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Journal articles on the topic 'Special autonomy for papua and local political parties'

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Published: 2 June 2025

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Musrafiyan, Musrafiyan, Mutiara Fahmi, and Zahlul Pasha Karim. "Partai Politik Lokal di Daerah Otonomi Khusus: Perbandingan Yuridis Aceh dan Papua." Jurnal Justisia : Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Perundang-undangan dan Pranata Sosial 6, no. 2 (2021): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/justisia.v6i2.11536.

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The existence of local political parties is one of the special powers for Aceh and Papua Provinces. Unlike Aceh, the rules regarding local political parties in Papua are not clearly stated in Law no. 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province. This paper attempts to analyze the comparison between Law Number 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh and Law Number 21 of 2001 on Special Autonomy for the Province of Papua regarding local political parties, and the consequences for Aceh and Papua of differences in local political party arrangements. The method that the author use

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2

F.A., Satria Putra. "Problematic of Local Politic Party Formation in Papua." International Journal of Social Science and Human Research 08, no. 05 (2025): 3223–28. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15478595.

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Post-reforms, governments in Indonesia have the passion to improve existing systems of virtually authoritarianism into democracy, which previously was centralized into decentralized. Therefore the statute of 21 years 2001 on special autonomy for the province of Papua. In chapter 28 a quo provides an opportunity for papuan people to form a political party, but until the rule a quo was changed in 2021, Papua's local political party could not be formed. The study examined two aspects, first, how the formation of a local political party in Papua has developed? Second, what impediment to the format

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3

Purwanti Budi Utami, Sri. "PERAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL DALAM MEMBANGUN OTONOMI KHUSUS PAPUA PASCA PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 41/PUUXVII/2019 TENTANG PEMBENTUKAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL." CITA HUKUM INDONESIA 1, no. 1 (2022): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.57100/chi.v1i1.6.

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Upaya Indonesia dalam melakukan reformasi politik yaitu melalui desentralisasi. Desentralisasi asimetris merupakan pelimpahan kewenangan yang diberikan kepada Aceh dan Papua guna merangkul kembali daerah yang ingin memisahkan diri dari NKRI. Permasalahan 1. Bagaimana peran partai politik lokal dalam membangun otonomi khusus papua?, 2. Bagaimana perkembangan pembentukan partai politik lokal di Papua pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019?. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum yuridis normatif yang dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hak yang diperoleh dengan tujuan men

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4

Siwi, Galih Raka, Reviansyah Erlianto, and Maharani Nurdin. "Eksistensi Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019." ADLIYA: Jurnal Hukum dan Kemanusiaan 15, no. 2 (2021): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/adliya.v15i2.13770.

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The existence of local political parties in Indonesia is a tangible form of the existence of special autonomy in a certain area. The specificity of a certain area is regulated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B paragraph (1). In addition, the formation of local political parties is one of the human rights in the political field, as stated in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method uses a normative juridical approach with secondary data and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Based on research, Papua Province has the right to form political parties (see Artic

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5

Karsayuda, Muhammad Rifqinizamy. "The Decentralization Of Political Parties Through The Institutionalization Of The Local Political Parties." Constitutional Review 2, no. 1 (2016): 077. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/consrev214.

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The implementation of regional autonomy through Acts Number 23/2014 on Regional Government formulates the authority that can be maintained by local governments. One of the authorities’ is the political autonomy. The efforts to implement the political autonomy can be done through the institutionalization of local political parties. However, according to Indonesian Law, the institutionalization of local political parties is not regulated in the provisions of acts related to political parties. The legislation that regulates local political parties can be found only in Acts Number 11/2006 on Aceh

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6

Halkis, MHD. "The Implementation of Penta Helix Counterinsurgency (COIN) Strategic Model in Reconstructing Special Autonomy for Papua." Society 8, no. 1 (2020): 234–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v8i1.182.

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The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only devel

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Faisal, F., Abdul Munir Mulkhan, Achmad Nurmandi, and Hasse Jubba. "From Conflict to Assimilation: Strategies of Muslim Immigrants in Papua Special Autonomy Era." Wawasan: Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya 4, no. 1 (2019): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jw.v4i1.5190.

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This paper aims to explain the forms of Muslim immigrant strategies in Papua in the era of special autonomy. After the implementation of special autonomy in Papua, migrants feel the increasing tension or competition in the economic and political fields. Data obtained through the method of observation, interviews, and literature studies. Observations focused on the economic practices of Muslim migrants in places such as the market in Jayapura, Papua. Interviews were conducted with a number of parties, both Muslim migrants and local Papuans, to obtain information on many things including their r

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Ibrahim Kristofol Kendi, Nona Riri I. P D, and Setia Murni Parhusip. "Representation of Sentani Women in the Jayapura Regency Legislative Institution for the 2019-2024 Period." Indonesian Journal of Advanced Research 3, no. 5 (2024): 519–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/ijar.v3i5.9282.

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The lack of Sentani women as members of the DPRD in Jayapura Regency does not illustrate that Papua is one of the provinces that is given space to express democratic life through the special autonomy policy which is predicted to be a new era for Papua towards progress or equality in political life. This research aims to explore the ability and capacity of the MRP in fighting for Sentani women's political rights in accordance with its duties and authority. Second, how is political recruitment carried out by political parties specifically for Sentani indigenous women cadres who are prepared to b

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9

Sunarso, Budi. "ELITE POLITICS OF ARFAK TRIBE OF MANOKWARI IN THE ERA OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY." Journal on Leadership and Policy 3, Number 2 (2018): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jlp2018.3.2.8.

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Identity politics is the main focus of the Arfak elite directly, so in practice it involves the role of informal actors and structures of Arfak figures and bureaucracy in Manokwari. The political process gave birth to an ethnic spirit that has increasingly fostered identity in the fabric of life since the current democratic era. First, identity politics gives a large space for the emergence of the spirit of actors / characters to strengthen the position of the elite and local authorities in Manokwari. Second, the role and structure of traditional institutions and political parties in the regio

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10

Abu, Rusdianto. "Special Autonomy Policy of Papua Province." Edunity Kajian Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan 3, no. 1 (2024): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.57096/edunity.v3i1.219.

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Papua Province has a special regulation that regulates the sustainability of the wheels of government in Papua Province, namely the Special Autonomy of Papua Province. Law number 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy of Papua which has been amended into Law Number 2 of 2021 concerning the Second Amendment to Law Number 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province. Provide traffic for Papua Province to carry out special autonomy. Referring to this explanation, the author is interested in being able to conduct a study on the Special Autonomy Policy of Papua Province. This research

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Sri Handayani Retna Wardani, Nidya Tajsgoani, Endang Sulistyaningsih,. "THE URGENCY OF ESTABLISHING A TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION FOR THE SETTLEMENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN PAPUA FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF SPECIAL AUTONOMY FOR PAPUA." Jurnal Meta-Yuridis 7, no. 2 (2024): 103–23. https://doi.org/10.26877/m-y.v7i2.20444.

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AbstractPapua's Special Autonomy provides a legal basis for addressing conflicts and human rights violations through non-judicial mechanisms that are more inclusive and in accordance with the sociocultural context of the local community. Â In its fourth report covering the period April 2013 to December 2014, the International Coalition for Papua (1CP) documented 653 arrests resulting from 46 separate incidents. The human rights situation in Papua is worsening, as human rights violations and abuses continue to occur. Many organisations advocate for the protection of human rights in Papua; howev

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12

Yuriadi, Yuriadi, Probojati Bayu Herlambang, and Naura Darrin Hasan. "Aceh’s Democratic Landscape: Exploring the Role and Impact of Local Political Parties." Jurnal Mengkaji Indonesia 2, no. 2 (2023): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.59066/jmi.v2i2.455.

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Abstract: After issuing Law No. 18/2001 on Special Autonomy for the Special Province of Aceh. The central government has given extensive concessions to Aceh Province by delegating various authorities, including forming local Aceh political parties. Local political parties are political organizations formed voluntarily based on similarities of will and ideals to fight for the interests of the community, nation, and state through the election of members of the Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Aceh, Governor, Regent, and Mayor. the existence of local political parties is considered effective in carrying o

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13

Ismoyo, Muhammad Bayu, Yudha Pratama, and Ahmad Irianto. "The Study of Policy Implementation: Does Special Autonomy Represent the Papuans Aspiration?" Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 2, no. 2 (2022): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.2.2.103-115.

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Special autonomy is a political consensus on the desire of the Papuans to live in prosperity by considering their indigenous rights. Two decades of the implementation of Special Autonomy for Papua, it is still considered ineffective to answer the crucial demands, such as political rights, material welfare, and indigenous participation in the development. Political participation of Papuan indigenous (OAP) is expected as the main issue of which has crucially affected the mandatory aspects, such as political conductivity, development objectivity, social welfare, and security. This research aims t

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14

Hasibuan, Sarah Nita. "Special Autonomy in Papua and West Papua: An Overview of Key Issues." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 2, no. 2 (2022): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.2.2.145-158.

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The special autonomy granted to the Provinces of Papua and West Papua is a special authority that is recognized and granted by the central government to the Provinces of Papua and West Papua to regulate and manage the interests of their local community based on the aspirations and basic rights of the people of Papua and West Papua. The implementation of the special autonomy in Papua and West Papua has encountered many challenges, such as in managing funds, human resources, institutional capacity, and governance, which impacted the welfare of the people. This study aimed to review the two decad

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15

Reba, Yusak Elisa. "Legal Protection Political Rights of Women of Original Papua in The Institution of The Papua Representative Council." Global International Journal of Innovative Research 2, no. 4 (2024): 778–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.59613/global.v2i4.139.

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This research was conducted in the Jayapura City area, the capital of Papua Province. The research method used in this research is normative legal research carried out by analyzing the provisions of statutory regulations governing the general election of members of legislative bodies including members of the Papuan People's Representative Council (DPRPapua) based on Law Number 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua and Special Regional Regulation concerning the Appointment of DPRPapua members within the Papua Special Autonomy framework for the 2019-2024 term of office. The discussion

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16

Yamin, Ade, Irwan Abdullah, Achmad Nurmandi, Hasse Jubba, and Zuli Qodir. "Being Minority in Papua: Religious and Political Identity Struggle of the Dani Muslims." Al-Albab 1, no. 1 (2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v1i1.1362.

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The issue of religious and political identity of the Dani Muslims in Papua has been associated to social construction of the ethnic and religious aspects as the basis of political policies by the local government. The local government present in the form of Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua (UU OTSUS Papua) or the Law Number 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua has been understood to become one of the keys playing roles in constructing the identity of people in modern Papua. This work attempts to review the process of becoming minority of the Dani Muslims within the context of the

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Yamin, Ade, Irwan Abdullah, Achmad Nurmandi, Hasse Jubba, and Zuli Qodir. "Being Minority in Papua: Religious and Political Identity Struggle of the Dani Muslims." Al-Albab 8, no. 1 (2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v8i1.1362.

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The issue of religious and political identity of the Dani Muslims in Papua has been associated to social construction of the ethnic and religious aspects as the basis of political policies by the local government. The local government present in the form of Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua (UU OTSUS Papua) or the Law Number 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for Papua has been understood to become one of the keys playing roles in constructing the identity of people in modern Papua. This work attempts to review the process of becoming minority of the Dani Muslims within the context of the

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18

Imania Fathu Zahra. "Implementasi Otomoni Khusus Pada Pemerintahan Aceh Dan Papua Dalam Perspektif Perbandingan." JOURNAL OF ADMINISTRATIVE AND SOCIAL SCIENCE 5, no. 1 (2023): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.55606/jass.v5i1.803.

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Papua gets Special Autonomy based on Law Number 21 of 2001, while Aceh gets Special Autonomy based on Law Number 18 of 2001 an Law Number 2006. This Special Autonomy is a political solution, a legal solution and a solution to achieve prosperity to overcome security problems and demands for separation from the Unitary State of the Republic Of Indonesia (NKRI). This happened when Indonesia was experiencing a vibrant democracy. Legislative Regulations are rules made by the Government. It includes things such as local democracy, people’s welfare and the protection of human rights in our country. T

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19

Andriyansyah, M. Fahrudin. "PERAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL DALAM PENYELANGGARAAN OTONOMI KHUSUS DI ACEH." Yurispruden 3, no. 1 (2020): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33474/yur.v3i1.4862.

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AbstactAs a national organization, political parties are considered to have failed in carrying out their roles and functions, especially in the implementation of regional autonomy. The existence of political parties that are only national in nature with structures centered in the center often makes the party's orientation ignore local interests. The neglect was due to the institutionalization of political parties so far as merely structuring relations. This pattern positions politicians in political parties in the region as subordinates of the same party politicians at the national level. The

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20

Lewerissa, Ch M., and Edyanto Edyanto. "Contested local power in influencing regional development planning in Nabire Papua, Indonesia." Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 14, no. 2 (2024): 362–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v14i2.15334.

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This study analyzes the relationship dynamics between local government bureaucratic elites and political elites in Nabire Regency, Papua Province, using a quantitative approach with observation and questionnaires. The research reveals that the Regional Development Planning Agency (Bappeda) contributes significantly (83.1%) to the development planning process, indicating a strong technocratic influence. However, Bappeda faces challenges including unprofessional human resource management, limited budget and infrastructure, poor administrative organization, and inadequate planning and implementat

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Nurparijah, Silkika. "Partai Politik Lokal Dan Evaluasi Dalam Penyelenggaraan Dana Otonomi Khusus Aceh." Jurnal Lex Renaissance 7, no. 2 (2022): 340–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/jlr.vol7.iss2.art9.

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Aceh as a special autonomous region can regulate and manage its own region. This authority is given by the central government through decentralization and deconcentration which is regulated in Law Number 23 of 2014 concerning Regional Government. As a special autonomous region, Aceh is given the freedom to establish political parties and manage Dana Otonomi Khusus (DOKA) (the Aceh Special Autonomy Fund) for the welfare of the Acehnese people, but Aceh is still ranked first as the poorest region at the Sumatera level, data obtained through the Central Statistics Agency (BPS). This research meth

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Kusuma, Rizky Dwi, Anwar Fauzi, Saepudin Saepudin, and Azis Reza Randisa. "Problems and Challenges of Asymmetrical Democracy in Indonesia." Kybernology : Journal of Government Studies 3, no. 1 (2023): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/kjgs.v3i1.12059.

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This study delves into the challenges and issues arising from asymmetrical democracy in Indonesia, focusing on local political dynamics in regions such as Aceh, Papua, Jakarta, and Yogyakarta (DIY). Through qualitative analysis, researchers assessed how political autonomy and hierarchical administrative structures influence checks and balances within local institutions. In Aceh and Papua, significant issues were identified concerning the perception of political autonomy by regents and mayors, which contrasts with special laws designating the governor as the primary authority. Both regions high

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Juen, Christina‐Marie, Raf Reuse, Martin Gross, Simon Otjes, and Michael Jankowski. "Party Politics at the Local Level: Introduction to the Special Issue." Swiss Political Science Review 31, no. 2 (2025): 169–79. https://doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12661.

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AbstractThis Special Issue explores the evolving role of local party politics in Europe and beyond, emphasizing the increasing autonomy of local governments and their growing influence in public life. Despite its importance, local party competition remains underexplored, with much of the existing literature relying on case studies or subjective surveys. The contributions in this issue aim to address these gaps by utilizing new data sources to analyse party behaviour more systematically. The studies examine local party systems, electoral strategies, and parliamentary dynamics across diverse con

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Sari, Elidar, Arif Rahman, Faisal Faisal, and Muksalmina Muksalmina. "DINAMIKA POLITIK PARTAI LOKAL DI ACEH MENJELANG PEMILU 2024: ANALISIS UNDANG-UNDANG PEMILU DAN PARTAI LOKAL." Suloh:Jurnal Fakultas Hukum Universitas Malikussaleh 12, no. 1 (2024): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/sjp.v12i1.12046.

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Abstract Local parties in Aceh represent a unique and significant political phenomenon in the context of Indonesian democracy. These local parties play a strategic role in representing the aspirations of the Acehnese people, who have special autonomy and a history of conflict with the central government. However, local parties in Aceh also face challenges and complex political dynamics leading up to the 2024 elections. This article aims to analyze the political dynamics of local parties in Aceh using the framework of election laws, local parties, and criminal sanctions. The research method emp

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Purnomo, Arie, Salmawati Salmawati, and Masni Banggu. "Political Representation of Indigenous Papuans in the Special Autonomy Era : Case Study of Local Democracy in Southwest Papua." Journal of Contemporary Local Politics 4, no. 1 (2025): 70–80. https://doi.org/10.46507/jclp.v4i1.714.

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This study examines the dynamics of political representation of Indigenous Papuans (OAP) within the framework of Special Autonomy, particularly following the revision of Law No. 2 of 2021, with a focus on local democratic practices in Southwest Papua Province. The special autonomy policy was designed as an affirmative mechanism to ensure Indigenous Papuans political participation through reserved seats in district legislatures, the empowerment of the Papuan People's Assembly, and inclusive political party recruitment. However, significant implementation challenges persist at both structural an

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Sagrim, Bernard, Khasan Effendy, Ngadisah, and Sampara Lukman. "ANALISISIS KEWENANGAN PEMERINTAHAN DAERAH DALAM MENAMBAH PAD DI KABUPATEN MAYBRAT PROVINSI PAPUA BARAT." PAPATUNG: Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi Publik, Pemerintahan dan Politik 3, no. 3 (2020): 18–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/japp.v3i3.308.

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Maybrat Regency is one of the provinces located in West Papua province which was formed based on Law No. 13 of 2009 as a result of the division of Sorong Regency. As a new autonomous region, Maybrat Regency needs to increase local revenue (PAD) for the welfare of its people. Original Regional Income is a picture of the potential for regional finance which is generally based on local taxes and levies. Until now, the regional government of Maybrat district has not played an optimal role in increasing PAD. This study aims to analyze the authority possessed by the Maybrat district government in an

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Sagrim, Bernard, Khasan Effendy, Ngadisah, and Sampara Lukman. "Regional Potential Optimization Model in Increasing Local Revenue of Maybrat Regency, West Papua Province." International Journal of Science and Society 2, no. 4 (2020): 419–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v2i4.227.

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This study aims to find an optimal model for the development of regional potential owned by Maybrat Regency, West Papua Province, to increase local revenue for its people's welfare. Qualitative methods are used in this research using a post-positivism paradigm design, which seeks to reveal a social reality that ontologically can never be fully understood due to the limitations of human nature. The results show that the regional potential optimization model in Maybrat Regency is different from other regions because Maybrat Regency has special autonomy, which provides the broadest possible oppor

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Munandar, Agung, Muhammad Nahyan Zulfikar, Chandra Darusman, and Jefrie Maulana. "PENGARUH PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 60/PUU-XXII/2024 TERHADAP KEKHUSUSAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL ACEH DALAM PILKADA 2024." Ius Civile: Refleksi Penegakan Hukum dan Keadilan 8, no. 2 (2024): 91. https://doi.org/10.35308/jic.v8i2.10345.

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Law No. 11/2006 on the Governance of Aceh (UUPA) addresses only the nomination thresholds for local political parties. However, Qanun Aceh No. 12/2016 has standardized the nomination threshold for regional heads from national political parties to 15%, which conflicts with Indonesian Law No. 10/2016. The Constitutional Court Decision No. 60/PUU-XXII/2024, which reduced the threshold percentage, has resulted in a loss of specificity for local political parties in Aceh. This research aims to analyze the impact of the Constitutional Court Decision on local elections in Aceh, address the normative

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Latif, Ikhwan Rahmatika, Ikhsan, Fadli Afriandi, Akmal Saputra, and Yeni Sri Lestari. "AKUNTABILITAS PENGELOLAAN KEUANGAN PARTAI POLITIK LOKAL ACEH." Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science 8, no. 1 (2022): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jai.v8i1.1790.

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The formation of local political parties in Aceh is an example of an asymmetrical political policy being carried out by the Indonesian government in relation to Aceh's status as a region with a special autonomy. In that situation, the concept of accountability inside national political parties needs to be discussed as well in order to figure out how local party accountability is applied in Aceh. When it comes to the presentation of data connected to outcomes that have been produced by earlier researchers, this study makes use of the documentation approach. According to the conclusions of this

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Ramda, Eduardo Edwin. "Aceh's Special Autonomy Tri Lustrum Evaluative Notes." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 2, no. 1 (2022): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.2.1.55-72.

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Tri lustrum implementation of special autonomy in Aceh requires evaluation of all dimensions of regional autonomy. Evaluation notes are important as a basis for developing a special autonomy policy framework in the future. This study aims to present a corrective note on the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh Province and its regencies and cities. This research uses a qualitative descriptive approach with literature study and spatial analysis methods. The novelty presented in this article is the presence of a multidimensional discussion of special autonomy to see the performance of Aceh

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Safarani, Jeihany Anggrilla, Agus Adriyanto, and Herlina Juni Risma Saragih. "RESPEK and PROSPEK: Welfare Approach by the Government to Overcome Vertical Conflict in Papua." AURELIA: Jurnal Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Indonesia 2, no. 2 (2023): 723–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.57235/aurelia.v2i2.338.

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The dynamics of separatism in the land of Papua and its threats to Indonesia are important issues that have created complex conflicts. One of the efforts to reduce the escalation of the Papua conflict is through empowerment efforts. Empowerment is one part of the implementation of RESPEK and PROSPEK by the Papua regional government. RESPEK and PROSPEK are efforts to increase public awareness of the threat of separatism and increase their participation in the development process. RESPECT is run by soft power created to balance military power (hard power) in the long term to improve welfare. Thi

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Safiudin, Safiudin. "POLITIK HUKUM PENGANGKATAN ORANG ASLI PAPUA DALAM LEMBAGA PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH DI PAPUA." Jurnal Poros Hukum Padjadjaran 4, no. 1 (2022): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/jphp.v4i1.916.

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ABSTRAKAfirmasi bidang politik merupakan salah satu kekhususan otonomi di Papua. Penelitian ini membahas berlakunya aturan hukum mengenai pengangkatan orang asli Papua untuk menjadi anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Papua (DPRP) dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Kabupaten/Kota (DPRK). Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan pengamatan, membaca bahan-bahan hukum primer dan sekunder, dan wawancara. Hasil penelitian, sikap politisi lokal yang mendukung aspirasi kemerdekaan Papua melahirkan tuntutan pengangkatan anggota DPRP dari kalangan orang asli Papua yang mendukung integrasi Papua dalam NKRI. Berlakunya at

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Saputra, Rahmad, Muradi Muradi, and Leo Agustino. "Afiliasi Partai Aceh Ke Partai Nasional (Studi Kasus: Keikutsertaan Kader Partai Aceh Dalam Partai Nasional Pada Pemilu Legislatif DPR RI 2019)." Jurnal Public Policy 6, no. 1 (2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35308/jpp.v6i1.1658.

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The purpose of this study is to look at how the relationship between local parties and national parties has not been revealed publicly, analyze the objectives of Aceh Party affiliation with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections and Analyze what strategies Aceh parties play in affiliating with national parties in the 2019 legislative elections. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collection techniques to be carried out in this study consisted of semi-structured interviews, observations, and documentation studies to find out the purpose of the polit

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Dahlan, A. Rahman. "Prospects and Dynamics of Special Autonomy Post Aceh Government Law No. 11 of 2006 in Aceh." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE HUMANITY & MANAGEMENT RESEARCH 3, no. 01 (2024): 119–24. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10560609.

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After the birth of the Aceh Government Law a year ago, the prospect of Special Autonomy in implementing and implementing all government system tools in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam requires high energy. On the other hand, we read that the Unitary State system is in accordance with scientific theory. This research uses qualitative methods to see how individual candidates can survive amidst the onslaught of local and national political parties in Aceh. From the research results, it was found that the existence of individual candidates had caused political tensions in Aceh after the formation of loca

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Pribadi, Muhammad Akbar, and Surya Yudha Regif. "The Problem of Alleviating the Poor in the Special Autonomy Governance of Aceh Province." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 2, no. 2 (2022): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.2.2.131-144.

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The issuance of Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 18 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for the Province of the Special Region of Aceh as the Province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam and Law Number 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh are the efforts of the central government to improve the welfare of the people in Aceh Province. During the 20 years of the special autonomy, it has not played a significant role in alleviating the people’s poverty in Aceh. The dynamics of local politics, culture, and history, as well as the lack of organizational and managerial capacity at the sub-nat

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Alfarabi, Misran, Wahdania Suardi, and Zuly Qodir. "Ethnic Identity and Local Politics: Study on Regional Head Election in Merauke Regency 2020." Journal of Government and Civil Society 5, no. 2 (2021): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/jgcs.v5i2.4359.

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In the Regional Head Election of Merauke Regency, there was a contestation between tribes to win the candidate. In this contestation, there was a conflict between ethnic groups, namely the indigenous Papuans and migrants. This study aims to discuss the political struggle of the Merauke Regency to get political support through entities. This study uses an analytical approach to research from several emerging factors such as ethnicity. Data collection was obtained from online media reporting writers, interview websites, and research reports. This study found that identity cannot be separated in

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Wiratama, Teguh, Afrizal Hendra, and Andries Andries. "Strategi Smart Power dalam Menghadapi Ancaman Gerakan Organisasi Papua Merdeka Guna Mendukung Keamanan Nasional." Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) 7, no. 2 (2024): 688–706. https://doi.org/10.34007/jehss.v7i2.2369.

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The security situation in Papua continues to be a sensitive issue affecting national stability, with the main threat coming from the Free Papua Organization (OPM). OPM seeks the separation of Papua from Indonesia through armed action, international campaigns, and propaganda, with a significant increase in violent incidents from 2015 to a peak in 2023. Although the Special Autonomy policy has been implemented, the measure has not been able to fully address the existing tensions. This study aims to analyze the Smart Power strategy in dealing with OPM threats and supporting national security, usi

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Suganda, Delfi, Retno Saraswati, and Nabitatus Sa'adah. "The Role of Wali Nanggroe Institution to Realize Peace in the Asymmetric Decentralization: the Case of Indonesia." Yustisia Jurnal Hukum 10, no. 3 (2021): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/yustisia.v10i3.54705.

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<p><em>This article aimed to analyze the role and chances of the Wali Nanggroe in its involvement in international peace and its relation to the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. One of the functions mandated by the qanun (local laws) of Wali Nanggroe Institution is participation in local, national, and international peace. The participation of Wali Nanggroe Institution to be part of regional, national and international peace is an exciting study because most of Wali Nanggroe's members are currently former officials and former combatants of the Free Aceh Movement. This re

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Djusfi, Apri Rotin, Eddy Purnama, M. Gaussyah, and Mahdi Syahbandir. "Participants’ Reconceptualization of Asymmetric Legislative General Election in Indonesia." Journal of Lifestyle and SDGs Review 5, no. 2 (2024): e03476. https://doi.org/10.47172/2965-730x.sdgsreview.v5.n02.pe03476.

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Objective: This study aims to investigate participants’ reconceptualization of asymmetric legislative general elections in Indonesia, with the aim of Aceh's local political party's participation in the local general election demonstrating how asymmetrically Indonesia implements the idea of a legislative general election. To ensure that democracy reinforcement at the local level can run smoothly. Theoretical Framework: In this topic, a new model is required from legislative general election participants in special regions such as Aceh. Method: The methodology adopted for this research was norma

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Ilahi, Muh Ikram Nur, Achmed Sukendro, M. Adnan Madjid, and Pujo Widodo. "PENYELESAIAN KONFLIK PAPUA DALAM PERSPEKTIF KEPEMIMPINAN STRATEGIS." Jurnal Kolaborasi Resolusi Konflik 6, no. 2 (2025): 214–23. https://doi.org/10.24198/jkrk.v6i2.55728.

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Kompleksitas konflik yang terjadi di papua menjadi salahsatu alasan mengapa konflik ini belum terselesaikan sampai sekarang. Aspek kepemimpinan memainkan peran penting dalam penanganan dan penyelesaian konflik, termasuk konflik di Papua. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis upaya penyelesaian konflik di Papua melalui pendekatan kepemimpinan strategis, dengan mengkaji kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia dari era Orde Lama, Orde Baru, hingga masa pasca reformasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep John Burton (1990) yang menekankan pada needs atau kebutuhan untuk memahami penyebab umum konflik

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Bahtera, Dimar, Bonaventura Ngarawula, and Sukardi. "Social Dynamics Towards an Advanced and Prosperous Acehnese Society." International Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities 04, no. 05 (2023): 01–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.47505/ijrss.2023.v4.5.1.

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This study aims to describe and analyze the Social Dynamics Towards an Advanced and Prosperous Acehnese Community After the Implementation of Law No. 18 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for the Province of the Special Region of Aceh and to describe and analyze what factors support and hinder the Social Dynamics Towards Acehnese People Forward and Prosperous After the Implementation of Law No. 18 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for the Province of the Special Region of Aceh To reveal this reality, qualitative research methods are used where the data obtained is processed by organizing an

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Bevz, Tetiana. "Factors of Ethnic Politicization in the Context of Threats to National Security in Ukraine." Ukrainian Studies, no. 3(80) (October 28, 2021): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.3(80).2021.241819.

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Ethnic mosaicism of Ukraine and the ethnonational factor are the phenomena that affect all spheres of the society. The ethnic factor has a special role in the emergence of contradictions in polyethnic states. On the one hand, “ethnicity is a form of social organization of cultural differences” (F. Bart), and on the other, ethnicity is instrumental and can be used as a means to achieve political goals (A. Cohen). Ethnicity has been and is a political resource that has been played out by political players for centuries. An important political phenomenon of our time is politicized ethnicity. The

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Andriani, Andriani, Hakim Muttaqim, and Muhammad Saleh. "Economic Development in Aceh Post-Free Aceh Movement Conflict." SKETSA BISNIS 11, no. 02 (2024): 178–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.35891/jsb.v11i02.5514.

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AbstractThe purpose of this study is to find out the Analysis of the Impact of Political Policy on Economic Development in Aceh Post-Conflict. The method of this research is descriptive, analytical, and critical. Therefore, the author can comprehensively describe how the Impact Analysis of Political Policy on Economic Development in Aceh Post-Conflict. In this study, the author optimally uses two types of data sources were used in this study: primary and secondary. This study's findings are that post-conflict political policies in Aceh have had a significant impact on economic development, esp

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De Archellie, Reynaldo, Adrianus L. G. Waworuntu, Zeffry Alkatiri, Fuad Gani, Munawar Holil, and Sari Gumilang. "The fragmentation of democratic and ‘adat’ institutions in Aceh’s political elite after Helsinki: The failure of the concept of institution of social cohesion." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 8, no. 15 (2024): 10429. https://doi.org/10.24294/jipd10429.

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This article analyzes the modes of organizing the political realm of society in Aceh, especially after the signing of the Helsinki MoU in 2005 by representatives of the Indonesian government and GAM as the two parties most interested in the social organization of Acehnese society. The post-conflict social and political phenomenon in Aceh is the fragmentation between democratic and customary institutions that can be directly observed by the public through their competition in local government elections. Former GAM leaders have chosen to revive Majelis Wali Nanggroe and Gampong as customary and

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Ruhdiara, Ruhdiara. "Rekonstruksi Syariat Islam di Aceh dalam Lintas Sejarah." Jurnal Pattingalloang 9, no. 3 (2022): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/jp.v9i3.41014.

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Aceh merupakan salah satu Provinsi yang memiliki keistimewaan khusus dalam berbagai hal, diantaranya dalam hal mendirikan Partai lokal, dan juga dalam menjalankan Syariat Islam. Perjuangan provinsi Aceh untuk memiliki keistimewaan melalui jalan yang panjang, dimulai pada masa Daud Berueh yang berkompromi dengan Soekarno untuk menjadikan Aceh sebagai daerah istiemewa namun tak dipenuhi, hingga kemunculan Gerakan Aceh Merdeka atas refresif pemerintahan Soeharto. (GAM) yang di pelapori oleh Hasan Tiro. Pemerintahan pusat mulai dari Soeharto sampai ke Megawati Soekarno Putri melakukan berbagai upa

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Trystanto, Trystanto. "Small Governing Coalition in Hong Kong and its Impact on Political Freedom." Jurnal Sentris 4, no. 1 (2023): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v4i1.6346.46-60.

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Hong Kong has seen an upheaval in recent years. From the protests over the extradition law to the protests over the National Security Law, these protests are a response to the ever-encroaching hand of Beijing on political rights in Hong Kong. After the National Security Law was implemented, Hong Kong’s freedom was almost gone. One by one, pro-democracy protesters, opposition parliament members, and opposition media are being targeted and repressed. Despite the numerous protests and riots, the Hong Kong SAR government perseveres with little concession to the protesters. Why does the government

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Kossay, Methodius, and Eriyantouw Wahid. "Legal Political Policy In Resolving The Papua Conflict." Journal Research of Social Science, Economics, and Management 1, no. 6 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.59141/jrssem.v1i6.244.

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   The Central Government's policy for Papua has been periodically carried out since the integration of Papua until the enactment of Law No. 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for the Papua Province. However, since the 20th anniversary of the implementation of Law Number 2 of 2021, the second amendment to Law Number 21 of 2001 concerning Special Autonomy for the Papua Province, has so far not had a significant impact on development in Papua. The purpose of the research in this paper is to find out and analyze how legal political policies are to resolve conflicts. The rese

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Charizatul Janna Asdi Putri, Bambang Wahyudi, Anang Puji Utama, Pujo Widodo, and Herlina JR Saragih. "Analysis Strategic Palanning In Conflict Resolution In Papua." International Journal Of Humanities Education and Social Sciences (IJHESS) 4, no. 4 (2025). https://doi.org/10.55227/ijhess.v4i4.1188.

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The conflict in Papua is a complex issue rooted in historical, political, social, and cultural factors. Papua has been Indonesia since 1969, but tensions persist due to separatist movements, the Free Papua Movement (OPM), and dissatisfaction with the region’s development and resource management. This research aims to analyze strategic planning in conflict resolution, focusing on governmental policies and their implementation. The study adopts a qualitative approach, using in-depth interviews, observation, and a literature review. In-depth interviews were conducted with informants from local co

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A. Rahman, Dahlan. "Prospects and Dynamics of Special Autonomy Post Aceh Government Law No. 11 of 2006 in Aceh." International Journal of Social Science Humanity & Management Research 3, no. 01 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.58806/ijsshmr.2024.v3i1n17.

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After the birth of the Aceh Government Law a year ago, the prospect of Special Autonomy in implementing and implementing all government system tools in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam requires high energy. On the other hand, we read that the Unitary State system is in accordance with scientific theory. This research uses qualitative methods to see how individual candidates can survive amidst the onslaught of local and national political parties in Aceh. From the research results, it was found that the existence of individual candidates had caused political tensions in Aceh after the formation of loca

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Kusumaryati, Veronika. "Pig‐feast democracy." American Ethnologist, February 29, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/amet.13267.

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AbstractIn most Melanesian societies, pig feasts have been declining in recent years, owing to the incursion of Christianity and the modern economy. But in Indonesia‐occupied West Papua, pig feasts are being held more often, and at a greater scale, than ever. The feasts are taking place in the context of West Papua's “special autonomy” status and Indonesia's democratic reforms, which have established direct local elections (pilkada) in the region. The boom in pig feasts shows how this traditional institution, together with the modern institution of elections, has become a platform for contesta

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