Journal articles: 'Speeches in Canadian Parliament'

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Rweyongeza, Francis. "On Guard: The Discourse of Difference in Trudeau’s Speech on National Unity." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur224.

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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s July 1, 2017 speech to commemorate 150 years of Canadian Confederation and its seemingly banal content and delivery ironically beckons for critical attention. Delivered to the Prince of Wales on Parliament Hill and millions via television and Internet, the address capped off the immense cultural spectacle of Canada’s sesquicentennial with tributes to Canadian exceptionalism in battle and in sport. However, behind references to reconciliation and tolerance is a well-documented history of contestation that runs contrary to the international myth of Canadian unity. This essay deconstructs a consonance of perspectives on Indigenous relations, multiculturalism, and citizenship proposed by Prime Minister Trudeau in his Canada 150 address on Parliament Hill that is inconsistent with a defining decade of Canadian resistance. I analyze the speech’s attempts to whitewash Canada’s colonial origins and dispel numerous claims of peaceful coexistence between the nation-state and various minorities, fundamentally challenging perceptions of Canadian identity and national values.

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Zapototskyi, Mykhailo. "Perception of the Metropolia by the Canadian Political Elite in 1914–1915 (According to the Materials of the Protocols of the Debates of the Canadian Parliament)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.13.

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In modern historical science, an integral component of scientific research is the component of the source base, which also applies to studies in world history. This article is devoted to the analysis of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s debates at the initial stage of World War I (1914–1915). The pages of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s describe the personal attitude of politicians to Metropolia, the public speeches of Canadian politicians in 1914–1915, the vision of representatives of political elites regarding the entry of the Canadian Confederation into the First World War. Notwithstanding the ideological diversity of Canadian politicians in the early twentieth century, who included both proponents of unity with Metropolia and opponents of the process, it is interesting that the entire political elite at the beginning of the Great War was consolidated in the matter of supporting the British Crown. Even former political opponents – R. Borden and W. Laurier – became ideological partners, who emphasized that Canada should support the British Empire at a difficult time. Importantly, French Canadian politicians, who were in part critical of British imperialism, also took a positive view of Britain. The main ideologue of the French Canadians at this time was considered A. Burassa, who supported Canada’s entry into the First World War. The main issues discussed at this time by parliamentarians were Canada’s military and material support for the armed conflict. Senators J. Bolduk, E. Smith, A. Lougheed, and P. Murphy actively called for the side of the Metropolia. In the article the author draws attention to the fact that politicians were negative about the military conflict itself. Canadian politicians consider German Empire to be the main culprit in the war, which violated Belgium’s sovereignty and started the war. As a result, the UK was forced to go to war, defending the neutrality of the Belgian state. According to most Canadian politicians, Canada’s main task was to support the British Empire.

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Ajzenstat, Janet. "Reconciling Parliament and Rights: A. V. Dicey Reads the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms." Canadian Journal of Political Science 30, no. 4 (December 1997): 645–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900016462.

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AbstractIn The Law of the Constitution, Dicey contends that parliamentary sovereignty guarantees rights. An absurd claim? Perhaps. But sympathetic exploration shows he is relying on assumptions central to liberal constitutionalism about the power of free speech and partisan debate to effect good laws. He expects rights guarantees to emerge from the contest among parties in the legislature. Reading Dicey today shows how deep-seated is the loss of confidence in parliamentary deliberation, and raises an awkward question: Is the very idea of parliamentary democracy in jeopardy?

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Sirota, Léonid. "“Third Parties” and Democracy 2.0." McGill Law Journal 60, no. 2 (March 23, 2015): 253–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1029209ar.

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Although the Supreme Court of Canada has described freedom of political, and especially electoral, debate as the most important aspect of the protection of freedom of expression in Canada, no debate in Canadian society is so regulated as that which takes place during an electoral campaign. Parliament has set up—and the Supreme Court has embraced—an “egalitarian model” of elections, under which the amount of money participants in that debate can spend to make their views heard is strictly limited. “Third parties”―those participants in pre-electoral debate who are neither political parties nor candidates for office―are subject to especially strict expense limits. In addition to limiting the role of money in politics, this regulatory approach was intended to put political parties front and centre at election time. This article argues that changes since the development of the “egalitarian model” have undermined the assumptions behind it and necessitate its re-examination. On the one hand, since the 1970s, political parties have been increasingly abandoning their role as essential suppliers in the marketplace of ideas to the actors of civil society, such as NGOs, unions, and social movements. On the other hand, over the last few years, the development of new communication technologies and business models associated with “Web 2.0” has allowed those who wish to take part in pre-electoral debate to do so at minimal or no cost. This separation of spending and speech means that the current framework for regulating the pre-electoral participation of third parties is no longer sufficient to maintain political parties’ privileged position in pre-electoral debate. While the current regulatory framework may still have benefits in limiting (the appearance of) corruption that can result from the excessive influence of money on the political process, any attempts to expand it to limit the online participation of third parties must be resisted.

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Lin, Nick, and Moritz Osnabrügge. "Making comprehensible speeches when your constituents need it." Research & Politics 5, no. 3 (July 2018): 205316801879559. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018795598.

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Parliamentary speech is a prominent avenue that political elites can use in parliament to communicate with the electorate. However, we have little understanding of how exactly Members of Parliament craft their speeches to communicate with the districts they represent. We expect that Members of Parliament adapt the comprehensibility of their speeches to their constituents’ linguistic skills since doing so facilitates effective communication. Using parliamentary speeches from the German Bundestag, we reveal that Members of Parliament tend to make their speeches less complicated when their constituents are relatively poor, less educated, and come from an immigration background. Our findings have important implications for the study of political representation and communication strategies.

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Proksch, Sven-Oliver, and Jonathan B. Slapin. "Position Taking in European Parliament Speeches." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (December 8, 2009): 587–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990299.

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This article examines how national parties and their members position themselves in European Parliament (EP) debates, estimating the principal latent dimension of spoken conflict using word counts from legislative speeches. We then examine whether the estimated ideal points reflect partisan conflict on a left–right, European integration or national politics dimension. Using independent measures of national party positions on these three dimensions, we find that the corpus of EP speeches reflects partisan divisions over EU integration and national divisions rather than left–right politics. These results are robust to both the choice of language used to scale the speeches and to a range of statistical models that account for measurement error of the independent variables and the hierarchical structure of the data.

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Abdel-Hafiz Hussein, Ahmed Sokarno. "Rhetorical Devices in Political Speeches: Nigel Farage’s Speeches at the European Parliament." Technium Social Sciences Journal 7 (May 7, 2020): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v7i1.190.

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Nigel Farage’s speeches and rhetoric have been instrumental and effective in the British voters’ decision to withdraw from the European Union. This paper aims to study rhetorical devices in the speeches of Nigel Farage at the European Parliament: list constructions, contrastive pairs etc. Having identified and classified the rhetorical devices, I proceed to perform a frequency analysis with the purpose of determining the number of times each device occurs. Thus the research questions are: (a) what rhetorical devices permeate the speeches? and (b) what is their frequency of occurrence? In order to achieve these objectives, I have studied twenty speeches Farage delivered at the European Parliament during the period from 2010 to 2017. I examine rhetorical devices that were previously treated as nonessential in Farage’s speeches (cf. Hädicke 2012) and I present arguments against the claim that the three-part list is the most common strategy in political speeches.

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Atkinson, Michael M., and Paul G. Thomas. "Studying the Canadian Parliament." Legislative Studies Quarterly 18, no. 3 (August 1993): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/439834.

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Frid-Nielsen, Snorre Sylvester. "Human rights or security? Positions on asylum in European Parliament speeches." European Union Politics 19, no. 2 (February 16, 2018): 344–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518755954.

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This study examines speeches in the European Parliament relating to asylum. Conceptually, it tests hypotheses concerning the relation between national parties and Members of European Parliament. The computer-based content analysis method Wordfish is used to examine 876 speeches from 2004 to 2014, scaling Members of European Parliament along a unidimensional policy space. Debates on asylum predominantly concern positions for or against European Union security measures. Surprisingly, national party preferences for European Union integration were not the dominant factor. The strongest predictors of Members of European Parliament's positions are their national parties’ general ‘right-left’ preferences, and duration of European Union membership. Generally, Members of European Parliament from Central and Eastern Europe and the European People's Party take up pro-security stances. Wordfish was effective and valid, confirming the relevance of automated content analysis for studying the European Union.

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Nossal, Kim Richard, and David Taras. "Parliament and Canadian Foreign Policy." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 13, no. 2 (June 1987): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550653.

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van Dijk, Teun A. "War rhetoric of a little ally." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 1 (June 8, 2005): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.1.04dij.

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In this paper we examine some of the properties of the speeches by former Prime Minister José María Aznar held in Spanish parliament in 2003 legitimating his support of the USA and the threatening war against Iraq. The theoretical framework for the analysis is a multidisciplinary CDA approach relating discursive, cognitive and sociopolitical aspects of parliamentary debates. It is argued that speeches in parliament should not only be defined in terms of their textual properties, but also in terms of a contextual analysis. Besides an analysis of the usual properties of ideological and political discourse, such as positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation and other rhetoric devices, special attention is paid to political implicatures defined as inferences based on general and particular political knowledge as well as on the context models of Aznar’s speeches.

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Greene, Derek, and James P. Cross. "Exploring the Political Agenda of the European Parliament Using a Dynamic Topic Modeling Approach." Political Analysis 25, no. 1 (January 2017): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2016.7.

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This study analyzes the political agenda of the European Parliament (EP) plenary, how it has evolved over time, and the manner in which Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have reacted to external and internal stimuli when making plenary speeches. To unveil the plenary agenda and detect latent themes in legislative speeches over time, MEP speech content is analyzed using a new dynamic topic modeling method based on two layers of Non-negative Matrix Factorization (NMF). This method is applied to a new corpus of all English language legislative speeches in the EP plenary from the period 1999 to 2014. Our findings suggest that two-layer NMF is a valuable alternative to existing dynamic topic modeling approaches found in the literature, and can unveil niche topics and associated vocabularies not captured by existing methods. Substantively, our findings suggest that the political agenda of the EP evolves significantly over time and reacts to exogenous events such as EU Treaty referenda and the emergence of the Euro Crisis. MEP contributions to the plenary agenda are also found to be impacted upon by voting behavior and the committee structure of the Parliament.

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Calzada Pérez, Maria. "Five turns of the screw." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 3 (April 12, 2017): 412–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15020.cal.

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The present paper proposes a CADS-based analysis of European Parliament speeches, by merging (C)DA theoretical constructs (inspired by Laclau and Mouffe 1985) and CL tools. In this fashion, the European Comparable and Parallel Corpus of Parliamentary Speeches Archive (ECPC) is examined along synchronic and diachronic, quantitative and qualitative lines, in an inductive study that commutes from the micro-text to the macro-context.

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Godbout, Jean-François, and Bjørn Høyland. "Legislative Voting in the Canadian Parliament." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (June 2011): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000175.

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Abstract.We analyze legislative voting in the 35th (1994–1997), 38th (2004–2005), and 39th (2006–2008) Canadian Parliaments. Using Poole's (2005) optimal classification algorithm, we locate MPs and their parties in a two-dimensional geometric model. The first dimension represents the division between governing and opposition parties that has been found in similar parliamentary systems. The second dimension captures the opposition between the Bloc Québécois and the rest of the legislature. We find a clear separation between the Reform party (and later the Conservative party) and the Bloc Québécois in the 35th and 38th Parliaments, with the Liberal and the New Democratic parties occupying the centre. However, in the 39th Parliament, the ordering changes with the Conservatives and the New Democrats near the centre, and Liberal and Bloc MPs occupying the extremes. We explain this change by the capacity of the governing party to control the legislative agenda and the recent minority governments in the House of Commons.Résumé.Nous analysons le vote législatif au trente-cinquième (1994–1997), au trente-huitième (2004–2005) et au trente-neuvième (2006–2008) Parlement canadien. En utilisant la méthode de classification optimale développée par Poole (2005), nous situons les députés de la Chambre des communes et leurs partis dans un modèle géométrique comprenant deux dimensions. La première dimension représente le conflit entre le gouvernement et les partis d'opposition que l'on retrouve également dans d'autres systèmes parlementaires, alors que la seconde dimension correspond à l'opposition régionale qui existe entre le Bloc Québécois et les partis fédéraux. Nous constatons une nette polarité entre le Parti réformiste (et plus tard le Parti conservateur) et le Bloc Québécois au trente-cinquième et au trente-huitième Parlement, alors que le Parti libéral et le Nouveau Parti démocratique se trouvent au centre. Cependant, au trente-neuvième Parlement, nous observons un changement dans la polarité régionale, puisque ce sont maintenant les Libéraux et les Bloquistes qui occupent les deux extrémités, alors que les Conservateurs et les Néodémocrates se situent au centre. Nous expliquons ces mouvements par la capacité du gouvernement de contrôler l'agenda législatif et par les récents gouvernements minoritaires à la Chambre des communes.

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Kendall, Chad, and Marie Rekkas. "Incumbency advantages in the Canadian Parliament." Canadian Journal of Economics/Revue canadienne d'économique 45, no. 4 (November 2012): 1560–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5982.2012.01739.x.

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Sorace, Miriam. "Legislative Participation in the EU: An analysis of questions, speeches, motions and declarations in the 7th European Parliament." European Union Politics 19, no. 2 (February 16, 2018): 299–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518757701.

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Which legislative activities in the European Parliament are ‘pluralistic’ – i.e. undertaken by all Members of the European Parliament, irrespective of legislative and electoral status? What type of parliamentary activity – if any – is dominated by party leaderships or vote-seekers in the European Union? This study will advance our knowledge of legislative politics in the EU by determining whether its legislature conforms to expectations from the legislative behaviour literature. This study compares the participation patterns in the EP7 (2009–2014) parliamentary questions, speeches, motions and written declarations via multilevel negative binomial regression. It makes use of a dataset on activity levels and demographics of 842 individual Members of the European Parliament serving between 2009 and 2014. The findings highlight that highly procedurally constrained activities, such as speeches and oral questions, are dominated by frontbenchers and vote-seekers, while procedurally ‘freer’ activities – written questions in particular – are very representative of the population of Members of the European Parliament. The analysis finds that there are both ‘pluralistic’ and vote-seeking activities in the ‘second order’ EU legislature, and that participation patterns broadly conform to patterns found in other established representative democracies.

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Pearson, Mark, and Camille Galvin. "The Australian Parliament and press freedom in an international context." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.910.

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The article reports on a study using grounded theory methodology to track the contexts in which Australian parliamentarians used the expressions 'press freedom' and 'freedom of press' over the ten years from 1994 to 2004. It uses Parliamentry Hansard records to identify the speeches in which discussions of press freedom arose. Interestingly, the terms were used by members of the House of Representativies or Senate in just 78 speeches out of more than 180,000 over that decade. Those usages have been coded to develop a theory about the interface between press freedom and the parliament. This article reports just one aspect of the findings from the larger study—the way parliamentarians have contrasted the value of press freedom in Australia with press freedom in other countries. It is one step towards building a broader theory of press freedom in the Australian parliamentary context.

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SLAPIN, JONATHAN B., JUSTIN H. KIRKLAND, JOSEPH A. LAZZARO, PATRICK A. LESLIE, and TOM O’GRADY. "Ideology, Grandstanding, and Strategic Party Disloyalty in the British Parliament." American Political Science Review 112, no. 1 (September 11, 2017): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000375.

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Strong party discipline is a core feature of Westminster parliamentary systems. Parties typically compel members of Parliament (MPs) to support the party regardless of MPs’ individual preferences. Rebellion, however, does occur. Using an original dataset of MP votes and speeches in the British House of Commons from 1992 to 2015, coupled with new estimations of MPs’ ideological positions within their party, we find evidence that MPs use rebellion strategically to differentiate themselves from their party. The strategy that MPs employ is contingent upon an interaction of ideological extremity with party control of government. Extremists are loyal when their party is in the opposition, but these same extremists become more likely to rebel when their party controls government. Additionally, they emphasize their rebellion through speeches. Existing models of rebellion and party discipline do not account for government agenda control and do not explain these patterns.

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Kunert, Irene. "Prospektives versus retrospektives Argumentieren." Linguistik Online 97, no. 4 (August 11, 2019): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.97.5595.

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This study aims to investigate the linguistic differences between an argumentation referring to a potential future action (prospective argumentation) and one justifying a past action (retrospective argumentation) in the parliamentary arena. It is based on the analysis of German and French speeches taken from the protocols of the plenary sessions of the European Parliament. In a plenary session, parliamentary votes are preceded by a general debate. During this debate, speakers may give reasons supporting their own choice in an upcoming vote, but they may also try to persuade other Members of Parliament to vote the same way. This argumentation is prospective. After the vote, Members may give an oral or written explanation of vote designed to justify their decision. The argumentative orientation in this case is retrospective. In an exemplary approach, 50 speeches per language (German/French) and communication situation (prospective/retrospective) will be analyzed. The study argues that the macrostructure of the speeches is influenced by the orientation of the conclusion: In a prospective argumentation, speakers tend to first present their arguments before coming up with their conclusion, the conclusion being a declaration of one’s own intent to vote or a recommendation for other Members of Parliament. In a prototypical explanation of vote, the conclusion precedes the arguments. Special attention is given to the analysis of argument and conclusion markers. The study tries to show that conclusion markers are relatively more frequent in prospective argumentation, while retrospective argumentation makes broader use of argument markers.

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Calzada-Pérez, María. "Researching the European Parliament with Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies." Specialised Translation in Spain 30, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 465–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/resla.00003.cal.

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Abstract Parliaments are important and complex institutions. However, they are notably under-researched within linguistics and related fields. This is certainly the case with the European Parliament (EP). Drawing both on Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies (CADS) and prior, manual research on parliamentary communication, this paper proposes and applies an analytical protocol to examine EP speeches. Although these are disseminated in various forms and through dissimilar means (e.g., live at the EP; the audiovisual format via streaming or recorded videos; or published as parliamentary proceedings), here we focus on proceedings – one of the EP’s main sources of official representation. Following the EP’s (unique) practice, where official proceedings do not distinguish between original and translated speeches but consider all texts of equal (legal) status, this study delves into all speech production in English, without separating source and target texts. In the most orthodox of CADS traditions, analysis proceeds from micro and macro-levels of texts into the macro-context (unlike other academic approaches, in which it proceeds in the opposite direction). This direction forces us to move from tangible, specific data to the enveloping setting in which these data are exchanged.

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Pennetreau, Damien, and Thomas Laloux. "Talkin’ ‘bout a Negotiation: (Un)Transparent Rapporteurs’ Speeches in the European Parliament." Politics and Governance 9, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 248–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i1.3823.

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For policies to be legitimate, both the policy process and the underlying reasons must be transparent to the public. In the EU, the lion’s share of legislation is nowadays negotiated in informal secluded meeting called trilogues. Therefore, presentation of the trilogues compromise by the rapporteur to the European Parliament (EP) plenary is, arguably, one of the few formal occasions for ‘transparency in process,’ i.e., public access to the details of actual interactions between policymakers. The aim of this article is thus to examine the extent to which rapporteurs are transparent about trilogue negotiations when presenting legislative compromises to the EP during plenary sessions, and to assess whether the extent of transparency is linked to the extent of conflict between legislative actors and to elements of the political context related to rapporteurs. To this purpose, we coded 176 rapporteur speeches and, on this basis, concluded that these speeches poorly discuss the trilogue negotiations. Interinstitutional negotiations are discussed in only 64% of cases, and even when they are, the extent of information about trilogues is generally small. While we do not find support for an effect of political conflicts, some characteristics linked with rapporteurs are significantly related to transparency in process of their speeches. This is the case for their political affiliation and their national culture of transparence.

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Osnat, Akirav. "Weapon of the Weak: One-Minute Speeches in the Israeli Parliament." Review of European Studies 9, no. 3 (June 26, 2017): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v9n3p75.

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Position taking is an important legislative area that scholars have investigated extensively. Since one of the main roles of the opposition is to present an alternative to the government, the question is, how does the opposition establish its positions? To address this question, we analyze the use of One-Minute Speeches (OMSs) by opposition members in the Israeli parliament (the Knesset) during 2000-2013. There were four Knesset terms during these years, so we have the opportunity to study the opposition’s behavior over a period of time. We decided to analyze OMSs because they are considered an easy tool to use and as such can be considered a weapon of the weak. The study uses mixed research methods, beginning with a statistical analysis (both at the legislator level and at the OMS level) and continuing with a content analysis of the speeches and the interviews conducted with members and leaders of the opposition. The statistical analysis shows that opposition members use OMSs more extensively than coalition members. Among the opposition members, we also found different behavior patterns based on nationality and seniority. In addition, the qualitative analysis of both the OMSs and the interviews shows that opposition members are active in two ways. First, they react to government-initiated proposals. Second, they raise topics for the Knesset’s agenda, a move that the coalition generally does not appreciate. Third, members of the opposition consider OMSs an effective tool in that it allows them to create a relevant debate on current issues. Finally, ministers and other MKs often respond to the opposition’s OMSs that are controversial and provoke debate. Thus, we conclude that the OMS is a weapon of the weak.

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Cody, Howard. "ATLANTIC CANADIAN M.P.s: LIFE ON PARLIAMENT HILL." American Review of Canadian Studies 18, no. 4 (December 1988): 431–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722018809480944.

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Hjorth, Frederik. "Intergroup Bias in Parliamentary Rule Enforcement." Political Research Quarterly 69, no. 4 (August 6, 2016): 692–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912916658553.

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Political actors are often assigned roles requiring them to enforce rules without giving in-groups special treatment. But are such institutional roles likely to be successful? Here, I exploit a special case of exogenously assigned intergroup relations: debates in the Danish Parliament, in which Parliament chairmen drawn from parliamentary parties enforce speaking time. Analyzing 5,756 speeches scraped from online transcripts, I provide evidence that speech lengths are biased in favor of the presiding chairman’s party. On average, speakers of the same party as the presiding chairman give 5 percent longer speeches and are 5 percent more likely to exceed the speaking time limit. The paper contributes to the extant literature by demonstrating political intergroup bias in a natural setting, suggesting that group loyalties can supersede institutional obligations even in a “least likely” context of clear rules, complete observability, and a tradition of parliamentary cooperation.

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Chartier, Roger. "Canadian Trade-Unionism Speaks Out." Relations industrielles 7, no. 1-2 (February 27, 2014): 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1023118ar.

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Summary What is Canadian trade-unionism up to ? What are its immediate goals ? How do its long-term policies stand ? Part of these momentous questions are answered in this survey of the speeches delivered, the motions carried and the reports prepared on the occasion of the annual conventions of the three major labor bodies in Canada.

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Babynska (Virna), Nadiia. "Open legislative data: From Ukrainian perspective." Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 325 (February 14, 2018): 275–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.v325.23.

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Structured, open by default, accessible, timely data are important source for understanding the parliament, engaging citizens to legislation processes, political analysis and prognosis. Data about voting, MPs, finance and legislation-flow in the parliament are vital and having access to the whole bulk of data – is the main source of information for researchers, journalists, think tanks, parliament itself. Parliaments all around the world produce terabytes of information each year. These are voting records, drafts of laws, legislation, amendments, information about plenary session meetings, speeches, videos, photos, financial information etc. Is this information used by parliament, think tanks, other stakeholders? Or is it hidden in the shelf in offices of parliamentarian clerks? In this article author tries to explain the importance of open legislative data, how they can be used by and for society. Nadiia Babynska describes her path on opening parliament data in Ukraine, failures and successes in this process. Nadiia Babynska shows the initial need of open legislative data for good governance, engagement citizens, transparency and anti-corruption in parliament. She proposes the main steps to make parliament data open.

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Gkinopoulos, Theofilos. "Identity entrepreneurship in political commemorations: A longitudinal quantitative content analysis of commemorative speeches by leaders of parties in power and opposition before and during the Greek economic crisis." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 8, no. 2 (September 16, 2020): 582–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v8i2.1061.

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This study analyses quantitatively the content of thirty-nine political speeches made by political leaders of three political parties – New Democracy, Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) – of different status represented in the Greek parliament. The leaders of these parties release annual commemorative speeches of the restoration of Greek democracy on 24th July 1974. The focus of this study is on longitudinally analysing the content of commemorative speeches, looking at how political leaders communicate the historical event, by quantifying through a content analysis various forms of ingroups and outgroups in their annual commemorations. Such constructions were ventured during a period of 13 years, from 2004 to 2016, before and during the break out of financial crisis in 2010. Longitudinal quantitative content analysis identified differences in the use of we-referencing and they-referencing language, varying per status of parties and context of release of commemorative speeches. I view commemorative speeches as a non-neutral history-related business that requires mobilisation of audiences in different ways and different contexts. Implications of commemorating the historical past across time as institutional identity practice are discussed.

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Kondro, Wayne. "Canadian Parliament finally agrees human reproduction research act." Lancet 359, no. 9320 (May 2002): 1839. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(02)08736-6.

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Doob, Anthony N. "The New Role of Parliament in Canadian Sentencing." Federal Sentencing Reporter 9, no. 5 (March 1, 1997): 239–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20639996.

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Bulut, Alper T., and Emel İlter. "Understanding Legislative Speech in the Turkish Parliament: Reconsidering the Electoral Connection under Proportional Representation." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 1 (December 5, 2018): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsy041.

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Abstract We aim to address two weaknesses of the growing literature on legislative debate and legislative behaviour. First, most studies on legislative speech focus on the role of party unity and individual dissent on speech-making behaviour and largely ignore the role of legislators’ own calculations regarding their electoral vulnerability. Secondly, research on legislative behaviour that studies mechanisms other than legislative speech usually explores the role of electoral incentives where there is Single Member District (SMD) or open list system, and largely neglects closed list proportional representation systems with multi-member districts. We suggest that, similar to SMD and single transferable vote systems, the electoral vulnerability of individual legislators provides incentives to nurture a personal reputation and signals their efforts to their constituents and party leadership. Using a novel dataset of parliamentary speeches in the Turkish Parliament (2007–2011), we demonstrate that legislators who are electorally more vulnerable participate more in legislative debate, and are more likely to deliver constituency-related speeches.

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Gagnon, Chantal. "Language plurality as power struggle." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 18, no. 1 (December 5, 2006): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.18.1.05gag.

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For this paper, heterolingualism or language plurality will be considered as the presence in a single text or in a social environment of both French and English, Canada’s offcial languages. Language plurality will here be studied from an institutional viewpoint: the influence of the Canadian government on the translation of political speeches. The first part of this article will establish that political speeches are written in a bilingual environment where the two offcial languages are often in contact. This bilingualism, however, is often homogenised when it comes to speech delivery and publication. Therefore, the second part focuses on the speeches’ paratextual features and the third looks at the speeches’ textual features.

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Hall-Lew, Lauren, Ruth Friskney, and James M. Scobbie. "Accommodation or political identity: Scottish members of the UK Parliament." Language Variation and Change 29, no. 3 (October 2017): 341–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394517000175.

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AbstractPhonetic variation among Scottish members of the UK Parliament may be influenced by convergence to Southern English norms (Carr & Brulard, 2006) or political identity (e.g., Hall-Lew, Coppock, & Starr, 2010). Drawing on a year's worth of political speeches (2011–2012) from 10 Scottish members of the UK Parliament (MPs), we find no acoustic evidence for the adoption of a Southern English low vowel system; rather, we find that vowel height is significantly correlated with political party: Scottish Labour Party MPs produce a higher cat vowel (Johnston, 1997) than do Scottish National Party MPs. The results contradict claims that Scottish MPs acquire Anglo-English features while serving in the UK Parliament. Rather, we suggest that the variation indexes political meaning, with a subset of individuals drawing on that indexicality in production.

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Lewis, J. P. "Party Unity and Discipline in Canadian Politics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 54, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 230–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423920001146.

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Anyone with a passing understanding of Canadian politics is aware of the stubborn presence of party discipline in the parliamentary system. It is not a phenomenon that has been left to the stuffy corners of the ivory tower. Political actors and the media have complained about party discipline for decades. Reforms have been proposed; party leaders have promised new ways forward. As a central trait of Canadian Parliament, party discipline has driven away voters—it has even inspired the development of new political parties. What role can Canadian political science play in understanding party discipline 75 years after these familiar sentiments appeared in the predecessor to this journal: “How could this control [party discipline] be destroyed, and the individual member be made an independent critic of government and of legislation, and a responsible servant of the people” (Morton, 1946: 136)? It turns out Canadian political science has much to offer. With the publication of J. F. Godbout's Lost on Division: Party Unity in the Canadian Parliament and Alex Marland's Whipped: Party Discipline in Canada, 2020 has been a monumental year for the study of Canadian Parliament and political parties.

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Marchenko, N. M., and O. H. Savchuk. "Structure, semantic and linguo-cognitive features of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s German parliament speeches." Science and Education a New Dimension VIII(226), no. 68 (April 25, 2020): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31174/send-ph2020-226viii68-07.

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Cinato, Lucia. "Politische Persuasion im europäischen Parlament: Deutsch-Italienisch im Vergleich." Linguistik Online 97, no. 4 (August 11, 2019): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.97.5596.

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What strategies do politicians use to convey their ideas and convince the audience of what they say? How are these devices received by interpreters and, above all, how are they interpreted? In my article, I will use some speeches delivered by German-speaking members of the European Parliament to examine how the language of politics and the persuasion strategies of politicians are expressed and how simultaneous interpreting can reproduce these strategies. In the latter, due to temporal and other constraints, not all elements of the original oral text can be reproduced, such as wordplay, word formation and rhetorical figures at the lexical level and information structure at the syntactic level. If the oral speeches are then reproduced in written form, as is usual at the European Parliament, certain content and language strategies can be recovered, but only in this later phase, which definitely loses some features of the spoken language. The question to be investigated in this article is: is it possible to reproduce, in a convincing manner, the message of a source text even if elements of persuasion strategies are missing? Pragmatic, textual and linguistic-system considerations will illustrate the theoretical framework with the aid of concrete examples

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Ferraresi, Adriano, Silvia Bernardini, Maja Miličević Petrović, and Marie-Aude Lefer. "Simplified or not Simplified? The Different Guises of Mediated English at the European Parliament." Meta 63, no. 3 (June 6, 2019): 717–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1060170ar.

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In this article we describe a framework for the corpus-based comparative investigation of interpreting and translation, illustrating it through a study of simplification across different modes of language production and across different language pairs. We rely on EPTIC, a corpus featuring plenary speeches at the European Parliament in their interpreted and translated versions, aligned to each other and to their source texts in English<=>Italian and English<=>French. Aiming to shed light on lexical simplification in different mediation modes, we compare interpretations and translations to each other and to comparable original speeches and their edited written versions. Specifically, we compare lexical features (lexical density, type-token ratio, core vocabulary and list head coverage) in interpreting and translation into English from French and Italian, both in a monolingual comparable perspective and an intermodal perspective. Our results do not unconditionally support the simplification hypothesis: lexical simplification is observed in mediated English, but is found to be greater when the source language is French, and in interpretations rather than translations. We conclude that this feature is contingent on both the mediation mode and the source languages involved, and that the influence of the latter seems to be stronger than that of the former.

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McLean, Ralph. "‘Literary Symbols’: Language and Style in the 1707 Union Debates." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 1 (February 2018): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0219.

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The pamphlet war which surrounded the debates of the proposed Union between Scotland and England in 1707 has frequently been dismissed as a mere sideshow to the main events that took place in the Scottish Parliament. Until recently, the accepted viewpoint was that as only the landed elites possessed the vote, it was only they who could decide the political destiny of the country – the wider populace was largely an irrelevancy. However, the political speeches of the Scotsman, John Hamilton, Lord Belhaven, and the response to those speeches, by English man of letters, Daniel Defoe, suggests that the poetry and prose generated by these intense debates had a purpose to speak directly to the people, and to galvanise them for a cause, despite their lack of a direct political voice. This article investigates the importance of Belhaven's speeches in an attempt to understand why they had so much resonance with the general public, and the extent to which his opponents attempted to contain his appeal to the people.

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Bernardini, Silvia, Adriano Ferraresi, and Maja Miličević. "From EPIC to EPTIC — Exploring simplification in interpreting and translation from an intermodal perspective." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 28, no. 1 (April 20, 2016): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.28.1.03ber.

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Abstract This article introduces EPTIC (the European Parliament Translation and Interpreting Corpus), a new bidirectional (English<>Italian) corpus of interpreted and translated EU Parliament proceedings. Built as an extension of the English<>Italian subsection of EPIC (the European Parliament Interpreting Corpus), EPTIC is an intermodal corpus featuring the pseudo-parallel outputs of interpreting and translation processes, aligned to each other and to the corresponding source texts (speeches by MEPs and their written up versions). As a first attempt at unearthing the potential of EPTIC, we investigate lexical simplification replicating the methodology proposed by Laviosa (1998a; 1998b), but extending it to encompass both a monolingual comparable and an intermodal perspective. Our results indicate that the mediation process reduces complexity in both modes of language production and both language directions, with interpreters simplifying the input more than translators, and evidence of simplification being more lexical in English and more lexico-syntactic in Italian.

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Archer, Scott, Jamie Malbeuf, Taylor Merkley, and Amanda Seymour-Skinner. "Gender Bias in Canadian Politics: A Content Analysis of a Canadian Prime Minister’s Speeches in 2015." Athens Journal of Mass Media and Communications 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.4.1.2.

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Hardjanto, Tofan Dwi, and Nala Mazia. "“We believe in democracy…”: Epistemic Modality in Justin Trudeau’s Political Speeches." Jurnal Humaniora 31, no. 2 (December 2, 2019): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.44948.

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This article investigates epistemic modality in political discourse. It focuses on modality markers in terms of their word classes, semantic meanings and discourse functions in political speeches. The data were taken from three speeches delivered by the 23rd Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. The results show that the markers found in the three speeches are of five different types, i.e., lexical verbs, modal adjectives, modal adverbs, modal auxiliary verbs and modal nouns, with meanings ranging from possibility, probability, to certainty. The markers also indicate the speaker’s commitment whose degree reflects the function in the social context. The speaker’s commitment is divided into three degrees of engagement, each of which serves as a means to be polite, to be diplomatic, and to be persuasive. The findings suggest that Trudeau tends to use reasonable judgment expressions to sound diplomatic and persuasive in his speeches.

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Hardjanto, Tofan Dwi, and Nala Mazia. "“We believe in democracy…”: Epistemic Modality in Justin Trudeau’s Political Speeches." Jurnal Humaniora 31, no. 2 (May 28, 2019): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.v31i2.44948.

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This article investigates epistemic modality in political discourse. It focuses on modality markers in terms of their word classes, semantic meanings and discourse functions in political speeches. The data were taken from three speeches delivered by the 23rd Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. The results show that the markers found in the three speeches are of five different types, i.e., lexical verbs, modal adjectives, modal adverbs, modal auxiliary verbs and modal nouns, with meanings ranging from possibility, probability, to certainty. The markers also indicate the speaker’s commitment whose degree reflects the function in the social context. The speaker’s commitment is divided into three degrees of engagement, each of which serves as a means to be polite, to be diplomatic, and to be persuasive. The findings suggest that Trudeau tends to use reasonable judgment expressions to sound diplomatic and persuasive in his speeches.

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Plevoets, Koen, and Bart Defrancq. "The cognitive load of interpreters in the European Parliament." Interpreting. International Journal of Research and Practice in Interpreting 20, no. 1 (April 26, 2018): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/intp.00001.ple.

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Abstract Cognitive load is a major source of processing difficulties in both interpreting and monolingual speech. This article focuses on measurement of cognitive load by examining the occurrence rate of the disfluency uh(m) in two corpora of naturalistic language: the EPICG, with specific reference to Dutch interpretations of French source texts in the European Parliament; and the sub-corpus of non-interpreted parliamentary speeches from the Spoken Dutch Corpus. In both corpora, the frequency per utterance of uh(m) was studied, in relation to delivery rate, lexical density, presence of numbers and formulaicity (i.e. the number of N-grams), as a Generalised Additive Mixed-effects Model: the frequency of uh(m) in interpretations increases with the lexical density of the source text, while it is inversely related to the formulaicity of both the source text and the target text. These findings indicate the maintenance of a cognitive equilibrium between input load and output load.

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Bird, Kym. "Performing Politics: Propaganda, Parody and a Women's Parliament." Theatre Research in Canada 13, no. 1 (January 1992): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.13.1.168.

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The initial phase of women's drama in Canada coincides with the first wave of 19th-century Canadian feminism and the Canadian women's reform movement. At the time, a variety of women wrote and staged plays that grew out of their commitment to the political, ideological and social context of the movement. The 'Mock Parliament,' a form of theatrical parody in which men's and women's roles are reversed, was collectively created by different groups of suffragists in Manitoba, Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia. This article attempts to recuperate these works for a history of Canadian feminist theatre. It will argue that the 'dual' conservative and liberal ideology of the suffrage movement informs all aspects of the Mock Parliament. On the one hand, these plays critique the division of gender roles that material feminism wants to uphold; they are testimony to the strength of a woman's movement that knew how to work as equal players within traditionally structured political organizations. On the other hand, they betray the safe, moderate tactics of an upper and middle-class, white womanhood who wanted political representation but no structural social change. These opposing tensions are inherent in theatrical parody which is both imitative and critical.

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Howlett, Michael. "Predictable and Unpredictable Policy Windows: Institutional and Exogenous Correlates of Canadian Federal Agenda-Setting." Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 3 (September 1998): 495–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900009100.

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AbstractThis article addresses the question of the applicability of John Kingdon's theory of agenda-setting to Canadian political life. It examines the extent to which agenda-setting in Canadian governments is routine or discretionary, predictable or unpredictable, and the extent to which it is influenced by events and activities external to itself. The study uses time series data collected on issue mentions related to Native affairs, the constitution, drug abuse, acid rain, the nuclear industry and capital punishment in parliamentary debates and committees between 1977 and 1992. It compares these series to other time series developed from media mentions, violent crime rates, unemployment rates, budget speeches and speeches from the throne, elections and first ministers' conferences over the same period in order to assess the impact of such events on public policy agenda-setting.

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Jurewicz, Magdalena. "Wishes as bene- and malefactive speech acts. On the basis of discrediting parliamentary speeches in the Polish Lower House." Scripta Neophilologica Posnaniensia, no. 18 (February 7, 2019): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/snp.2018.18.03.

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What will be analysed in the paper, from the pragmalinguistic perspective, is the specificity and the positioning of wishes in an MP’s speech as a particular type of text. In my research, I would like to shed some light on the multifunctioning of such speech acts in the public performances, to which parliamentary speeches belong, which stems from the multitude of their addressees. I will be particularly interested in the change of the illocutionary force of wishes which, thanks to the influence of the irony that they contain, may serve the opposition politicians to mock the ruling party’s MPs. This, in turn, can indirectly lead to the disparagement of the latter. In a broader sense it can also be the result of a general persuasive function of all political speeches. The marking of irony is very specific for a given culture or even the idiolect of particular MPs. The precise knowledge of the possible indirect readings of some MPs’ utterances, and the techniques for deciphering ironic expressions would be very valuable for interpreters who have just recently begun their work in e.g. the European Parliament, where the speeches of MPs are interpreted simultaneously.

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Magnifico, Cédric, and Bart Defrancq. "Hedges in conference interpreting." Interpreting. International Journal of Research and Practice in Interpreting 19, no. 1 (May 8, 2017): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/intp.19.1.02mag.

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This paper, part of a project on gender differences in simultaneous interpreting, analyzes possible gender-related trends in the use of hedges by professional interpreters and examines two hypotheses: (1) simultaneous interpretations, because of processing constraints, contain fewer hedges than the original speeches; (2) consistent with gender differences in spontaneous speech, women interpreters use more hedges than men. The research draws on Ghent University’s EPICG corpus of speeches at the European Parliament and their interpretations. Here, French speeches recorded in 2008 were compared with their English and Dutch interpretations in respect of hedging frequency. Statistical comparison was based on the chi-squared test. With regard to the first hypothesis, comparison of normalized frequencies (occurrences per 1000 words) shows that the interpreters in both language combinations used significantly more hedges than the speakers. The second hypothesis was tested by comparing data according to interpreters’ gender, factoring in the frequency of hedges in the source texts: women interpreters hedged more than men in both target languages, significantly so in Dutch. Regarding strategies that might account for the interpreters’ use of hedges (omission, translation, addition), the women interpreters made more additions than the men. Possible reasons for these patterns are discussed.

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Carrión-Ruiz, B., S. Blanco-Pons, A. Weigert, S. Fai, and J. L. Lerma. "MERGING PHOTOGRAMMETRY AND AUGMENTED REALITY: THE CANADIAN LIBRARY OF PARLIAMENT." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLII-2/W11 (May 4, 2019): 367–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xlii-2-w11-367-2019.

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Abstract. In recent years, Augmented Reality (AR) technology has experienced considerable progress and the combination of AR and 3D modeling opens up new opportunities regarding 3D data visualization and interaction. Consequently, the dissemination of cultural heritage can benefit from these technologies in order to display the cultural assets as realistically and interactively as possible. In this way, high-accuracy 3D models are integrated in the real world.Nevertheless, progress has also still been limited due to several factors. The paper presents a case study based on the recreation of the Queen Victoria sculpture in an AR application. Furthermore, the environment of the sculpture is simulated by panoramic images, inside the Library of Parliament in Ottawa, Canada. The main problems for the development of an AR smartphone application from panoramic images and photogrammetric 3D data are described in this paper. The characteristics of AR systems are explained in detail, analyzing all the steps involved and the available solutions considered.

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Farson, Stuart. "Parliament and its servants: Their role in scrutinizing Canadian intelligence." Intelligence and National Security 15, no. 2 (June 2000): 225–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520008432609.

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Decoste, F. C. "The Canadian Founding: John Locke and Parliament (review)." Canadian Historical Review 89, no. 3 (2008): 447–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/can.0.0100.

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Zhao, Jiaying, Meghan B. Azad, Erin M. Bertrand, Cole Burton, Valorie A. Crooks, Jackie Dawson, Adam T. Ford, et al. "Canadian Science Meets Parliament: Building relationships between scientists and policymakers." Science and Public Policy 47, no. 2 (February 26, 2020): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/scipol/scaa017.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Speeches in Canadian Parliament'

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