Academic literature on the topic 'Speeches in Canadian Parliament'

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Journal articles on the topic "Speeches in Canadian Parliament"

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Rweyongeza, Francis. "On Guard: The Discourse of Difference in Trudeau’s Speech on National Unity." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur224.

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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s July 1, 2017 speech to commemorate 150 years of Canadian Confederation and its seemingly banal content and delivery ironically beckons for critical attention. Delivered to the Prince of Wales on Parliament Hill and millions via television and Internet, the address capped off the immense cultural spectacle of Canada’s sesquicentennial with tributes to Canadian exceptionalism in battle and in sport. However, behind references to reconciliation and tolerance is a well-documented history of contestation that runs contrary to the international myth of Canadian unity. This essay deconstructs a consonance of perspectives on Indigenous relations, multiculturalism, and citizenship proposed by Prime Minister Trudeau in his Canada 150 address on Parliament Hill that is inconsistent with a defining decade of Canadian resistance. I analyze the speech’s attempts to whitewash Canada’s colonial origins and dispel numerous claims of peaceful coexistence between the nation-state and various minorities, fundamentally challenging perceptions of Canadian identity and national values.
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Zapototskyi, Mykhailo. "Perception of the Metropolia by the Canadian Political Elite in 1914–1915 (According to the Materials of the Protocols of the Debates of the Canadian Parliament)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.13.

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In modern historical science, an integral component of scientific research is the component of the source base, which also applies to studies in world history. This article is devoted to the analysis of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s debates at the initial stage of World War I (1914–1915). The pages of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s describe the personal attitude of politicians to Metropolia, the public speeches of Canadian politicians in 1914–1915, the vision of representatives of political elites regarding the entry of the Canadian Confederation into the First World War. Notwithstanding the ideological diversity of Canadian politicians in the early twentieth century, who included both proponents of unity with Metropolia and opponents of the process, it is interesting that the entire political elite at the beginning of the Great War was consolidated in the matter of supporting the British Crown. Even former political opponents – R. Borden and W. Laurier – became ideological partners, who emphasized that Canada should support the British Empire at a difficult time. Importantly, French Canadian politicians, who were in part critical of British imperialism, also took a positive view of Britain. The main ideologue of the French Canadians at this time was considered A. Burassa, who supported Canada’s entry into the First World War. The main issues discussed at this time by parliamentarians were Canada’s military and material support for the armed conflict. Senators J. Bolduk, E. Smith, A. Lougheed, and P. Murphy actively called for the side of the Metropolia. In the article the author draws attention to the fact that politicians were negative about the military conflict itself. Canadian politicians consider German Empire to be the main culprit in the war, which violated Belgium’s sovereignty and started the war. As a result, the UK was forced to go to war, defending the neutrality of the Belgian state. According to most Canadian politicians, Canada’s main task was to support the British Empire.
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Ajzenstat, Janet. "Reconciling Parliament and Rights: A. V. Dicey Reads the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms." Canadian Journal of Political Science 30, no. 4 (December 1997): 645–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900016462.

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AbstractIn The Law of the Constitution, Dicey contends that parliamentary sovereignty guarantees rights. An absurd claim? Perhaps. But sympathetic exploration shows he is relying on assumptions central to liberal constitutionalism about the power of free speech and partisan debate to effect good laws. He expects rights guarantees to emerge from the contest among parties in the legislature. Reading Dicey today shows how deep-seated is the loss of confidence in parliamentary deliberation, and raises an awkward question: Is the very idea of parliamentary democracy in jeopardy?
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Sirota, Léonid. "“Third Parties” and Democracy 2.0." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 2 (March 23, 2015): 253–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1029209ar.

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Although the Supreme Court of Canada has described freedom of political, and especially electoral, debate as the most important aspect of the protection of freedom of expression in Canada, no debate in Canadian society is so regulated as that which takes place during an electoral campaign. Parliament has set up—and the Supreme Court has embraced—an “egalitarian model” of elections, under which the amount of money participants in that debate can spend to make their views heard is strictly limited. “Third parties”―those participants in pre-electoral debate who are neither political parties nor candidates for office―are subject to especially strict expense limits. In addition to limiting the role of money in politics, this regulatory approach was intended to put political parties front and centre at election time. This article argues that changes since the development of the “egalitarian model” have undermined the assumptions behind it and necessitate its re-examination. On the one hand, since the 1970s, political parties have been increasingly abandoning their role as essential suppliers in the marketplace of ideas to the actors of civil society, such as NGOs, unions, and social movements. On the other hand, over the last few years, the development of new communication technologies and business models associated with “Web 2.0” has allowed those who wish to take part in pre-electoral debate to do so at minimal or no cost. This separation of spending and speech means that the current framework for regulating the pre-electoral participation of third parties is no longer sufficient to maintain political parties’ privileged position in pre-electoral debate. While the current regulatory framework may still have benefits in limiting (the appearance of) corruption that can result from the excessive influence of money on the political process, any attempts to expand it to limit the online participation of third parties must be resisted.
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Lin, Nick, and Moritz Osnabrügge. "Making comprehensible speeches when your constituents need it." Research & Politics 5, no. 3 (July 2018): 205316801879559. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018795598.

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Parliamentary speech is a prominent avenue that political elites can use in parliament to communicate with the electorate. However, we have little understanding of how exactly Members of Parliament craft their speeches to communicate with the districts they represent. We expect that Members of Parliament adapt the comprehensibility of their speeches to their constituents’ linguistic skills since doing so facilitates effective communication. Using parliamentary speeches from the German Bundestag, we reveal that Members of Parliament tend to make their speeches less complicated when their constituents are relatively poor, less educated, and come from an immigration background. Our findings have important implications for the study of political representation and communication strategies.
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Proksch, Sven-Oliver, and Jonathan B. Slapin. "Position Taking in European Parliament Speeches." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (December 8, 2009): 587–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990299.

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This article examines how national parties and their members position themselves in European Parliament (EP) debates, estimating the principal latent dimension of spoken conflict using word counts from legislative speeches. We then examine whether the estimated ideal points reflect partisan conflict on a left–right, European integration or national politics dimension. Using independent measures of national party positions on these three dimensions, we find that the corpus of EP speeches reflects partisan divisions over EU integration and national divisions rather than left–right politics. These results are robust to both the choice of language used to scale the speeches and to a range of statistical models that account for measurement error of the independent variables and the hierarchical structure of the data.
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Abdel-Hafiz Hussein, Ahmed Sokarno. "Rhetorical Devices in Political Speeches: Nigel Farage’s Speeches at the European Parliament." Technium Social Sciences Journal 7 (May 7, 2020): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v7i1.190.

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Nigel Farage’s speeches and rhetoric have been instrumental and effective in the British voters’ decision to withdraw from the European Union. This paper aims to study rhetorical devices in the speeches of Nigel Farage at the European Parliament: list constructions, contrastive pairs etc. Having identified and classified the rhetorical devices, I proceed to perform a frequency analysis with the purpose of determining the number of times each device occurs. Thus the research questions are: (a) what rhetorical devices permeate the speeches? and (b) what is their frequency of occurrence? In order to achieve these objectives, I have studied twenty speeches Farage delivered at the European Parliament during the period from 2010 to 2017. I examine rhetorical devices that were previously treated as nonessential in Farage’s speeches (cf. Hädicke 2012) and I present arguments against the claim that the three-part list is the most common strategy in political speeches.
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Atkinson, Michael M., and Paul G. Thomas. "Studying the Canadian Parliament." Legislative Studies Quarterly 18, no. 3 (August 1993): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/439834.

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Frid-Nielsen, Snorre Sylvester. "Human rights or security? Positions on asylum in European Parliament speeches." European Union Politics 19, no. 2 (February 16, 2018): 344–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518755954.

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This study examines speeches in the European Parliament relating to asylum. Conceptually, it tests hypotheses concerning the relation between national parties and Members of European Parliament. The computer-based content analysis method Wordfish is used to examine 876 speeches from 2004 to 2014, scaling Members of European Parliament along a unidimensional policy space. Debates on asylum predominantly concern positions for or against European Union security measures. Surprisingly, national party preferences for European Union integration were not the dominant factor. The strongest predictors of Members of European Parliament's positions are their national parties’ general ‘right-left’ preferences, and duration of European Union membership. Generally, Members of European Parliament from Central and Eastern Europe and the European People's Party take up pro-security stances. Wordfish was effective and valid, confirming the relevance of automated content analysis for studying the European Union.
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Nossal, Kim Richard, and David Taras. "Parliament and Canadian Foreign Policy." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 13, no. 2 (June 1987): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550653.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Speeches in Canadian Parliament"

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Snagovsky, Feodor. "Party Switching in the Canadian House of Commons." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32510.

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This thesis seeks to explain the phenomenon of party switching (or floor-crossing) in the understudied case of the Canadian House of Commons. It uses Müller and Strøm’s “Policy, Office or Votes?” framework at the individual level of analysis and a mixed methods approach that combines document analysis and econometrics to assess the effects of individual and institutional variables on the decision to switch parties. The results inform a wider discussion regarding individual political behavior as well as the role, influence and evolution of political parties in the Canadian state. The research demonstrates that the electorate is adept at recognizing opportunism and tends to respect MPs who switch parties on principle while punishing those that switch for more self-centered reasons.
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Pow, James Timothy. "Leave it to the amateurs : a career development explanation of political experience among Members of the Canadian Parliament." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/54607.

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In many advanced democracies, political scientists have lamented the rise of professional politicians as a challenge to the effective representation of diverse electorates. In contrast, their relative absence from Canadian federal politics gives rise to concerns over high levels of political amateurism among Canadian MPs. This study, thus, seeks to account for the numerical weakness of individuals with an occupational background in politics in the Canadian Parliament. It utilizes both individual-level quantitative data on MPs serving between the 35th and 41st Parliaments, inclusive, as well as material from qualitative interviews with over seventy former MPs. Conceptualizing the field of politics as a career in itself, and drawing on career development theory, the study finds that at the key stages of establishing, maintaining, and disengaging from a federal political career, there are specific challenges that are not significantly ameliorated by the possession of professional experience in politics itself. Professional politicians, therefore, have no major advantage over those with non-political occupational backgrounds in their career development. Furthermore, by acknowledging the existence of different types of professional politician, it finds that those whose primary occupational background was in politics itself to be in a distinct minority, but the extent of political amateurism is challenged by a much larger minority of MPs whose primary occupation was non-political but who still possess some secondary or electoral experience prior to entering Parliament.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Calzada, Perez Maria. "Transitivity in translating : the interdependence of texture and context : a contrastive study of original and translated speeches in English and Spanish from the European parliament." Thesis, Heriot-Watt University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10399/1294.

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Lusztig, Michael. "The Canadian Senate as a component of intrastate federalism : an examination of the Canadian Senate in the context of second chambers in other developed states." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61815.

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Pender, J. W. (James William), and n/a. "Parliamentary administration in traditional Westminister [sic] parliaments : reflections on the role of procedure and management." University of Canberra. School of Management, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20041206.133427.

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Bachert, Audrey. "L'équilibre des pouvoirs législatif et juridictionnel à l'épreuve des systèmes de protection des droits et libertés : étude comparée : États-Unis, Canada, Royaume-Uni." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0155.

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Alors que la protection effective des droits et libertés est souvent conçue comme dépendante de leur garantie juridictionnelle, cette dernière implique une transformation de l'équilibre qui s'établit entre le juge, non élu, et le législateur, représentant du peuple souverain. À travers une analyse pratique des effets du travail juridictionnel sur l'activité législative, tels qu'ils se sont déployés aux États-Unis, au Canada et au Royaume-Uni sur les quinze dernières années, il est possible d'évaluer les conséquences de la consécration de certains droits dans un catalogue opposable par le juge au législateur, en matière d'équilibre entre les pouvoirs législatif et juridictionnel. Si ces trois systèmes, aux traditions constitutionnelles éloignées, disposent chacun de mécanismes spécifiques pour assurer le respect des droits consacrés, plusieurs points de convergence peuvent être mis en lumière. Leur étude sera alors l'occasion d'appréhender dans une perspective renouvelée l'équilibre qui s'établit entre les deux institutions. Elle fera progressivement apparaitre l'idée d'une véritable collaboration du législateur et du juge en matière de protection des droits et libertés dans les démocraties contemporaines
Effective human rights protection is often perceived as being dependent upon their judicial enforcement. However, such a mechanism transforms the relationship between unelected judges and electorally accountable legislators. Through an empirical analysis of the effects of judicial review on legislation and legislative decision-making, in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom, during the last fifteen years, the actual impact of the entrenchment of human rights in a written bill of rights will be assessed and evaluated. Even though these three countries have different processes to guarantee the respect of entrenched rights, and despite their long-settled and contrasting traditions, their systems are not as conflicting as it is often thought. This study finally leads to a better understanding of the relationship between judges and legislators in contemporary democracies and underlines the idea of a genuine collaboration of powers
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"Gender, Race, and the Media Representation of Women in the Canadian 41st Parliament: A Critical Discourse Analysis." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10388/ETD-2014-07-1614.

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Media representations of diverse groups in Canadian society have been shown by researchers to influence their individual and collective sense of well-being and by inference their welfare (Fleras, 2012; Henry & Tator, 2002; Gist, 1990). Nevertheless, mainstream media continue to be racially and/or sexually biased in their representation of minority groups, especially racialized minority and Aboriginal women. Although efforts have been made by the government and various interest groups to promote the tenets of equality, impartiality and objectivity as advocated in the Multiculturalism Act of 1988, Canadian broadcasting Act and the Employment Equity Act, media bias persists. Existing research exploring media representation of diverse groups in the political sphere has not been very thorough. The myopic focus on either the gender or race of candidates and their campaign activities en-route to political offices, offers limited analysis of the intersected identities of office holders in terms of their race/ethnicity and gender. Given the centrality of Parliament in formulating and upholding the tenets of social democracy in Canadian society, this study aims to address this gap by interrogating media representations of women with multiple targeted identities in the Canadian 41st Parliament – specifically the House of Commons. Through Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this study examines mainstream and ethnic media representations of racialized minority and Aboriginal women MPs relative to their white counterparts in order to evaluate bias in these portrayals. In addition, the portrayal of racialized minority and Aboriginal women MPs in mainstream and ethnic newspapers are compared to highlight their convergences and divergences. The study’s findings reveal that while gender biased representations cut across both mainstream and ethnic media, ethnic media offer more positive portrayals of racialized MPs and their communities relative to mainstream media. The study also reveals that gender and race are not independent axes of oppression but operate simultaneously to compound oppressive misrepresentation of racialized minority women.
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Jenkins, Richard W. "Campaigns, the media and insurgent success : the Reform party and the 1993 Canadian election." Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/9979.

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It is well recognized that the 1993 election campaign catapulted the Reform party into the national political scene, but our understanding of how this was possible is quite limited. Drawing on the work in cognitive psychology on attitude change, the work on the news media coverage of elections, and the political science work on election campaigns, this thesis locates the impetus for Reform's success in the dynamic flow of information about the party that was available in television news broadcasts and voters' likelihood of being persuaded by that information. This link is developed by an analysis that makes use of a content analysis of the 1993 campaign, the 1993 Canadian Election Study, and a merged analysis of the election and news data. The Reform party began the campaign as a minor component of the news coverage of the election, but the news media coverage changed dramatically. Reform was provided with more news access than its support indicated it deserved and that coverage focused on what became a major theme of the election; the welfare state and the role of government. Coverage of Reform underwent a further change as it both decreased and focused on cultural issues during the last two weeks of the campaign. Using a two-mediator model of attitude change, the analysis shows that people who were predisposed to agree with Reform's anti-welfare state message and who were likely to be aware of the news information, changed both their perceptions of the party and increased their support for the party. Further support for the impact of the media is derived from the analysis of voter response to the second change in news coverage. The analysis suggests that campaigns do matter, but that the size of the impact is dependent upon the underlying uncertainty associated with the parties and candidates, and on the degree to which the information flow of the campaign changes. The information flow contributes to both learning and priming among people who receive and accept new information. While voters respond reasonably to new information, the outcome will depend on what information voters are given and what information actually reaches the habitually unaware segments of the population.
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Drukier, Cindy Carol. "Life at the fringes of Canadian federal politics: the experience of minor parties and their candidates during the 1993 general election." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/4575.

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This thesis marks the first attempt to systematically study Canadian minor parties. Minor parties, as distinct from third parties, are those that acquire less than 5 percent of the national vote (usually much less than one percent) and have never sent an MP to Ottawa. We know little about parties as a group except that their numbers have steadily proliferated over the last 20 years and that this growth shows no signs of abating. The goal of this paper is fill the knowledge gap surrounding minor parties and to assess the health of electoral democracy in Canada. Specifically, nine minor parties are studied through the experiences of their candidates during the 1993 federal election. The findings presented are based on data collected from government sources and on surveys and interviews administered to a sample of minor party candidates who ran in the greater Vancouver area. The dissemination of political beliefs not represented in mainstream politics was the dominant reason candidates gave for participating in elections. Winning is a long term ambition, but not expected in the short run for the majority of parties. Despite their modest aims, minor parties and candidates are unduly fettered in their ability to effectively compete in elections and communicate with the public. Minor party campaigns typically have scant political resources, including money, time and workers; electoral laws — concerning registration thresholds, broadcasting time allotments and campaign reimbursements — designed to promote fairness, disadvantage the system's weakest players; and subtle biases on the part of the press, debate organizers and potential donors close important channels of communication. Of these factors, money emerged as the most important, with media exposure — or the lack of it — a close second in terms of determining a party's competitiveness. The National Party, with superior resources, was often an exception to the above characterization, but ultimately, media neglect sealed its fate as a marginal party. Notwithstanding the great odds facing minor parties, winning is not impossible given the right alignment of factors. The Reform Party did it in 1993, providing other small parties with hope and an example to follow.
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Rendell, Julia. "The Attorney General’s Obligation to Report Breaches of Rights in Proposed Legislation: How the Canadian and New Zealand Reporting Cultures Differ." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/31405.

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This paper examines the Attorney General’s obligation, in Canada and New Zealand, to report on inconsistencies in proposed legislation with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990. Although the obligations are similar, the Canadian and New Zealand Attorneys General have developed very different reporting cultures. The Canadian Attorney General has never issued a report; the New Zealand Attorney General has issued many. This paper’s thesis is that the different reporting cultures are attributable to the different constitutional structure in each jurisdiction and different understandings of the independence of the Attorney General. Under this analysis, the usefulness of comparative analysis between the two jurisdictions is limited: constitutional differences cannot be ignored. The paper evaluates proposed changes to the reporting obligation in each jurisdiction in light of this analysis.
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Books on the topic "Speeches in Canadian Parliament"

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Valeri, Tony. Parliament today: Three speeches on governance. Ottawa, ON: Crossing Boundaries National Council = Conseil national Traverser les frontières, 2005.

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Laurier, Wilfrid. Discours du Très Honorable Sir Wilfrid Laurier, C.P., G.C.M.G., sur le transcontinental national: Un lien destiné à unir les provinces en s'étandant sur le territoire canadien : transport de nos produits au différents marchés de l'univers : jeudi 30 juillet 1903. Ottawa: Impr. de l'État, 1997.

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William, Mulock. The speech of the Hon. Sir William Mulock in the House of Commons, 26th August, 1903, on comparison of government and opposition scheme respecting a transcontinental railway. [Ottawa?: s.n., 1996.

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Bourassa, Henri. Speech of Henri Bourassa, M.P., on the South African War, Canadian intervention, &c.: Ottawa, Tuesday, March 12, 1901. [Ottawa: s.n., 2000.

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Information relating to the standing orders and procedures of the House of Commons: Daily order of business, length of speeches, notice, parliamentary calendar, forms. Ottawa, Canada: Published under authority of the Speaker of the House of Commons, 1989.

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Gandhi, Indira. Indira Gandhi, speeches in parliament. Edited by Mishra Surendra and India. Parliament. Lok Sabha. Secretariat. New Delhi, India: Published for Lok Sabha Secretariat by Jainco Art India, 1996.

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Chavan, Yashwantrao Balwantrao. Y.B. Chavan: Selected speeches in parliament. Edited by Pradhan R. D and India Parliament Lok Sabha. Pune: Ameya Prakashan, 1995.

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Dandavate, Madhu. Echoes in Parliament: Madhu Dandavate's speeches in Parliament, 1971-1990. New Delhi: Allied Publishers, 1995.

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1933-, Sharma Prabhu Datta, ed. Maharaja Karni Singh: Selected speeches in parliament. Bikaner: Maharaja Ganga Singhji Trust, 1999.

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Rahman, Mujibur. Speeches of Sheikh Mujib in Pakistan Parliament. Dhaka: Hakkani Publishers, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Speeches in Canadian Parliament"

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Geneva, Diana, Georgi Shopov, and Stoyan Mihov. "Building an ASR Corpus Based on Bulgarian Parliament Speeches." In Statistical Language and Speech Processing, 188–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-31372-2_16.

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Ashe, Jeanette. "Canada’s Political Parties: Gatekeepers to Parliament." In The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Sexuality, and Canadian Politics, 297–316. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49240-3_15.

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Raney, Tracey. "Canada’s Legislature: A (Gendered) Parliament for the People." In The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Sexuality, and Canadian Politics, 167–86. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49240-3_9.

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Nolan, Lucinda A. "With Beating Hearts and Earnest Purpose: The Heritage of the Women Delegates’ Speeches to the World’s Parliament of Religions." In International Handbooks of Religion and Education, 175–90. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9260-2_11.

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"Milestone Speeches." In A Man of Parliament, 23–54. MQUP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvr7fc8n.6.

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"Public Speeches and Activities in Parliament." In Joseph Alois Schumpeter, 232–48. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvbcd24n.19.

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Everett, Robert. "Parliament and politics." In Canadian Annual Review of Politics and Public Affairs, edited by Leyton-Brown David. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442672017-005.

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Everett, Robert. "Parliament and politics." In Canadian Annual Review of Politics and Public Affairs, edited by Leyton-Brown David. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442672031-005.

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Everett, Robert. "Parliament and politics." In Canadian Annual Review of Politics and Public Affairs, edited by Leyton-Brown David. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442672048-004.

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Everett, Robert. "Parliament and politics." In Canadian Annual Review of Politics and Public Affairs, edited by Leyton-Brown David. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442672055-005.

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Conference papers on the topic "Speeches in Canadian Parliament"

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Dechelotte, D., H. Schwenk, J. L. Gauvain, O. Galibert, and L. Lamel. "Investigating translation of Parliament speeches." In IEEE Workshop on Automatic Speech Recognition and Understanding, 2005. IEEE, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/asru.2005.1566514.

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"Keynote speeches." In 2014 IEEE 27th Canadian Conference on Electrical and Computer Engineering (CCECE). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ccece.2014.6900903.

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Falavigna, Daniele, Nicola Bertoldi, Fabio Brugnara, Roldano Cattoni, Mauro Cettolo, Boxing Chen, Marcello Federico, et al. "The IRST English-Spanish translation system for european parliament speeches." In Interspeech 2007. ISCA: ISCA, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/interspeech.2007-652.

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Stüker, Sebastian, Christian Fügen, Florian Kraft, and Matthias Wölfel. "The ISL 2007 English speech transcription system for european parliament speeches." In Interspeech 2007. ISCA: ISCA, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/interspeech.2007-588.

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Zyubina, Irina A., and Anna I. Dzyubenko. "SPEECH BEHAVIOR OF POLITICIANS (ON THE SPEECHES IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT DEVOTED TO BREXIT)." In Current Issues in Modern Linguistics and Humanities. Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/09321-2019-665-674.

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Stuker, Sebastian, Matthias Paulik, Muntsin Kolss, Christian Fugen, and Alex Waibel. "Speech Translation Enhanced ASR for European Parliament Speeches - On the Influence of ASR Performance on Speech Translation." In 2007 IEEE International Conference on Acoustics, Speech, and Signal Processing. IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icassp.2007.367314.

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Graham, Katie, and Stephen Fai. "Creating Non-Linear Digital Stories of the Canadian Parliament Buildings and Rehabilitation Project." In 2018 3rd Digital Heritage International Congress (Digital Heritage) held jointly with 2018 24th International Conference on Virtual Systems & Multimedia (VSMM 2018). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/digitalheritage.2018.8810095.

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Tucker, William T. "The Investigation of Pipeline Accidents, Canada’s Approach." In 1996 1st International Pipeline Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc1996-1802.

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Abstract:
The Transportation Safety Board of Canada (TSB/C) is the short name, or applied title, for the federal agency mandated to carry out independent safety investigations of accidents and incidents of the marine, pipeline, rail and air modes of transportation. Our official name is the “Canadian Transportation Accident Investigation and Safety Board” reflecting the legislation under which we operate. The CTAISB Act was passed by Parliament in June 1989 and promulgated in March 1990.
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