin Directory include taverns, eating houses, chop houses, coffee houses, and one chocolate house in Fownes Court run by Peter Bardin (Hardiman and Kennedy 157). During the second half of the 17th century, Dublin’s merchant classes transferred allegiance from taverns to the newly fashionable coffee houses as places to conduct business. By 1698, the fashion had spread to country towns with coffee houses found in Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Clonmel, Wexford, and Galway, and slightly later in Belfast and Waterford in the 18th century. Maxwell lists some of Dublin’s leading coffee houses and taverns, noting their clientele: There were Lucas’s Coffee House, on Cork Hill (the scene of many duels), frequented by fashionable young men; the Phoenix, in Werburgh Street, where political dinners were held; Dick’s Coffee House, in Skinner’s Row, much patronized by literary men, for it was over a bookseller’s; the Eagle, in Eustace Street, where meetings of the Volunteers were held; the Old Sot’s Hole, near Essex Bridge, famous for its beefsteaks and ale; the Eagle Tavern, on Cork Hill, which was demolished at the same time as Lucas’s to make room for the Royal Exchange; and many others. (76) Many of the early taverns were situated around the Winetavern Street, Cook Street, and Fishamble Street area. (see Fig. 1) Taverns, and later coffee houses, became meeting places for gentlemen and centres for debate and the exchange of ideas. In 1706, Francis Dickson published the Flying Post newspaper at the Four Courts coffee house in Winetavern Street. The Bear Tavern (1725) and the Black Lyon (1735), where a Masonic Lodge assembled every Wednesday, were also located on this street (Gilbert v.1 160). Dick’s Coffee house was established in the late 17th century by bookseller and newspaper proprietor Richard Pue, and remained open until 1780 when the building was demolished. In 1740, Dick’s customers were described thus: Ye citizens, gentlemen, lawyers and squires,who summer and winter surround our great fires,ye quidnuncs! who frequently come into Pue’s,To live upon politicks, coffee, and news. (Gilbert v.1 174) There has long been an association between coffeehouses and publishing books, pamphlets and particularly newspapers. Other Dublin publishers and newspapermen who owned coffee houses included Richard Norris and Thomas Bacon. Until the 1850s, newspapers were burdened with a number of taxes: on the newsprint, a stamp duty, and on each advertisement. By 1865, these taxes had virtually disappeared, resulting in the appearance of 30 new newspapers in Ireland, 24 of them in Dublin. Most people read from copies which were available free of charge in taverns, clubs, and coffee houses (MacGiolla Phadraig). Coffee houses also kept copies of international newspapers. On 4 May 1706, Francis Dickson notes in the Dublin Intelligence that he held the Paris and London Gazettes, Leyden Gazette and Slip, the Paris and Hague Lettres à la Main, Daily Courant, Post-man, Flying Post, Post-script and Manuscripts in his coffeehouse in Winetavern Street (Kennedy, “Dublin”). Henry Berry’s analysis of shop signs in Dublin identifies 24 different coffee houses in Dublin, with the main clusters in Essex Street near the Custom’s House (Cocoa Tree, Bacon’s, Dempster’s, Dublin, Merchant’s, Norris’s, and Walsh’s) Cork Hill (Lucas’s, St Lawrence’s, and Solyman’s) Skinners’ Row (Bow’s’, Darby’s, and Dick’s) Christ Church Yard (Four Courts, and London) College Green (Jack’s, and Parliament) and Crampton Court (Exchange, and Little Dublin). (see Figure 1, below, for these clusters and the locations of other Dublin coffee houses.) The earliest to be referenced is the Cock Coffee House in Cook Street during the reign of Charles II (1660-85), with Solyman’s (1691), Bow’s (1692), and Patt’s on High Street (1699), all mentioned in print before the 18th century. The name of one, the Cocoa Tree, suggests that chocolate was also served in this coffee house. More evidence of the variety of beverages sold in coffee houses comes from Gilbert who notes that in 1730, one Dublin poet wrote of George Carterwright’s wife at The Custom House Coffee House on Essex Street: Her coffee’s fresh and fresh her tea,Sweet her cream, ptizan, and whea,her drams, of ev’ry sort, we findboth good and pleasant, in their kind. (v. 2 161) Figure 1: Map of Dublin indicating Coffee House clusters 1 = Sackville St.; 2 = Winetavern St.; 3 = Essex St.; 4 = Cork Hill; 5 = Skinner's Row; 6 = College Green.; 7 = Christ Church Yard; 8 = Crampton Court.; 9 = Cook St.; 10 = High St.; 11 = Eustace St.; 12 = Werburgh St.; 13 = Fishamble St.; 14 = Westmorland St.; 15 = South Great George's St.; 16 = Grafton St.; 17 = Kildare St.; 18 = Dame St.; 19 = Anglesea Row; 20 = Foster Place; 21 = Poolbeg St.; 22 = Fleet St.; 23 = Burgh Quay.A = Cafe de Paris, Lincoln Place; B = Red Bank Restaurant, D'Olier St.; C = Morrison's Hotel, Nassau St.; D = Shelbourne Hotel, St. Stephen's Green; E = Jury's Hotel, Dame St. Some coffee houses transformed into the gentlemen’s clubs that appeared in London, Paris and Dublin in the 17th century. These clubs originally met in coffee houses, then taverns, until later proprietary clubs became fashionable. Dublin anticipated London in club fashions with members of the Kildare Street Club (1782) and the Sackville Street Club (1794) owning the premises of their clubhouse, thus dispensing with the proprietor. The first London club to be owned by the members seems to be Arthur’s, founded in 1811 (McDowell 4) and this practice became widespread throughout the 19th century in both London and Dublin. The origin of one of Dublin’s most famous clubs, Daly’s Club, was a chocolate house opened by Patrick Daly in c.1762–65 in premises at 2–3 Dame Street (Brooke). It prospered sufficiently to commission its own granite-faced building on College Green between Anglesea Street and Foster Place which opened in 1789 (Liddy 51). Daly’s Club, “where half the land of Ireland has changed hands”, was renowned for the gambling that took place there (Montgomery 39). Daly’s sumptuous palace catered very well (and discreetly) for honourable Members of Parliament and rich “bucks” alike (Craig 222). The changing political and social landscape following the Act of Union led to Daly’s slow demise and its eventual closure in 1823 (Liddy 51). Coincidentally, the first Starbucks in Ireland opened in 2005 in the same location. Once gentlemen’s clubs had designated buildings where members could eat, drink, socialise, and stay overnight, taverns and coffee houses faced competition from the best Dublin hotels which also had coffee rooms “in which gentlemen could read papers, write letters, take coffee and wine in the evening—an exiguous substitute for a club” (McDowell 17). There were at least 15 establishments in Dublin city claiming to be hotels by 1789 (Corr 1) and their numbers grew in the 19th century, an expansion which was particularly influenced by the growth of railways. By 1790, Dublin’s public houses (“pubs”) outnumbered its coffee houses with Dublin boasting 1,300 (Rooney 132). Names like the Goose and Gridiron, Harp and Crown, Horseshoe and Magpie, and Hen and Chickens—fashionable during the 17th and 18th centuries in Ireland—hung on decorative signs for those who could not read. Throughout the 20th century, the public house provided the dominant “third place” in Irish society, and the drink of choice for itd predominantly male customers was a frothy pint of Guinness. Newspapers were available in public houses and many newspapermen had their own favourite hostelries such as Mulligan’s of Poolbeg Street; The Pearl, and The Palace on Fleet Street; and The White Horse Inn on Burgh Quay. Any coffee served in these establishments prior to the arrival of the new coffee culture in the 21st century was, however, of the powdered instant variety. Hotels / Restaurants with Coffee Rooms From the mid-19th century, the public dining landscape of Dublin changed in line with London and other large cities in the United Kingdom. Restaurants did appear gradually in the United Kingdom and research suggests that one possible reason for this growth from the 1860s onwards was the Refreshment Houses and Wine Licences Act (1860). The object of this act was to “reunite the business of eating and drinking”, thereby encouraging public sobriety (Mac Con Iomaire, “Emergence” v.2 95). Advertisements for Dublin restaurants appeared in The Irish Times from the 1860s. Thom’s Directory includes listings for Dining Rooms from the 1870s and Refreshment Rooms are listed from the 1880s. This pattern continued until 1909, when Thom’s Directory first includes a listing for “Restaurants and Tea Rooms”. Some of the establishments that advertised separate coffee rooms include Dublin’s first French restaurant, the Café de Paris, The Red Bank Restaurant, Morrison’s Hotel, Shelbourne Hotel, and Jury’s Hotel (see Fig. 1). The pattern of separate ladies’ coffee rooms emerged in Dublin and London during the latter half of the 19th century and mixed sex dining only became popular around the last decade of the 19th century, partly infuenced by Cesar Ritz and Auguste Escoffier (Mac Con Iomaire, “Public Dining”). Irish Cafés: From Bewley’s to Starbucks A number of cafés appeared at the beginning of the 20th century, most notably Robert Roberts and Bewley’s, both of which were owned by Quaker families. Ernest Bewley took over the running of the Bewley’s importation business in the 1890s and opened a number of Oriental Cafés; South Great Georges Street (1894), Westmoreland Street (1896), and what became the landmark Bewley’s Oriental Café in Grafton Street (1927). Drawing influence from the grand cafés of Paris and Vienna, oriental tearooms, and Egyptian architecture (inspired by the discovery in 1922 of Tutankhamen’s Tomb), the Grafton Street business brought a touch of the exotic into the newly formed Irish Free State. Bewley’s cafés became the haunt of many of Ireland’s leading literary figures, including Samuel Becket, Sean O’Casey, and James Joyce who mentioned the café in his book, Dubliners. A full history of Bewley’s is available (Farmar). It is important to note, however, that pots of tea were sold in equal measure to mugs of coffee in Bewley’s. The cafés changed over time from waitress- to self-service and a failure to adapt to changing fashions led to the business being sold, with only the flagship café in Grafton Street remaining open in a revised capacity. It was not until the beginning of the 21st century that a new wave of coffee house culture swept Ireland. This was based around speciality coffee beverages such as espressos, cappuccinos, lattés, macchiatos, and frappuccinnos. This new phenomenon coincided with the unprecedented growth in the Irish economy, during which Ireland became known as the “Celtic Tiger” (Murphy 3). One aspect of this period was a building boom and a subsequent growth in apartment living in the Dublin city centre. The American sitcom Friends and its fictional coffee house, “Central Perk,” may also have helped popularise the use of coffee houses as “third spaces” (Oldenberg) among young apartment dwellers in Dublin. This was also the era of the “dotcom boom” when many young entrepreneurs, software designers, webmasters, and stock market investors were using coffee houses as meeting places for business and also as ad hoc office spaces. This trend is very similar to the situation in the 17th and early 18th centuries where coffeehouses became known as sites for business dealings. Various theories explaining the growth of the new café culture have circulated, with reasons ranging from a growth in Eastern European migrants, anti-smoking legislation, returning sophisticated Irish emigrants, and increased affluence (Fenton). Dublin pubs, facing competition from the new coffee culture, began installing espresso coffee machines made by companies such as Gaggia to attract customers more interested in a good latté than a lager and it is within this context that Irish baristas gained such success in the World Barista competition. In 2001 the Georges Street branch of Bewley’s was taken over by a chain called Café, Bar, Deli specialising in serving good food at reasonable prices. Many ex-Bewley’s staff members subsequently opened their own businesses, roasting coffee and running cafés. Irish-owned coffee chains such as Java Republic, Insomnia, and O’Brien’s Sandwich Bars continued to thrive despite the competition from coffee chains Starbucks and Costa Café. Indeed, so successful was the handmade Irish sandwich and coffee business that, before the economic downturn affected its business, Irish franchise O’Brien’s operated in over 18 countries. The Café, Bar, Deli group had also begun to franchise its operations in 2008 when it too became a victim of the global economic downturn. With the growth of the Internet, many newspapers have experienced falling sales of their printed format and rising uptake of their electronic versions. Most Dublin coffee houses today provide wireless Internet connections so their customers can read not only the local newspapers online, but also others from all over the globe, similar to Francis Dickenson’s coffee house in Winetavern Street in the early 18th century. Dublin has become Europe’s Silicon Valley, housing the European headquarters for companies such as Google, Yahoo, Ebay, Paypal, and Facebook. There are currently plans to provide free wireless connectivity throughout Dublin’s city centre in order to promote e-commerce, however, some coffee houses shut off the wireless Internet in their establishments at certain times of the week in order to promote more social interaction to ensure that these “third places” remain “great good places” at the heart of the community (Oldenburg). Conclusion Ireland is not a country that is normally associated with a coffee culture but coffee houses have been part of the fabric of that country since they emerged in Dublin in the 17th century. These Dublin coffee houses prospered in the 18th century, and survived strong competition from clubs and hotels in the 19th century, and from restaurant and public houses into the 20th century. In 2008, when Stephen Morrissey won the coveted title of World Barista Champion, Ireland’s place as a coffee consuming country was re-established. 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