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1

Atkinson, J. E., and L. F. Fitzhardinge. "The Spartans." South African Archaeological Bulletin 41, no. 143 (1986): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3887721.

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2

Pilger, Christian, and Gregor Fels. "Gar nicht spartanisch: Spartan." Nachrichten aus Chemie, Technik und Laboratorium 44, no. 11 (1996): 1096–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/nadc.19960441115.

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3

Salus, Carol. "Degas'Young Spartans Exercising." Art Bulletin 67, no. 3 (1985): 501–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043079.1985.10788285.

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4

Hornblower, Simon. "SPARTANS IN THUCYDIDES." Classical Review 53, no. 1 (2003): 35–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.1.35.

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5

Spina, Luigi. "L'incomparabile pudore dei giovani Spartani (Senofonte, "Costituzione degli Spartani," III 5)." Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 19, no. 1 (1985): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20538862.

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6

Salus, Carol. "Degas' Young Spartans Exercising." Art Bulletin 67, no. 3 (1985): 501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3050964.

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7

Nochlin, Linda, and Carol Salus. "Dega's Young Spartans Exercising." Art Bulletin 68, no. 3 (1986): 486. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3050983.

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8

Gray, Tara D., and Jamie Callahan. "Skills of the Spartans." Journal of Leadership Education 7, no. 2 (2008): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.12806/v7/i2/ab6.

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9

Hagens, John. "The Rocky Mountain Spartans." Canadian Medical Association Journal 192, no. 13 (2020): E347—E348. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.190701.

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10

Scriver, Stacey. "Subjectivity, identity and 300 Spartans." Psychoanalysis, Culture & Society 14, no. 2 (2009): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pcs.2008.35.

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11

Kämpfer, Peter, Rute Irgang, Stefanie P. Glaeser, et al. "Flavobacterium salmonis sp. nov. isolated from Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) and formal proposal to reclassify Flavobacterium spartansii as a later heterotypic synonym of Flavobacterium tructae." International Journal of Systematic and Evolutionary Microbiology 70, no. 12 (2020): 6147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1099/ijsem.0.004510.

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A Gram-staining-negative non endospore-forming strain, T13(2019)T was isolated from water samples from Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) fry culture in Chile and studied in detail for its taxonomic position. The isolate shared highest 16S rRNA gene sequence similarities with the type strains of Flavobacterium chungangense (98.44 %) followed by Flavobacterium tructae and Flavobacterium spartansii (both 98.22 %). Menaquinone MK-6 was the predominant respiratory quinone in T13(2019)T. Major polar lipids were phosphatidylethanolamine, an ornithine lipid and the unidentified polar lipids L1, L3 and L4 lacking a functional group. The major polyamine was sym-homospermidine. The fatty acid profile contained major amounts of iso-C15 : 0, iso-C15 : 0 3-OH, iso-C17 : 0 3-OH, C15 : 0, summed feature 3 (C16 : 1 ω7c and/or iso-C15 : 0 2-OH) and various hydroxylated fatty acids in smaller amounts, among them iso-C16 : 0 3-OH, and C15 : 0 3-OH, which supported the grouping of the isolate into the genus Flavobacterium . Physiological/biochemical characterisation and ANI calculations with the type strains of the most closely related species allowed a clear phenotypic and genotypic differentiation. In addition it became obvious, that the type strains of F. tructae and F. spartansii showed 100 % 16S rRNA gene sequence similarities and ANI values of 97.21%/ 97.59 % and DDH values of 80.40 % [77.5 and 83%]. These data indicate that F. tructae and F. spartansii belong to the same species and it is proposed that F. spartansii is a later heterotypic synonym of F. tructae . For strain T13(2019)T (=CIP 111411T=LMG 30298T=CCM 8798T) a new species with the name Flavobacterium salmonis sp. nov. is proposed.
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12

Malkin, Irad. "Lysander and Libys." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (1990): 541–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043123.

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To convince the Spartans of his suggested reform of the kingship, Lysander tried to get the sanction of the oracle of Zeus Ammon at the oasis of Siwa in Libya, and even attempted to bribe the priests there. The priests reported him to the Spartans. Only after his death, upon the discovery of a speech he had ordered concerning the reform, was the full scale of his plans revealed.
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13

Easton, Emma. "Spartans Alternative School: Building a bridge of trust." Scottish Affairs 29, no. 4 (2020): 502–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2020.0340.

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Spartans Alternative School is an education project based within the Spartans Community Football Academy. Operating in an area of multiple deprivation in North Edinburgh, the school offers part time alternative education provision for 14–16 year olds at risk of exclusion and/or under achieving. This paper explores how the alternative school has met the complex needs of young people who have suffered or are suffering from adverse childhood experiences. The ethos of Spartans, and the Alternative School, is to support young people in a holistic way to achieve the very best version of themselves. The students are supported by a team of staff who have chosen to focus their training on being youth work led, trauma informed and attachment aware rather than focused on the narrow and inappropriate parameters associated with aspects of ACEs-informed practice.
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14

Woons, Marc. "Helots, Spartans, and Contemporary Wars Within." Peace Review 28, no. 3 (2016): 351–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2016.1201953.

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15

Shipley, Graham, and Antony Spawforth. "New imperial subscripts to the Spartans." Annual of the British School at Athens 90 (November 1995): 429–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016282.

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A stone built into the church at Kokkinórachi near Sparta carries part of a first-century AD text containing one or more imperial rescripts to Sparta. The author of one section admonishes the Spartans after civil unrest, probably during the lifetime of the dynast Eurykles, his son Lakon, or his grandson Spartiatikos. Epigraphic parallels, and the text's appeal to historic traditions, suggest that the author is Claudius. The document may indicate that communication between cities and emperors by ‘petition and response’ was more widespread now than in the post-Hadrianic era, when cities are thought generally to have addressed the emperor by letter.
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16

Hanink, Johanna. "WAS THE POLIS A PERSON IN CLASSICAL ATHENS? CIVIC BODIES AND CHORAL POLITICS IN THE THEATER." Ramus 50, no. 1-2 (2021): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2021.11.

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In his History of the Peloponnesian War, Thucydides waits until he has passed the midpoint of Book 1 to introduce an individual speaking ‘character’ into his narrative. He does not do so until the scene of the Congress at Sparta (1.67–88), where it is first ‘the Corinthians’ and then ‘the Athenians’ who plead their cases before the Spartan assembly. One of the functions of this scene is to illustrate the internal division of opinion among the Spartans, and Thucydides now brings two distinct, elite Spartans onstage to voice their conflicting perspectives: King Archidamus addresses his countrymen urging caution (1.80–5), while the ephor Sthenelaidas makes suitably laconic remarks pressing for war (1.86). Before this turning point, Thucydides had carried out his analysis of the war's causes exclusively with reference to foreign rulers and Greek polis-populations (‘the Athenians’, ‘the Spartans’, etc.)—and not to any individual actors or leaders of those poleis, such as Archidamus and Sthenelaidas of Sparta.
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17

Bralić, Željko. "Spartan constitution and education." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 2 (2020): 665–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-28419.

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Ancient Sparta is generally recognized as a Greek polis with specific and non-typical state system determined by firmly established set of laws, commonly considered (by Spartans and other Greeks of the time) as a constitution of lawgiver Lykourgos. Spartan constitution was the essence of the state, and this work reviews some of the main institutions established by the constitution. Principal section of the text is dedicated to the basic element and the major purpose of the state and the constitution itself - namely, to the spartan education. It is the peculiar Spartan education and training system called agōgē that particularly enabled ancient Spartans to maintain their durable military might and decisive influence in classical period. Lawgiver of Sparta dedicated primary function in the arrangement of the state itself to the educational system, principally focused on physical and moral education. Capital purpose of educational system was character forming of young Spartans who were expected, mainly on a battlefield in a hoplite phalanx formation, to materialize Spartan ideal of a paramount skilled combatant and fearless warrior.
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18

Cawkwell, G. L. "Sparta and Her Allies in the Sixth Century." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (1993): 364–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800039896.

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In the first book of his History Thucydides shows ‘the Spartans and the Allies’, to give the Peloponnesian League its formal title, making the decision that Athens had broken the Thirty Years Peace. After receiving the complaints of various allies, the Spartans discussed in the assembly the conduct of Athens and what should be done about it (ch. 67ff.) and ended by voting that the treaty had been broken and that the Athenians were in the wrong (ch. 87). This decision they communicated to the allies who had come complaining, and declared that they wished to summon all the allies and submit it to the vote, ‘in order that after general consultation (κοινμ βονλενομενοι) they might make war, should it so seem good“ (87.3 & 4). Then, after the Excursus on the Pentekontaetia, Thucydides records the congress of the League in which the Spartans put to the vote whether it was necessary to go to war and the majority voted for war (119–125). Thus Sparta proposed and the allies disposed.
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19

Whaley, Brian. "Integration and Inspiration: A Spartan's Take on Physiology." Physiology 31, no. 6 (2016): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/physiol.00028.2016.

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20

Liotta, P. H. "American Spartans: Networks, neurons, and the chaos challenge." Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict 3, no. 1 (2010): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17467586.2010.513415.

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21

Pavlides, Nicolette. "THE SANCTUARIES OF APOLLO MALEATAS AND APOLLO TYRITAS IN LACONIA: RELIGION IN SPARTAN–PERIOIKIC RELATIONS." Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (February 12, 2018): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245417000089.

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This article examines how religion contributed to the interconnectivity of the large geographical region of Laconia which was under Spartan control for most of the Archaic and Classical periods. With a particular focus on two Laconian sanctuaries, that of Apollo Maleatas and that of Apollo Tyritas, located in the area of the Thyreatis/Kynouria, which had traditionally been a disputed region between Sparta and Argos, it considers how sanctuaries played a part in Spartan–perioikic relations. The votives from the two sanctuaries vary: the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas is rich in weapon dedications, while that of Apollo Tyritas has a diverse array of offerings, including bronzes, pottery and weapons. I argue that the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas served as a central gathering place that united the Lakedaimonians, both Spartans and perioikoi, and where they celebrated the military qualities of Apollo. The sanctuary of Apollo Tyritas may reflect Spartan interests in the disputed region from the late seventh/early sixth century, and it too presents evidence for the military preoccupations affecting the area. The warrior-god Apollo, prominently worshipped in Sparta and Laconia, was appropriately offered offensive weapons of spears and arrowheads, both real size and miniature. The Spartans and perioikoi celebrated the Maleateia festival, at the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas, which presented an opportunity for Spartans and perioikoi to gather together. A Laconian sacred landscape was formed through the celebration of common cults and festivals, thus uniting the centre (Sparta) with the Laconian (and Messenian) countryside.
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22

Lazenby, J. F. "The Archaia Moira: a suggestion." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1995): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041719.

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In discussions of the complex and controversial problem of Spartan land-tenure,1 the mysterious ‘ρχαῖα μοῖρα’ (archaia moira) has assumed an importance out of all proportion to its prominence in the sources, for the actual phrase only occurs once in extant literature. It owes its importance to the fact that the reference to it has been used to support the theory that there were two categories of land in Sparta, a theory which in turn is held to explain how, when all Spartans supposedly owned equal estates, there could nevertheless be rich ones and poor ones, as authors such as Herodotos, Thucydides, Xenophon, and Aristotle make clear. The answer, it is claimed, is that although all Spartans possessed an equal share of one category of land, they could own more or less of the other category.2
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23

Yates, David C. "The Archaic Treaties between the Spartans and their Allies." Classical Quarterly 55, no. 1 (2005): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/bmi004.

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24

Pechatnova, L. G. "The Role of the Helots in “Educating” the Spartans." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta. Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 164, no. 6 (2022): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2022.6.108-117.

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This article considers and analyzes the ancient sources mentioning the role played by the helots in the upbringing of sons of Spartan citizens. The focus is on the ways and forms through which the helots were exploited to educate the young generation there. The status of the helots poses a significant challenge to researchers because there are few sources on this issue, mostly dated back to a later period. Thus, all observations and reasoning can be only hypothetical at present. The system of public education in Sparta assumed complete separation of the civilian youth from other groups of residents, especially from the helots, in order to cultivate a sense of being chosen among them: they were forced to believe that a deep abyss existed between them and the helots. To widen and aggravate this impairment, a number of rules were introduced, such as obligatory helotic clothes making those wearing them stand out in the crowd. The analysis of the sources shows that the helots were cast in a poor light as an important part of the ideological education of the Spartans. They were exposed as living examples of the worst behaviors that were allegedly inherent in them and unacceptable to other citizens. It was a common practice to portray the helots as drunkards or freaks to inspire contempt and disgust for them in the young people of Sparta. By absorbing this ideology, the latter were prepared for the crypteia, when they had to attack the helots or, possibly, even carry out their mass executions. The strict segregation imposed in Sparta became the basis of the relations between the Spartans and the helots, impeded social mobility, and consolidated the social hierarchy.
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25

Sutton, Jase D. L. ""We Died Here, Obedient to Her Laws": The Reception of Sparta in the Lost Cause and Confederate Memorialization." Journal of the Civil War Era 14, no. 2 (2024): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2024.a928942.

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Abstract: Although scholars have explored many aspects of the Lost Cause, few have focused on the presence of classical analogies in its many iterations. Citing Confederate monuments, memorial speeches, and other sources, this essay explores previously under-analyzed classical reception in Confederate memorialization. It argues that white Southerners invoked the ancient Spartans frequently to reinforce specific elements of the Lost Cause mythology. Comparing Confederate soldiers to Spartans, especially in the context of the Battle of Thermopylae, upheld a key Lost Cause belief in the superiority of the Confederate soldier while also deflecting blame for the Confederacy's military loss solely onto the factor of overwhelming US numbers and arms. Former Confederates also identified Confederate women as Spartan to emphasize their loyalty and sacrifice to the South during the war—another major aspect of the Lost Cause. By referencing the classical world in such a manner, postwar white Southerners continued a rich antebellum tradition of citing antiquity to defend conservative Southern values.
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Pavlides, Nicolette. "Non-Spartans in the Lakedaimonian Army: the Evidence from Laconia." Historia 69, no. 2 (2020): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2020-0008.

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27

Stafford, Emma. "The Curse of 300? Popular Culture and Teaching the Spartans." Journal of Classics Teaching 17, no. 33 (2016): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2058631016000052.

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I teach Spartan history at the University of Leeds both as part of an introductory course about the Greek World and also as part of a range of more closely-focused Special Subject modules for second and third year undergraduates, includingImage of SpartaandClassics on Screen. I use the film300, and other modern popular culture material, in different ways in each of these modules: as a subject in its own right forClassics on Screen, focusing on questions around what the material says about contemporary culture; and, inImage of Sparta, as a coda to the course's survey of ancient ‘images’, which allows for reflection back over the ancient material. Blanshard and Shahabudin suggest that cinematic output can be ‘…an important vehicle for discussing the values, history, and cultural politics of the classical past. It demands that we think about what are the key elements that make the cultures of the ancient Mediterranean so distinctive and worthy of study’ (Blanshard & Shahabudin, 2011, p. 1). While modern popular receptions of ancient Greek history are not actually on the AS or A Level specifications (perhaps they should be!), they have some potential for teaching at this level if a teacher wants their students to get to grips with the particular topic of Sparta.
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Francis, E. D., and Michael Vickers. "The Oenoe Painting in the Stoa Poikile, and Herodotus' Account of Marathon." Annual of the British School at Athens 80 (November 1985): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400007516.

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It is argued that the painting in the Stoa Poikile described by Pausanias as an engagement between Athenians and Spartans at Argive Oenoe in fact refers to Oenoe in Attica, and depicted the arrival of the Plataean contingent prior to the battle of Marathon. The dependence of Herodotus on the paintings in the Stoa Poikile for his account of Marathon is discussed.
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Sfikas, Thanasis D. "Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union in the United Nations Commission of Investigation in Greece, January – May 1947." Contemporary European History 2, no. 3 (1993): 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000515.

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(The Melians to the Athenians, 416/15 BC)We see that you have come prepared to judge the arguments yourselves.… If we surrender, then all our hope is lost at once, whereas, so long as we remain in action, there is still a hope that we may yet stand upright.… We put our trust … in the help of men – that is of the Spartans.
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30

Lockwood, Thornton. "Servile Spartans and Free Citizen-soldiers in Aristotle’s Politics 7–8." Apeiron 51, no. 1 (2018): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/apeiron-2016-0055.

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Abstract In the last two books of the Politics, Aristotle articulates an education program for his best regime in contrast to what he takes to be the goal and practices of Sparta’s educational system. Although Aristotle never refers to his program as liberal education, clearly he takes its goal to be the production of free male and female citizens. By contrast, he characterizes the results of the Spartan system as ‘crude’ (φορτικός), ‘slavish’ (ἀνδραποδώδης), and ‘servile’ (βάναυσος). I argue that Aristotle’s criticisms of Spartan education elucidate his general understanding of Sparta and provide an interpretative key to understanding Politics 7–8. But although Aristotle contrasts the goals and methods of Spartan education with that of his own best regime, the citizens of his best regime are more like Spartan citizen-soldiers than Athenian participatory-citizens.
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31

Harris, Edward M. "HOW TO ADDRESS THE ATHENIAN ASSEMBLY: RHETORIC AND POLITICAL TACTICS IN THE DEBATE ABOUT MYTILENE (THUC. 3.37–50)." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (2013): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000663.

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In 428b.c.e.the city of Mytilene launched a revolt against the Athenians and invited the Spartans to send them assistance. The plans for the revolt were reported to the Athenians (3.2), who sent a force against the city (3.3). The Mytilenians asked for help from the Spartans (3.4.5–6), but the fleet they sent arrived too late to help the city (3.26.4). The revolt appears to have been the initiative of the city's wealthier citizens: Thucydides reports (3.27–8) that heavy armour was not distributed to the people until Salaethus, the leader of the rebellion, realized that Spartan help would not arrive in time. Once the people received this armour, they refused to take orders from officials and held meetings, insisting that the government should distribute all available grain. If they did not, they threatened to negotiate on their own with the Athenians about surrender. The government was powerless to stop them and decided it was best to come to terms with the Athenians. It was agreed that the Athenians would have the power to act as they wished with the city and that the Mytilenians would have the right to send envoys to Athens to plead their case before the Assembly.
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ULIANA, MARCO, and OLIVIER MONTREUIL. "A new species of Amphimallon Latreille, 1825 (Coleoptera: Scarabaeidae: Melolonthinae) from continental Greece." Zootaxa 5087, no. 2 (2022): 372–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.5087.2.7.

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Amphimallon alexandri Uliana & Montreuil, new species, is described from continental Greece, near Volos. The species has diurnal activity and is close to A. arianae (Fairmaire, 1879), A. krali Montreuil, 2002, and A. spartanum (Brenske, 1884), but is well characterized and easily distinguished from all of them by several morphological characters. Detailed comparative illustrations of the main diagnostic traits of the new species and the most similar one (A. krali) are provided. After reviewing the available information, Amphimallon atrum is removed from the Greek fauna.
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Pechatnova, L. G. "Posthumous Veneration of King Leonidas in Sparta." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 166, no. 2 (2024): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2024.2.64-75.

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This article examines several narratives about the posthumous veneration of King Leonidas in Sparta. The details of the funeral ceremony held for him are analyzed. Leonidas was the only ruler to be commemorated with three tombstones and three funerals, all in different locations. These unprecedented honors emphasized the exceptional importance attributed to Leonidas by the Spartan authorities. They affirmed his commanding role in strengthening Sparta’s reputation as the leader of the Greek resistance. Leonidas’ recognition and the annual holiday in his honor were fundamental in shaping the mentality of the Spartan citizens. He and the three hundred Spartans who perished with him at Thermopylae embodied the ideal of a noble death in defense of the homeland and showed the Spartans that they were expected to either triumph over the enemy or meet their fate. This concept became ingrained in the ideology of the Spartiates. The intrigue surrounding the transfer of Leonidas’ remains from Thermopylae to Sparta is discussed. Due to a gap in Pausanias’ text, the identity of those responsible for this action and its timing are still unknown. The speculation is fueled by the discrepancy between the name and date provided in the manuscript. Here, several different options to fill the gap are considered. Out of all the options, the one that involves the least amount of intervention, i.e., simply replacing one digit in the manuscript, stands out.
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Norman, Jeffrey S., Gary M. King, and Maren L. Friesen. "Rubrobacter spartanus sp. nov., a moderately thermophilic oligotrophic bacterium isolated from volcanic soil." International Journal of Systematic and Evolutionary Microbiology 67, no. 9 (2017): 3597–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1099/ijsem.0.002175.

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35

Cartledge, Paul. "What have the Spartans Done for us?: Sparta’s Contribution to Western Civilization." Greece and Rome 51, no. 2 (2004): 164–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/51.2.164.

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36

Orian, Matan. "Spartans or Samaritans? Revealing the Creativity of the Author of 1 Maccabees." Harvard Theological Review 116, no. 3 (2023): 376–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816023000202.

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AbstractA majority of scholars view the Hasmonean-Spartan correspondence, reported in 1 Maccabees, as inauthentic, since it contains many improbabilities, including the assertion that the Jews and the Spartans are fraternal nations. However, its patent implausibility also renders it unimaginable that the correspondence was intended to be understood literally. Hence, the binary choice offered in research, whereby it is either a bizarre fabrication or an authentic correspondence, despite all its peculiarities, is problematic. The Hasmonean-Spartan correspondence thus remains a conspicuous, unresolved enigma in the research of 1 Maccabees and the early Hasmonean period. Based on a textual clue, this article proposes a solution, namely, that the correspondence is, in fact, an ingenious derision of the Jews’ authentic ethnic “brothers”—the Samaritans. This suggestion provides new insights into the history of the early Hasmoneans and the literary creativity of the author of 1 Maccabees.
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Langerwerf, Lydia. "The Spartans - (N.M.) Kennell Spartans. A New History. Pp. viii + 218, ills, maps. Malden, Ma and Oxford: Wiley–Blackwell, 2010. Paper, £19.99, €24. ISBN: 978-1-4051-3000-4." Classical Review 61, no. 2 (2011): 513–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x11001429.

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38

Plant, Ian M. "The influence of forensic oratory on Thucydides’ principles of method." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 1 (1999): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.1.62.

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In recent years, there has been considerable debate about the reliability of Herodotus: the attack on his honesty led by Fehling, the defence by Pritchett. The debate, it seems, may have begun at least as far back as Thucydides, but now Thucydides himself may have joined the school of liars. Badian has produced a new reading of Thucydides’ description of the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, arguing that Thucydides deliberately set out to mislead the reader, misrepresenting the Spartans as the instigators of the War and carefully masking the Athenians’ own responsibility.
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39

Stokes, Alan F., Marie T. Banich, Valorie C. Elledge, and Ying Ke. "Evaluation of Cognitive Function in Aviators." Proceedings of the Human Factors Society Annual Meeting 32, no. 16 (1988): 1011–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/154193128803201604.

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The FAA is concerned that flight-safety could be compromised by undetected cognitive impairment in pilots due to conditions such as substance abuse, mental illness and neuropsychological problems. Interest has been shown in the possibility of adding a brief “mini mental exam”, or a simple automated test-battery to the standard flight medical to screen for such conditions. This paper reports an empirical evaluation of four such tests, focusing upon a prototype version of an automated screening battery, SPARTANS (Simple Portable Aviation Relevant Test-battery and Answer-scoring System).
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40

Müseler, Wilhelm. "“Out of Area”: The Involvement of Non-Local Powers in Lycian Affairs between the 5th and the 4th Centuries BC / „Poza obszarem”. Zaangażowanie zewnętrznych potęg w sprawy Licji między V a IV w. p.n.e." Notae Numismaticae - Zapiski Numizmatyczne, no. 17 (June 30, 2023): 13–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52800/ajst.1.17.a1.

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The discovery of yet another stater in the name of an Anatolian karanos struck in Lycia, in this case of the Lydian satrap Autophradates (after ca. 370 BC), has induced the author to a reappraisal of the participation of different hegemonial powers from outside in internal Lycian conflicts between ca. 430 and 360 BC. Occasionally, Athenians and Spartans as well as the Persian overlords of the region themselves made use of various rivalries among local dynastic clans to protect their own strategic and political interests in the general area.
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41

Roy, James. "Sparta; Mantinea and Parrhasia; Elis and Lepreon: Politics and Autonomy in 421-418 BC." Classica et Mediaevalia 71 (October 11, 2022): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v71i.134232.

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Following the end of the Archidamian war Sparta intervened in Parrhasia and at Lepreon. The interventions weakened Mantinea and Elis, two states that caused difficulties for Sparta, but besides Realpolitik there were also questions of law, and the Spartans, though anxious to achieve strategic advantages, were careful to act with proper legal authority. Sparta declared both Parrhasia and Lepreon autonomous, but autonomy did not mean the same status in the two cases. Since knowledge of these incidents comes mainly from Thucydides’ Book 5, the argument depends heavily on interpretation of Thucydides’ text.
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42

Kouřilová, Xenie, Jana Schwarzerová, Iva Pernicová, et al. "The First Insight into Polyhydroxyalkanoates Accumulation in Multi-Extremophilic Rubrobacter xylanophilus and Rubrobacter spartanus." Microorganisms 9, no. 5 (2021): 909. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/microorganisms9050909.

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Actinobacteria belonging to the genus Rubrobacter are known for their multi-extremophilic growth conditions—they are highly radiation-resistant, halotolerant, thermotolerant or even thermophilic. This work demonstrates that the members of the genus are capable of accumulating polyhydroxyalkanoates (PHA) since PHA-related genes are widely distributed among Rubrobacter spp. whose complete genome sequences are available in public databases. Interestingly, all Rubrobacter strains possess both class I and class III synthases (PhaC). We have experimentally investigated the PHA accumulation in two thermophilic species, R. xylanophilus and R. spartanus. The PHA content in both strains reached up to 50% of the cell dry mass, both bacteria were able to accumulate PHA consisting of 3-hydroxybutyrate and 3-hydroxyvalerate monomeric units, none other monomers were incorporated into the polymer chain. The capability of PHA accumulation likely contributes to the multi-extremophilic characteristics since it is known that PHA substantially enhances the stress robustness of bacteria. Hence, PHA can be considered as extremolytes enabling adaptation to extreme conditions. Furthermore, due to the high PHA content in biomass, a wide range of utilizable substrates, Gram-stain positivity, and thermophilic features, the Rubrobacter species, in particular Rubrobacter xylanophilus, could be also interesting candidates for industrial production of PHA within the concept of Next-Generation Industrial Biotechnology.
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43

Cox, Jeremy. "“They Died the Spartan’s Death”: Thermopylae, the Alamo, and the Mirrors of Classical Analogy." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 19, no. 3 (2016): 276–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.19.3.0276.

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ABSTRACT In moments of crisis, people often make sense of the present by activating memories of the past through particular tropes of public memory. Classical analogies are one such trope, suggesting a sense of continuity between a (seemingly) stable ancient world and a chaotic present. Despite their prominence in American rhetoric, classical analogies have received too little attention from scholars of rhetoric. In the following, I interrogate the use of classical analogies in nineteenth-century American rhetoric— a period in which the classics were a vibrant aspect of public culture—by analyzing analogies between the fall of the Alamo and the fifth-century BC battle of Thermopylae. Thermopylae analogies were activated as tropes of public memory to warrant the formation of a defiant political identity for a Texian community reeling from defeat. Through an analysis of key texts that utilized Thermopylae analogies, I show that classical analogies sometimes go beyond comparisons between the past and the present to act as “mirrors” that inspire identification with, and imitation of, the ancients.
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44

Cox, Jeremy. "“They Died the Spartan’s Death”: Thermopylae, the Alamo, and the Mirrors of Classical Analogy." Advances in the History of Rhetoric 19, no. 3 (2016): 276–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15362426.2016.1231638.

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45

Loch, T. P., and M. Faisal. "Flavobacterium spartansii induces pathological changes and mortality in experimentally challenged Chinook salmon Oncorhynchus tshawytscha (Walbaum)." Journal of Fish Diseases 39, no. 4 (2015): 483–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jfd.12363.

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46

Shin, Hyeyoung, and Hillel Adesnik. "NDNF interneurons, Spartans of the cortical column: Small in number, strong in impact." Neuron 109, no. 13 (2021): 2041–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neuron.2021.06.022.

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47

Baillergeon, Rick. "American Spartans: The U.S. Marines: A Combat History from Iwo Jima to Iraq." History: Reviews of New Books 34, no. 2 (2006): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2006.10526785.

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48

O’Driscoll, Cian. "A ‘fighting chance’ or fighting dirty? Irregular warfare, Michael Gross and the Spartans." European Journal of Political Theory 11, no. 2 (2011): 112–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885111425117.

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49

Bendtsen, Bjarne S. "The Northern Front Imagined: Defending Denmark in Emil Bønnelycke's Spartanerne (1919)." Modernist Cultures 12, no. 1 (2017): 120–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2017.0159.

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In late October 1919 the Danish author Emil Bønnelycke published a highly ambitious war novel, Spartanerne (The Spartans), in which he merged the war experiences of a Spartan soldier of the Antique world, a soldier fighting in the trenches of the First World War, and that of a young Danish recruit being trained for war. The three different war experiences mirror each other in this modernist novel that makes use of chronological jump cutting à la D. W. Griffith's Birth of a Nation (1915) and imagines Denmark being drawn into the world war that had ended scarcely a year before the time of the novel's publication.
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50

Lang, Mabel L. "Alcibiades vs. Phrynichus." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 1 (1996): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.1.289.

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Thucydides' account (8.50–1) of the Athenian general Phrynichus' secret correspondence with the Spartan admiral Astyochus is both troubling and obscure. It may be summarized as follows: Phrynichus, having eloquently opposed Alcibiades' efforts to be recalled from exile and fearing that a repatriated Alcibiades would take vengeance on him, wrote to Astyochus revealing Alcibiades' pro-Athenian (anti-Spartan) activities. Astyochus handed the letter to Alcibiades, who then wrote to the ranking Athenians on Samos concerning Phrynichus' ‘treason’ and demanded his execution. Phrynichus then wrote again to Astyochus, now proposing to make it possible for the Spartans to destroy the whole Athenian force at Samos.
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