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Journal articles on the topic 'Special Election'
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RABER, LINDA. "SPECIAL ELECTION CANDIDATES." Chemical & Engineering News 82, no. 3 (2004): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v082n003.p015.
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Wardana, Dodi Jaya. "Konsep Pengadilan Khusus Dalam Penyelesaian Perkara Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia." Jurnal Justiciabelen 3, no. 1 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30587/justiciabelen.v3i1.2241.
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A special court for the settlement of regional head election cases needs to be established / held for the settlement of cases for regional head elections and this special court is established before the implementation of regional head elections simultaneously nationally. This special court for regional head elections is nothing new, but something that already exists. Moreover, this special election court has been implemented in Uruguay. The authority of the Election Court in Uruguay appears to be very broad, covering everything related to elections, from the making of the regulations, the implementation, to the settlement of the case. The form and design of the special election court institutions must be adapted to the conditions of the temporary (ad hoc) Indonesian state under the Supreme Court and has the authority to handle all cases that arise in the election process, ranging from administrative cases and election crimes to disputes over results. Regional elections.
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Garrett, Bruce W. "Election Special! 75% Off!" Orthopaedic Nursing 7, no. 6 (1988): 14???16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006416-198811000-00006.
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Susilo, Tri. "DESIGN OF SPECIAL JUSTICE AGENCY ELECTION CHAIN IN INDONESIA." UNTAG Law Review 1, no. 1 (2017): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36356/ulrev.v1i1.524.
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<p>Past-approval of government regulation in lieu of Law No.1 of 2014 concerning the election of governor, regent, and mayor (hereinafter called local election), In accordance with the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 97 /PUU-XI / 2013, the Constitutional Court is no longer authorized to resolve disputes on direct election results, because the provisions of Article 236C of Law Number 12 Year 2008 NRI are against the Constitution of 1945. Article 157 paragraph (1) Law No. 8 Year 2015 determines that the dispute settlement on direct election results become the authority of specialized judiciary. But before a specialized judiciary is formed, then the Constitutional Court is authorized to resolve disputes on direct election results. The authority of the Constitutional Court is the constitutional authority to fulfill temporary legal vacuum (rechtvakum). Therefore legislators should immediately establish a specialized judiciary which has the authority to resolve the disputes on direct election results. There is a new design in election mechanisms of regional hand. The law a quo stated that elections be held simultaneously at the national level. This design would require regulatory support, such as the establishment of as special court, solve any disputes that arise from the election. The problems emerge in this study is how the urgency of special court, how it compares to special court on election matters in various countries and how the relevance of the comparison can be applied in Indonesia. This was conducted using a legal-normative research. The research conclude unable to meet the demands for justice, for example, the court's decision are settled after the elections conducted and thick-layers on legal remedies so it is counterproductive to the election that have limited period of time. These legal remedies are even separated in several judicatures. Various countries have also established a special court on local elections with a variety of institutional design and procedural law. For Indonesia, the special court is ad hoc court, based on provincial and district or city and authorized to settle disputes concerning the local elections.</p>
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Steger, Wayne P. "Introduction (Special Edition – The Presidential Nomination Process)." American Review of Politics 28 (January 1, 2008): 289–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2008.28.0.289-291.
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Understanding why certain candidates get nominated is an important aspect of political scientists. This topic is a narrow one and influences a wider variety of subjects such as the political parties, general elections, and even the extent to which the United States is a democratic country. Presidential nominees matter—they become the foremost spokesperson and the personified image of the party (Miller and Gronbeck 1994), the main selectors of issues and policies for their party’s general election campaign (Petrocik 1996; Tedesco 2001), a major force in defining the ideological direction of a political party (Herrera 1995), and candidates that voters select among in the general election. This volume is devoted to presidential nominations and the 2008 nomination specifically.
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Rois, Iwan, and Ratna Herawati. "Urgensi Pembentukan Peradilan Khusus Pemilu dalam rangka Mewujudkan Integritas Pemilu." Jurnal Magister Hukum Udayana (Udayana Master Law Journal) 7, no. 2 (2018): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jmhu.2018.v07.i02.p10.
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This study aims to analyze the need to establish a special election court which has the authority to solve various election law cases in order to realize elections with integrity; and analyzing the formulation of election special justice in order to realize the integrity of the election. The research method used is the method of normative legal research and the implementation of this research collects data from various sources in order to get an answer to the issues that have been formulated. The results of the study shows that the purpose of the need for the formation of special judicial elections; First, to meet the growing demands of increasingly complex justice in society and more election law enforcement so as to realize the integrity of the elections; Second, To handle the election law cases quickly and simply so as to obey the integrity of the election. Formulation; First, the election special justice to be able to work quickly and simply in handling election law cases, domiciled at the central and provincial level, then entering the District Court or the High Court; Secondly, the Guidelines for the election special judicial law shall be based on Supreme Court Regulation Number 4 Year 2017 on Procedures for the Settlement of Administrative Offenses of the General Elections in the Supreme Court.
 Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis perlunya membentuk peradilan khusus pemilu yang mempunyai kewenangan menyelesaikan berbagai perkara hukum pemilu agar terwujud pemilu yang berintegritas; dan menganalisis formulasi pembentukan peradilan khusus pemilu dalam rangka mewujudkan integritas pemilu. Metode penelitian yang digunakan ialah metode penelitian hukum normatif dan pelaksanaan dari penelitian ini mengumpulkan bahan hukum dari berbagai sumber guna mendapatkan suatu jawaban atas pokok-pokok permasalahan yang telah dirumuskan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tujuan perlunya pembentukan peradilan khusus pemilu; Pertama, Untuk memenuhi tuntutan perkembangan akan keadilan yang semakin kompleks dalam masyarakat dan lebih penegakan hukum pemilu sehingga mewujudkan integritas pemilu; Kedua, Untuk menangani perkara hukum pemilu dengan cepat dan sederhana sehingga mewudkan integritas pemilu. Formulasi; Pertama, Peradilan khusus pemilu agar bisa bekerja cepat dan sederhana dalam menangani perkara hukum pemilu, berkedudukan di tingkat pusat dan provinsi, selanjutnya masuk pada Pengadilan Negeri atau Pengadilan Tinggi; Kedua, Pedoman beracara pada peradilan khusus pemilu berdasarkan pada Peraturan Mahkamah Agung Nomor 4 Tahun 2017 tentang Tata Cara Penyelesaian Pelanggaran Administratif Pemilihan Umum Di Mahkamah Agung.
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Firmanto, Taufik, Moh Fadli, Muchamad Ali Safaat, and Istislam Istislam. "Estudo de comparação institucional para solução de controvérsias para eleições de chefes regionais na Indonésia e no Brasil." Research, Society and Development 9, no. 11 (2020): e94091110776. http://dx.doi.org/10.33448/rsd-v9i11.10776.
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This article is a legal research which conducts a comparative study of the dispute resolution institutions between the Indonesian and Brazilian elections. The purpose of writing this article is to map the similarities and differences in the practice of dispute resolution between regional head elections in Indonesia and Brazil to take good aspects that are suitable for implementation in Indonesia. In the discussion, it also covers the practice of organizing elections, election management organs and institutions, including the practice of dispute resolution for Election / Pilkada in both countries. The research method used is normative legal research using primary legal materials in the form of statutory regulations and court decisions, using a comparative approach, a statutory approach and a conceptual approach. Conclusions from the discussion of the research results, the authors propose two institutional options for Pilkada dispute resolution in Indonesia: a) Establishing a special election / election court under the PTUN environment. This Special Judiciary is domiciled in each provincial capital to adjudicate and decide on election result disputes (Election / Pilkada Crime and also examine and adjudicate election / election / election process / administration disputes), or b) Define the authority of the Constitutional Court of Justice to adjudicate disputes over the results of the Pilkada (in addition to PHPU) without any differentiation of regime.
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Cushion, Stephen, and Daniel Jackson. "Introduction to special issue about election reporting: Why journalism (still) matters." Journalism 20, no. 8 (2019): 985–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884919845454.
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This introduction unpacks the eight articles that make up this Journalism special issue about election reporting. Taken together, the articles ask: How has election reporting evolved over the last century across different media? Has the relationship between journalists and candidates changed in the digital age of campaigning? How do contemporary news values influence campaign coverage? Which voices – politicians, say or journalists – are most prominent? How far do citizens inform election coverage? How is public opinion articulated in the age of social media? Are sites such as Twitter developing new and distinctive election agendas? In what ways does social media interact with legacy media? How well have scholars researched and theorised election reporting cross-nationally? How can research agendas be enhanced? Overall, we argue this Special Issue demonstrates the continued strength of news media during election campaigns. This is in spite of social media platforms increasingly disrupting and recasting the agenda setting power of legacy media, not least by political parties and candidates who are relying more heavily on sites such as Facebook, Instagram and Twitter to campaign. But while debates in recent years have centred on the technological advances in political communication and the associated role of social media platforms during election campaigns (e.g. microtargeting voters, spreading disinformation/misinformation and allowing candidates to bypass media to campaign), our collection of studies signal the enduring influence professional journalists play in selecting and framing of news. Put more simply, how elections are reported still profoundly matters in spite of political parties’ and candidates’ more sophisticated use of digital campaigning.
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Pasha, Zahlul, Mutiara Fahmi, and Khairil Akbar. "Sengkarut Pola Hubungan Lembaga Penyelenggara Pemilu di Daerah Otonomi Khusus." Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 10, no. 1 (2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2020.10.1.1-31.
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This article seeks to analize the pattern of relations and authority of election agencies in special autonomous regions in Indonesia. The difference in the pattern of relations between election agencies in the special sutonomy region coincided with the implementation of asymmetric decentralization policies in Indonesia. As a result, differences in authority and specificity that is owned by one region with other regions. Whereas the Indonesian constitution based on Article 22E paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia states that all regulations relating to the electoral institutions in Indonesia apply nationally. The research method used is normative and empirical. This study found similarities and differences in the pattern of relationships and authority of election agencies in the special sutonomy Region. The similarity is that the election agencies in this Special Autonomous Region has lost certain duties and authorities that affect the pattern of their relationship. The difference lies in the lost duties and authority. In DKI Jakarta, the duties and responsibilities of the election organizers in the Regency/City are only in the context of assisting the Election organizing tasks in the Province. The duties and authority of the election organizers in DIY are reduced in the case of the Governor General Election. While in Aceh, the task of supervision is divided between two organizing agencies, namely the Aceh Panwaslih and the Aceh Province Panwaslih. In the future, this pattern of relations and authority will become a source of conflict and dispute. While in Papua Province, the election organize did not hold general elections due to the implementation of the noken system in some of these areas.
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Yap, Diana. "Election special: Romney, Obama on health policy." Pharmacy Today 18, no. 10 (2012): 62–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1042-0991(15)31663-7.
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Johnson, Tom, and Dave Perlmutter. "“The Facebook Election: New Media and the 2008 Election Campaign” Special Symposium." Mass Communication and Society 12, no. 3 (2009): 375–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15205430903021525.
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Wicaksono, Dian Agung, and Ola Anisa Ayutama. "INISIASI PENGADILAN KHUSUS PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DALAM MENGHADAPI KESERENTAKAN PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR, BUPATI, DAN WALIKOTA DI INDONESIA 1 *." Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional 4, no. 1 (2015): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.33331/rechtsvinding.v4i1.53.
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Pasca pengesahan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang (selanjutnya disingkat Perppu) Nomor 1 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati, dan Walikota (selanjutnya disebut Pemilihan Kepala Daerah, yang disingkat Pilkada) terdapat desain baru yang diusung terkait mekanisme Pilkada. Dalam Perppu tersebut, Pilkada diselenggarakan secara serentak pada level nasional. Desain keserentakan ini tentu membutuhkan regulasi pendukung, salah satunya melalui pembentukan pengadilan khusus Pilkada. Permasalahan yang kemudian muncul dalam penelitian ini adalah terkait bagaimana urgensi dibentuknya pengadilan khusus Pilkada, bagaimana perbandingan pengadilan khusus Pilkada di berbagai negara dan bagaimana relevansi perbandingan tersebut dapat diterapkan di Indonesia. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan metode yuridis normatif. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini adalah terdapat urgensi untuk dibentuk pengadilan khusus Pilkada dikarenakan upaya hukum dalam proses Pilkada selama ini seringkali tidak dapat memenuhi rasa keadilan masyarakat, misalnya putusan pengadilan yang baru diputus pasca tahapan Pilkada telah dilaksanakan dan berlapis- lapisnya upaya hukum Pilkada sehingga kontraproduktif dengan tahapan Pilkada yang dibatasi jangka waktu. Terlebih upaya hukum tersebut terpisah dalam beberapa lingkungan peradilan. Di berbagai negara pun telah dibentuk pengadilan khusus Pilkada dengan berbagai desain kelembagaan dan hukum acaranya. Untuk Indonesia, Pengadilan Pilkada didesain sebagai pengadilan khusus yang bersifat ad hoc , berkedudukan di Provinsi dan Kabupaten atau Kota serta berwenang memutus sengketa tentang Pilkada.<p>Post-approval of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1 of 2014 concerning the Election of Governor, Regent, and Mayor (hereinafter called local election), there is a new design in election mechanisms of regional head. The Law a quo stated that the elections be held simultaneously at the national level. This design would require regulatory support, such as the establishment of special courts to solve any disputes that arise from the election. The problems emerge in this study is how the urgency of a special court, how it compares to special court on election matters in various countries and how the relevance of the comparison can be applied in Indonesia. This was conducted using a legal-normative research. The research conclude that it is urgent to set up special courts on local elections due to legal remedy in the local election process that has been often unable to meet the demands for justice, for example, the court’s decision are settled after the elections conducted and thick-layers on legal remedies so it is counterproductive to the elections that have limited period of time. These legal remedies are even separated in several judicatures. Various countries have also established a special court on local elections with a variety of institutional design and procedural law. For Indonesia, the special court is an ad hoc court, based on provincial and district or city and authorized to settle disputes concerning the local elections.</p>
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Yurakh, Vitalii. "SPECIAL LEGAL REGIMES OF LOCAL ELECTIONS UNDER THE ELECTORAL CODE OF UKRAINE." Scientific Notes Series Law 1, no. 9 (2020): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-9230-2020-1-9-24-28.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the legal regimes introduced by the Electoral Code of Ukraine and which will determine the local elections in 2020. In the process of studying the problems of suffrage it is substantiated that the effective functioning of the system of formation of representative executive bodies contributes to the performance of all functions of all relevant representative bodies and local self-government and ensuring the realization of all human rights and freedoms as an individual and society as a whole. Scholars have proven the important role of the electoral process and the relevant legal regimes that determine the stages and procedures of local elections. The study of the relevant legal regimes becomes even more important and relevant during the administrative-territorial reform and the creation of united territorial communities. Thus, the purpose of the study will be, in particular: to clarify the state of electoral legislation governing the electoral process, to identify the relevant legal regimes in its structure and to give them an appropriate legal assessment. The author systematizes and sets out various legal regimes that reveal the relevant stages and procedures of the election process, determine the status of the subjects of the election process and the special role of election commissions of different levels in this process. It is noted that the complexity of this problem is the lack of good practice in applying the provisions of the Electoral Code. Accordingly, the fragmentation of its structure into separate legal regimes will allow for a proper analysis of independent legal regimes that are revealed at different stages of the election process and determine the level of difficulty in applying certain provisions of election law. The author tries to reveal the criteria for the effectiveness of electoral legislation and propose a classification of a set of indicators, which in turn allow for an analysis of the problems of application of the relevant norms.
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SMITH, DAVID R., and THOMAS L. BRUNELL. "Special Elections to the U.S. House of Representatives: A General Election Barometer?" Legislative Studies Quarterly 35, no. 2 (2010): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298010791170150.
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Gusman, Delfina. "Mengkaji Ulang Gagasan Pengadilan Khusus Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia." Nagari Law Review 3, no. 2 (2020): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/nalrev.v.3.i.2.p.70-83.2020.
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General elections are a means of democracy to elect leaders who will carry out the wheels of government for a certain period of time, through legitimate power transfer procedures by involving public participation. Elections are the crystallization of popular sovereignty in procedural mechanisms. But often in the implementation of procedural democracy this is followed by fraudulent actions that tarnish the true nature of democracy (substantial democracy). Therefore, we need a law enforcement agency for every action that can damage the essential meaning of democracy and elections in Indonesia. The idea of a special court emerged as an alternative to electoral dispute resolution in the study of Indonesian constitutional law, however this idea needs to be discussed in more depth from various aspects to see its relevance to the Indonesian constitutional system, given that long before there was the idea of a special election court, Indonesia already had a number of institutions that given a mandate and authority to resolve disputes related to elections. This paper uses normative juridical methods in its study and is supported by secondary data in the form of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. The analysis used is qualitative analysis. The results of the study revealed that the idea of establishing an electoral special court was the idea of state administration which emerged amidst the struggle to substantially improve the quality of democracy. However, in its formation, it does not only require clear legal politics, but also requires a holistic study of the mechanism and flow of resolution and models of electoral dispute resolution. The parameter that needs to be used in examining the idea of a special electoral court is to measure the extent and importance of elections for Indonesian democracy. because the more important the meaning of the election is the presence of special election court more worthy of consideration
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Fauziyah, Fauziyah, and I. Wayan Parsa. "The Concept of Special Judicial Institutions in Dispute Resolution of Village Heads In Indonesia." Jurnal Magister Hukum Udayana (Udayana Master Law Journal) 9, no. 4 (2020): 673. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jmhu.2020.v09.i04.p01.
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The idea of village head dispute resolution through the Special Judicial Institution began with anxiety over Law 6 of 2014 concerning Villages, Government Regulation number 6 of 2014 concerning Implementation of Village Laws, and Minister of Home Affairs Regulation No. 112 of 2014 concerning Guidelines for Election of Village Heads, which has not yet regulated the village head election supervisory institutions and dispute resolution institutions for village head elections. The institutions that are required to complete based on these rules are Regents with a period of 30 days. Regents are political positions which also have many political interests. The existence of this decision had an impact on one of the candidates for the village head. The current practices for resolving disputes over village head elections through the District Court and the State Administrative Court. The purpose of this study to create a concept for regional special judiciary institutions in resolving regional election disputes in Indonesia. This research using a normative juridical approach with a statute approach, history approach and conceptual approach. The results of the study show that by establishing a special independent judicial institution based on local wisdom by prioritizing the principle of kinship and consensus building. The main task of the institution is to assist the regional head in providing alternative legal services, to serve and protect the rights of the parties in seeking truth and justice, and to settle according to a predetermined time, to try to examine and decide on cases of village head election disputes.
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Andi Arfan Sahabuddin. "KONSEP PERADILAN SENGKETA PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH." Paulus Law Journal 2, no. 1 (2020): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.51342/plj.v2i1.152.
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In the Decision of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia Number 97/PUU/2013, it is stated that the handling of The Regional Election disputes is no longer be the authority of the Constitutional Court. This raises a consequences, the Regional Election disputes wil be handled through the Special Judiciary. This study aims to analyze the concept of Regional Election disputes court. This study uses a normative method with statute approach. The result of this study shows that the formation of a Special Judiciary to handle the Regional Election disputes is a necessity because it is a mandate of the Law. In order for the handling of Regional Election disputes can be effective, the Special Judiciary should be under the State Administrative Court.
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M., Moniruzzaman. "Local Election Competition for National Party Survival: An Analysis of Merlimau By-Election in Malaysia." Journal of Social Science Studies 3, no. 2 (2016): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsss.v3i2.9202.
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<p>Party politics in Malaysia has become tumultuous over the past two decades. As such national and regional level elections as well as by-elections have become equally sensitive for party politics. Of late by-elections have taken a special position as they are considered unseasonal barometer for testing popularity and legitimacy of the incumbent and the opposition competition. The effect of the dramatic 2008 national general elections in Malaysia continued during the subsequent three years through nearly one and a half dozen by-elections throughout the country. Until November 2010, the opposition remained jubilant over its victory in eight out of 11 by-elections maintaining the funfair of the rising opposition unprecedented in Malaysia’s election history. But the tide started to dwindle with the subsequent three wins in Galas, Tenang and Batu Sapi by the ruling coalition turning the trend around. Under this circumstance came the Merlimau by-election in March 2011. Reflecting the reality on the ground, therefore, this by-election became a battleground for party political survival for both the ruling and opposition coalitions. This article discusses the campaign strategies of the competing coalitions, the results of the election, and its implications. The importance of this by-election is that it reflected the intensity of national level electoral sensitivity since the ruling party’s political survival was dependent upon wining this election against a series of by-elections won by the opposition.</p>
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Harun, Refly. "Rekonstruksi Kewenangan Penyelesaian Perselisihan Hasil Pemilihan Umum." Jurnal Konstitusi 13, no. 1 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1311.
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Construction of authority in the settlement of dispute over the result of local election is still in transformation to become the ideal format. At the same time, the authority in the settlement of election dispute which is distributed to many agencies is also demanding simplification. The fact requires that there must be reconstruction on the settlement of all kinds of legal problems in election, including the dispute over local election results. Related to this, one of the proposals offered through this paper is the simplification of settlement system and the courts involved in the settlement of disputes. Where, for the settlement of disputed election results remain under the authority of the Constitutional Court, while the settlement of election disputes, local election disputes and disputes over the results of local election are handled by a special election court. The role of the election court referred to will be run by the Election Supervisory Body which will transform into a special election court.
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Baskaran, Thushyanthan, Brian Min, and Yogesh Uppal. "Election cycles and electricity provision: Evidence from a quasi-experiment with Indian special elections." Journal of Public Economics 126 (June 2015): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2015.03.011.
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Tsiala Meladze, Tsiala Meladze. "Polling stations - the main cornerstone of elections." New Economist 16, no. 02 (2021): 76–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/nec6102202176.
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In this article, we discuss the legislative proposal submitted by us, according to which we request an amendment to Article 61, Part 1, Paragraph 1 of the Election Code of Georgia, according to which a new function was added to the member of the flow regulation commission - if necessary, electronically check In the list. In addition, Article 58 (4) (b) of the law requires a change, according to which special places for election observers and party representatives will be allocated at the polling station on polling day, from where they will be able to freely observe the election process at the polling station. With these changes, the Election Code of Georgia will be able to better regulate the problems existing at the polling station on the polling day; It serves to create a safe, comfortable electoral environment for both the voter and the other persons involved in the election process in the line of duty. Keywords: Elections, Legislative Proposal, Election Code
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Sturm, Roland. "Sieg des konservativen Populismus. Die britischen Parlamentswahlen vom 12. Dezember 2019." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 1 (2020): 126–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-1-126.
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The early elections of December 2019 were held under special circumstances . The country was and still is divided politically and socially with regard to her future relationship with the EU . Brexit was one of the major election issues . Boris Johnson first won the support of his party and then of the country for a hard line Brexit strategy . The election campaigns of the two leading parties were outright populist . The Conservative Party secured for herself a landslide victory, with the exception of Scotland and Northern Ireland .
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Sarmah, Rantu, and Dr Niranjan Mohapatra. "Role of Social Media in Election Campaigning in India with Special Reference to Assam." World Journal of Social Science Research 7, no. 3 (2020): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v7n3p1.
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This is an attempt to find out the role of social media in election campaigning in India with special reference to Assam. Democratic countries like United States of America, India the social media has become an integral part for political communications during election campaigning. This new way of campaigning during election plays an important role to attract voters. Social media has given a new platform such as Facebook, Twitter, Google+, Whatsapp, Youtube etc. to the political parties and the voters, these are becoming an easy tool for the political leaders to interact with their voters. Social media allows candidates to share, post, comments, and their views during election and making them more direct involvement to their voters. These new tools or platforms are appeared as new area for research. Firstly to find out the term of social media, secondly, general meaning of political campaigning, thirdly, uses of social media in Indian election campaigning with reference to Assam and lastly conclusions.
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Winters, Kristi, Edzia Carvalho, and Thom Oliver. "The 2015 Qualitative Election Study of Britain." Research Data Journal for the Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (2017): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24523666-01000007.
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The Qualitative Election Study of Britain (qesb) is the first (and only) qualitative longitudinal dataset to investigate political attitudes and voting behaviour over multiple elections and referendums in the United Kingdom. During the 2015 uk general election over 90 voters participated in 23 focus groups across England, Scotland, and Wales before and after polling day. These participants represented a range of political party supporters and independent voters, age groups, and economic backgrounds. They discussed a range of political issues including their vote choice in the election, their impressions of the major party leaders, why they would consider voting (or never voting) for a political party, and their expectations for the country moving forward. Special focus groups were also held around the three leaders’ debates. The 2015 qesb also brought back participants who had participated in the 2010 qesb focus groups and the 2014 Scottish referendum focus groups. The 2015 qesb has created a unique panel of participants whose political opinions can be tracked across multiple elections. The project also includes questions that were asked in prior election focus groups and has replicated, with some modifications, the research design of the previous wave of the study.
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Romanov, Aleksey A., and Ol’ga V. Novoselova. "Pre-Election Threats as a Special Pragmatic Type of Statements." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series "Humanitarian and Social Sciences", no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17238/issn2227-6564.2020.1.44.
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N. Yapparova, Venera. "Pre-Election Discourse as a Special Type of Institutional Discourse." HELIX 8, no. 1 (2018): 2324–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.29042/2018-2324-2327.
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Anonymous. "Special election for geomagnetism and paleomagnetism president for 1998-2000." Eos, Transactions American Geophysical Union 77, no. 52 (1996): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1029/96eo00350.
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Shobahah, Nurush, and Much Anam Rifai. "FAKTOR YURIDIS YANG MEMPENGARUHI PENAMBAHAN JUMLAH DAFTAR PEMILIH KHUSUS PADA PEMILU 2019 DI KABUPATEN TULUNGAGUNG." Ahkam: Jurnal Hukum Islam 8, no. 2 (2020): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/ahkam.2020.8.2.259-286.
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The relatively high number of Registered Special Voters in the 2019 Election became a problem. Since Registered Special Voters are people who qualifi as voters but they are not listed in the Registered Fixed Voters, it can be concluded that the voter registration conducted by General Election Comission is not as qualifying as it should be. However, there is an opinion that basically Registered Special Voters are not pure as it is listed. Some voters have already been registered as Registered Fixed Voters. Through this qualitative descriptive research with a case-approach, the research purpose is to reveal factors making people as Registered Special Voters in Tulungagung Regency. The result was that there were 23 percent of voters in the Registered Special Voters in Tulungagung who were already registered as Registered Fixed Voters. They are registered as Registered Special Voters presumably due to the following factors: First, problem arised when voters are mistakenly put in the polling station. Second, problem due to administrative error in recording the presence of the voters. Third, problem caused by the residence exchange. In order to solve this problem, electoral regulation reconstruction is needed, especially in relation to updating registered voter and/or voting-count mechanisme. 
 Keywords: Election, Registered Special Voters, Reconstructing Regulation.
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Goodman, James, and James Anderson. "Editorial Welcome: Special Issue on Ethnocracy." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 3 (2016): i—iii. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v8i3.5283.
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This Special Issue of Cosmopolitan Civil Societies Journal focuses on the domination of social and political relations by Ethnocracy – rule or would-be rule by an ethnic group or ethnos, as distinct from Democracy or rule by the demos of all the people. Ethnocracy encompasses state regimes and associated political movements and parties that discriminate systematically in favour of a particular ethnic group (or groups) and against others. When we proposed the Special Issue in late 2014 ethnocratic practices were as prevalent as they had ever been; and now two years later they appear to be on the increase with an ethno-populist upsurge and the election or threatened election of governments pursuing ethnocratic agendas. From India to the USA, from Russia to Hungary, leading politicians openly discriminate against ethnic ‘others’ to attract support from ‘their own’ ethnic groups; across the European Union and in other liberal democracies they increasingly scapegoat ‘immigrants’ to hide their own inadequacies and further their political objectives. Now, more than ever, it is critical that the dynamics of ethnocracy are more clearly understood. This Issue documents the logics of ethnocracy in a variety of different contexts, posing questions about how it develops and how it can be challenged.
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Tait, David. "Special Committee on Continuing Medical Education." Psychiatric Bulletin 18, no. 5 (1994): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.18.5.285.
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The idea for this committee of Council came from Professor Andrew Sims when President of the College. A Working Group of the Education Committee produced a report on continuing medical education (CME) and the first meeting was held in February 1992 under the chairmanship of Dr Fiona Caldicott, then Dean. Following her election to the Presidency in 1993 Professor Sims took on the chairmanship and the committee has now met ten times to date.
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S. Sangadji, Suwandi, and Saiful Rachman. "An Analysis of The Planning of The Direct Regional Election in The New Normal Period." KAMBOTI: Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora 1, no. 2 (2021): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51135/kambotivol1iss2pp114-123.
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This study aimed to find out the planning, challenges, rational vision and mission offers, and the implementation of the 2020 regional election in Tidore during the new normal period. The applied method in this study was descriptive-qualitative using an interactive model approach. The results of this study can be stated with the following conclusions. (1) In the context of planning and preparation for the 2020 regional election in Tidore, it is necessary to pay attention to the successes and possible failures of the 2019 general election by setting a transparent and integrated planning and preparation concept for all parties who will determine the success of this regional election; (2) The general challenge faced by the government and the people of Tidore, especially for the Regional General Election Commission (in Indonesian: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah (KPUD)) in organizing the 2020 regional elections, is how to carry out the regional elections democratically based on the direct, general, free, secret, honest, and fair principles as a process of maturing public political behavior; (3) The special challenge faced by each pair of candidates is to offer a concept of a realistic, actual, accurate, and precise development vision and mission according to the development, needs, potentials, and problems of the people of Tidore.
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Frolova, Yulia N. "The Topic of Catalonia in the Election Campaigns of Spanish Parties in 2019." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, no. 4 (28) (2020): 103–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(4).103-110.
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The role of the Catalan issue in the period of early general elections in 2019 in Spain is considered. The author examines how parties use the topic of Catalonia in the political struggle and if this topic is relevant for Spanish citizens. The problem of separatism is still one of the urgent issues for Spain, so in the election campaigns it has a special position.
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Rupasov, Alexander I. "Organization of the First Post-War Elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR in Leningrad in October 1945 – February 1946: Documents from the Central State Archive of St. Petersburg." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2020): 836–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-836-847.
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By decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of October 5, 1945, the first post-war elections to this supreme body of state power were scheduled for February 10, 1946. The political leadership attached exceptional importance to the election campaign launched in autumn 1945. The election campaign and its results could have been an indicator of the mood of Soviet society, permitting to estimate whether the victory in the war had been able to neutralize the accumulated fatigue from the hardships of the war and prevent the growth of negative feelings among the population towards the communist party and Soviet leadership. Thus, the authorities paid special attention to the organization of the elections to the Supreme Soviet in Leningrad, the city which survived the siege. Political and ideological support for the election campaign of autumn 1945 – winter 1946 was not the only task that the Soviet and party structures in Leningrad were concerned about. Purely organizational and technical aspects of the elections required coordination between a large number of departments and organizations. One of the most serious organizational problems was lack of trained personnel to work in election commissions. The Central State Archive of St. Petersburg has some limited number of documents that allow us to study the organizational and technical side of the elections in Leningrad in 1945-1946.
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Yusdar, Yusdar. "Accessibility of Persons with Disabilities in Realizing Elections with Integrity." Musamus Law Review 1, no. 2 (2019): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35724/mularev.v1i2.1198.
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The right to vote and be elected is a constitutional right of citizens who are recognized as part of the rights to the same position in law and government. Elections are a very important momentum, in fact, the Election still often raises problems for persons with disabilities. Persons with disabilities are a group of persons with disabilities who most need special facilities so that they can choose independently so they can fulfill the principle of elections, namely Direct, General, Free and Confidential and Honest and Fair. So that the political rights of persons with disabilities have not been maximally fulfilled through the provision of accessibility in elections for them. This research is normative legal research. By using several methods of approach, namely: Legislative approach (statute approach), conceptual approach (conceptual approach), case approach (case approach). The results of the study show that the provision of accessibility space, not only on the momentum of giving rights (giving ballots to be tested) to persons with disabilities on voting days and hours in elections but giving accessibility to persons with disabilities in elections was given since the stages of election implementation were echoed. Ideally, Disabled Persons must have access as election organizers as well as election participants. The accessibility of persons with disabilities should not only be given to access rights as voters on the day and time of voting.
 Keywords:People with Disabilities; Elections; Integrity
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Tarnavskaya, M. A. "The Election System of the Swiss Confederation: Counting of Votes and Establishment of Election Results." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-178-183.
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In the following article the author covers the process of counting the votes and the disclosure rules of establishment the election results in the Swiss Confederation. Switzerland along with other EU member states pays special attention to the determination of the election results. According to Art. 149 para. 2 Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation the elections to the National Council, which is one of two chambers of the Federal Assembly, are held according to proportional representation system. The Hagenbach-Bischoff system is used for allocating seats in National Council of the Swiss Con federation. However the above mentioned system for determining the quota of votes per each mandate creates ambiguous opinions among Swiss scientists and legal experts, which frequently comes up in discussions whether to modify it or not. In this article, the author also gives a brief description of the main political parties in Switzerland and statistics of seats allocation in 49 legislature of National Council following the elections of October 23, 2011. As a result, the author provides the full information on the process of votes counting and establishment of election results in the Swiss Confederation. The material presented in this article is particularly interesting and relevant in terms of improving the electoral legislation in the Russian Federation. The information presented by the author will be useful to all parties interested in electoral law.
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Lowe, Kate. "Elections of Abbesses and Notions of Identity in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Italy, with Special Reference to Venice*." Renaissance Quarterly 54, no. 2 (2001): 389–429. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3176782.
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Ceremonies of election to abbess were occasions of great display. Election to this highest of offices was the defining moment of a successful nun's life, and thereafter self-identity became crucial. This article examines an anatomy of an election of 1509 by a nun from San Zaccaria in Venice; the illustrated chronicle of Santa Maria delle Vergini in Venice dated 1523, written by an anonymous nun; and the visual representation (in a range of media) of various abbesses from Florence, Pavia, and Venice. Success in election conferred the possibility of personality and consequently legitimated personalized representation.
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Nov, Zul Hendri. "Politik Hukum Perubahan Sifat Lembaga Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum." Jurnal Selat 7, no. 2 (2020): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31629/selat.v7i2.1555.
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Legal politics is intended as a guideline for determining basic policies regarding the form, direction and purpose of legal formation. In terms of achieving legal objectives institutions need to realize it. To safeguard the sovereignty of the people so that they are channeled through the elections properly, an election supervisory body is needed. After the birth of the new Election Law, the interesting thing that happened was the gradual process of increasing the institutional status of election supervisors starting from the central level to the district / city level. In this paper, the authors look at the process of changing the institutional nature of Bawaslu at the district / city level which becomes a permanent institution through the new election law. The method used is qualitative with an empirical Normative legal approach. At the end of this paper, the writer concludes that it is important to increase the authority of Bawaslu at the municipal level by making it permanent. Through the exercise of authority given to Bawaslu, Bawaslu of Sawahlunto city can maintain the sovereignty of the people and realize fair elections. As a suggestion in the exercise of authority, the author sees the need to establish a special electoral justice system. Where in terms of election criminal enforcement, Bawaslu is no longer bound by the subjective views of the Prosecutors and the Police in Gakkumdu, so that they are independent in carrying out the prosecution and enforcement of Election Law.
 Keywords: Keywords: Bawaslu, Authority, Institutional Nature
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Whicker, Marcia Lynn, and Malcolm E. Jewell. "Rejoinder to Hadley." American Review of Politics 14 (April 1, 1993): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.123-127.
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Charles D. Hadley has made several interesting points, including some legitimate criticisms of our study. Some criticisms, however, are less relevant and do not undermine the integrity of our effort. We shall discuss his points in sequence: Confusion over “critical” and “realigning” elections. Hadley contends that we have confused critical and realigning elections. We acknowledge that perhaps we have been too loose with our use of terminology. His point that critical elections, representing a fundamental shift in the political attitudes and preferences of the populace, may be divided into realigning and converting subsets is well taken. We have erred in using the terms “critical election” and “realigning election” interchangeably, and should have restricted ourselves to using the former. This misuse of terms, however, is incidental to our analysis, since we have analyzed all critical elections from the founding of the country to the present, with special attention to the four critical elections about which there is the greatest agreement (1828, 1860, 1896, and 1932).
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Safwandy, Ahmad Mirza, Husni Jalil, and Moh Nur Rasyid. "Pergeseran Rezim Sistem Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia." Kanun Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 21, no. 3 (2020): 361–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/kanun.v21i3.12231.
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Penelitian ini bertujuan menguraikan pergeseran sistem pemilihan kepala daerah dari rezim pemilihan umum ke rezim Pemerintahan Daerah. Pergeseran ini berdampak kepada peralihan kewenangan penyelesaian sengketa dari Mahkamah Konstitusi ke Mahkamah Agung sebagai konsekuensi Putusan MK Nomor 97/PUU–XI/2013. Putusan MK berimpilikasi kepada sistem pemilihan kepala daerah (Pilkada) yang berada di rezim pemilihan umum beralih ke rezim pemerintahan daerah, setelah putusan tersebut undang-undang mengamanatkan pembentukan peradilan khusus Pilkada yang berada di bawah kekuasaan Mahkamah Agung. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan bertumpu pada studi dokumen berupa bahan hukum. Penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa meski tidak lagi menjadi kewenangan MK untuk mengadili perkara Pilkada, MK masih mengadili sengketa Pilkada hingga peradilan khusus Pilkada terbentuk. Peradilan khusus Pilkada selain mengadili sengketa hasil dapat mengadili sengketa proses, terkait sengketa administrasi Pilkada, sengketa Pidana Pilkada termasuk mengadili perihal election fraud dan corrupt campaign practice. Sistem penyelesaian sengketa Pilkada dilakukan melalui satu atap, sehingga tidak terjadi tumpang tindih putusan seperti yang terjadi selama ini. Shifting of Regime on Regional Election System in Indonesia This study aims to describe the shift of the regional election system from the general election regime to the regional district regime. The shift has an impact on the tranfer of authority to resolve disputes from Constitutional Court to Supreme Court as a consequence of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 97/PUU-XI/2013. The decision implied to the regional election system (Pilkada) which was in the electoral regime moved to the regional government regime, after the ruling mandated the establishment of a special election court under the authority of the Supreme Court. This research uses a normative juridical approach by analyzing law documents. The research concluded that although adjudicating of regional election disputes was no longer under the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court, but the Court still adjudicate election disputes until a special court was formed. In addition to adjudicating disputes over results, the Election Special Court can also adjudicate election disputes related to process, administrative, criminal disputes including hearing about election fraud and corrupt campaign practice. Pilkada dispute resolution system is done through one roof, so there is no overlapping of decisions as has happened so far.
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Dubrovnik, Tadej. "The Position, Election and Powers of the President of the Republic of Estonia." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 7, no. 1 (2009): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/65.
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Estonia has a typical parliamentary system in which the President of the Republic is indirectly elected. This paper deals with the position of the President of the Republic of Estonia, with the election of the President, and with his powers. Particular attention is paid to standard functions and powers in the legislative and executive realms. In addition, the extraordinary powers of the President of the Republic are also mentioned. The largest chapter of this paper describes the election of the President of the Republic. The Estonian regulation is specific because it allows up to five rounds of elections. The President of the Republic is elected by the Parliament in the first three rounds of elections. If no candidate receives a majority of votes, a special electoral body is formed (it is made up of the Members of Parliament and the representatives of local self-governing communities) to elect the President of the Republic in the fourth round of elections and, if necessary, in the fifth round of elections. The local council of each local community elects at least one representative to this body. The number of the representatives an individual local community will have depends on the number of citizens living in its area. In the end, the paper presents the responsibilities of the President of the Republic.
 
 KEY WORDS: • electins • President of the Republic of Estonia • local self-government • parliament • Estonia
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Lamm, Felicity, Erling Rasmussen, and Bernard Walker. "Special Issue Editorial: The General Election in New Zealand in 2020." New Zealand Journal of Employment Relations 45, no. 1 (2020): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/nzjer.v45i1.12.
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Kurtz, Hilda E. "Introduction to Special Forum on the Geographies of the Presidential Election." Southeastern Geographer 56, no. 3 (2016): 262–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sgo.2016.0030.
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Simoniya, Aida A. "Myanmar Military Coup 2021: Causes and Scenarios for Further Development." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-166-180.
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The article examines the true reasons for the military coup, which, according to the author, are the deep disappointment of the military with the victory of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in the general elections (2020), the growing popularity of this party and its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as the old antipathy between the two branches of state power. The author considers the accusation of the Union Election Commission and the NLD of falsifying the election results to be a far-fetched problem and only a pretext for a military coup. The author pays special attention to the strategy of the new military regime and possible scenarios of the development of events in the country.
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Hasan, Widya, Asmawi Asmawi, and Najmuddin Rasul. "KOMUNIKASI BUDAYA DALAM MENINGKATKAN PARTISIPASI PEMILIH DI KOTA PARIAMAN." Jurnal Antropologi: Isu-Isu Sosial Budaya 20, no. 2 (2019): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/jantro.v20.n2.p179-189.2018.
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Downward trend voter participation in the election of the Governor and Deputy Governor of West Sumatra Province in Kota Pariaman needs special attention, because percentage of voters who use votes at polling stations is still a benchmark for the amount of public trust in the elected regional heads through the election mechanism. Therefore is needed communication pattern that can provide understanding and educating the public about the importance of exercising voting rights during elections. Like a pattern of socialization that puts forward a cultural approach (Local Wisdom) that can inspire people to use their voting rights at TPS. This research method is descriptive qualitative that aims to understand and interpretation the meaning of events, interactions and human behavior through communication with cultural approaches. That form of 'Ciloteh Lapau' which is one of the media for election socialization and education to increase voter participation in Kota Pariaman.
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Pan, Zhongdang, Lu Wei, and Guobin Yang. "Introduction to Special Issue on digital formations and Chinese experiences." Communication and the Public 3, no. 1 (2018): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047318756138.
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This is Part I of a special issue on digital formations in China. The five articles in this part study, respectively, the digital working class, social media propaganda, “grassroots” Internet finance, online swearing, and online political communication in a Hong Kong Chief Executive election.
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Chekharina, Valentina Ivanovna. "On specificity of organization and conduct of elections during the COVID-19 pandemic (certain aspects)." Политика и Общество, no. 4 (April 2020): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0684.2020.4.34371.
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The COVID-19 pandemic significantly undermined the democratic values around the globe, which also pertains to elections. The subject of this research is some aspects of organization and conduct of elections of different level that were affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, based on the change of usual course of the electoral process and its separate stages. Relevance of the selected topic is evident, as the COVID-19 pandemic called into question the timely conduct of elections. The author set the task to examine the specificity of organization and conduct of elections at the time of pandemic in reference to the separate stages of electoral process that appeared to be significantly affected by the pandemic. Special attention is turned to postponement of the elections, which is directly related to the initial stage of electoral process &ndash; calling of the election. Emphasis is also place on the implementation of special regimes during pandemic. Another important legal issue is the question of voting &ndash; the primary stage of the electoral process. The article discusses special methods of voting applied at the time of pandemic, such as remote voting, postal voting, early voting, etc. Postponement of the elections during COVID-19 pandemic should be viewed as a new legal phenomenon in the practice of elections that is of massive scale and has direct impact upon the electoral process, its separate stages, guarantees of electoral rights, voting method, voting turnout, and election results. There is a need for development of detailed mechanism that would regulate postponement of the elections, namely in emergency situations, as well as include the corresponding provisions into the existing national electoral legislation in order to ensure genuine guarantees of conducting free and periodic elections. The acquired results can be valuable in improvement of electoral legislation, development of rules for conducting elections at the time of pandemic. Most effective foreign experience should be also taken into account in electoral practice of the Russian Federation.
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Al-Ississ, Mohamad M., and Nolan H. Miller. "What Does Health Reform Mean for the Health Care Industry? Evidence from the Massachusetts Special Senate Election." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 5, no. 3 (2013): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.5.3.1.
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We exploit the surprise election of Republican Scott Brown to the US Senate to evaluate the market's assessment of the impact of the recent US health reform legislation on the health care industry. We find that Brown's election was associated with abnormal returns of 2.1 percent and 6 percent for investments in the health care sector overall and managed care firms, respectively. Investments in the pharmaceutical sector experienced abnormal returns of 2.8 percent, while health care facilities (e.g., hospitals) experienced abnormal losses of 3.5 percent. Firms involved with Medicare Advantage benefitted more, while those involved with Medicaid Managed Care benefitted less from the election. (JEL D72, H51, I11, I18)
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Davì, Mauro, and Francesca Montamagno. "Votare a Palermo." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 82, no. 2 (2019): 85–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8544.
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In 2017, Palermo was the largest Italian city that renewed the City Council, including the Mayor. This election was preceded by a national (Italian), constitutional referendum in December 2016. For that referendum the “No” won, and there was a high level of participation to the vote.In this work, we aim to analyze the internal electoral geography of Palermo with a special focus on the vote of citizens belonging to notwealthy social classes. The analysis will be based on the relationship between the election results and a Social Disease Index, preceded by a territorial segmentation of the votes. Furthermore, the study aims to investigate the outcome of the administrative vote, made even more interesting by the renewed electoral rules.Our work will highlight whether the results of the election in Palermo reflect the same dynamics that characterized the overall nation or if local peculiarities are present. Our analysis, will indicate the mechanisms at the base of the evolution of the vote, through the comparison between the results this election and those previously occurred elections, and it will provide a profile of the voter vote in Palermo.
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Rahmawati, Dian Eka, and Afiyatika Mufidati. "Women's Representation in the 2019 Legislative Election In Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY)." PERSPEKTIF 10, no. 1 (2021): 180–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v10i1.4217.
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Legislative elections are a democratic instrument for selecting candidates who are expected to be able to channel people's aspirations in policy making. The presence of female candidates is expected to be able to influence the policy-making process related to women's needs and interests. In the 2019 legislative elections in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY) there was an increase in the number of women at the candidacy stage and the number of elected candidates compared to the 2014 legislative elections. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence the electability of female candidates in the 2019 legislative elections in DIY. The results of the study found that there were differences in motivation between elected and unelected candidates. Strong motivation provides encouragement for female candidates to try their best to campaign for themselves with various strategies. Motivation as the main factor is supported by factors of network breadth, social and political experience, support and family background, and popularity.
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Schulze, Heidi. "The Spitzenkandidaten in the European Parliament Election Campaign Coverage 2014 in Germany, France, and the United Kingdom." Politics and Governance 4, no. 1 (2016): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i1.457.
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Elections to the European Parliament are characterised by a steady decline in voter turnout. To tackle this problem, in 2014, several groups of the European Parliament nominated pan-European Spitzenkandidaten who were expected to personalise the elections and mobilise European voters. Based on this development, this study analyses the media coverage of the 2014 EP elections with special focus on the role of the Spitzenkandidaten. A quantitative content analysis of European election campaign coverage in the opinion leading newspapers of three influential EU member states, Germany, France, and the United Kingdom was carried out. The results show large candidate- and country-specific differences regarding the visibility and thematic coverage of the EP elections in general as well as the presentation of the Spitzenkandidaten. The Spitzenkandidaten were not very visible in either the German, French, or British newspaper coverage. With respect to the presence and media personalisation of the Spitzenkandidaten, the newspaper coverage of the EP election does not demonstrate any mobilising effect and thus does not reflect the high expectations the European Parliament attributed to the nomination of the Spitzenkandidaten.