Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Sports – Political aspects – Israel'

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the last decade, a significant trend could be observed with regards to the growth of the number of sport for development initiatives globally, as well as the increasing range of stakeholders involved in the sport for development field. Many international organisations and institutions began to put more emphasis on the use of sport and sport activities to initiate social change. This was further observed with the growing trends in sport for development activities within the Global South. In order to explore the impacts of the trends in sport for development, this study examined the recent sport for development trends in South Africa and in what way the 2010 FIFA World Cup has affected it. This study attempts to do this by exploring the historical underpinnings of sport for development in South Africa, as well as current trends in the field. The study further examines the sport for development initiatives that have been implemented during the 2010 FIFA World Cup, and explores their ramifications for the sport for development landscape in South Africa. With its assessment of the sport for development legacies of the 2010 FIFA World Cup, this study builds on the existing international literature by an increasing number of scholars assessing the trends in sport for development as well as evaluating the effectiveness of the field for promoting development. Moreover, due to the recent increase in developing countries in the Global South hosting sport mega-events, with a purpose to achieve social development objectives through the event (for example, South Africa and the 2010 World Cup), this study builds on literature examining a potential link between sport mega-events and sport for development. As a point of departure this study looked to provide an overview of the sport for development field, the recent debates raised among scholars as well as a theoretical framework informing the field. The study then looked towards the historical underpinnings of sport for development in South Africa, creating a framework for the analysis of the empirical study regarding the sport for development initiatives implemented during the World Cup. The main findings of this study included the rapid growth of sport for development initiatives during the World Cup period, the increase and range in public and private actors forming institutional arrangements and partnerships in sport for development initiatives and the outcomes and implications of those trends for the South African sport for development context. Through the hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup, it was found that the sport mega-event was ultimately used as a strategic opportunity for initiatives to achieve objectives and aims including the creation of awareness of initiatives, potentially meeting new partners and funders, and increasing participant numbers. Moreover, through the formation of institutional arrangements and partnerships, implementing organisations could potentially ensure sustainability of the initiative due to the resources made available by the range of partners involved. It must be noted however, that although the 2010 FIFA World Cup was used strategically by the sport for development initiatives implemented during that period, sport mega-events cannot be said to achieve social development objectives, especially those of sport for development, due to the many neoliberal tendencies that is found in the hosting of the event.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gedurende die laaste dekade was 'n kenmerkende / belangrike trant opgemerk, t.o.v. die groei van die getal globale sport vir ontwikkeling, sowel as die toename van rolspelers betrokke by die ontwikkeling van sport. Baie internasionale organiSuid-Afrikasies en inrigtings sit meer klem op die gebruik van sport en aktiwiteite om sosiale verandering uit te oefen. Die is verder opmerkend met die groeiende trant van sport-ontwikkeling in die Globale lande. Om die impak van sport-ontwikkeling te ondersoek, het hierdie studie die onlangse sportontwikkeling trant in Suid-Afrika getoets, asook die manier hoe die 2010 FIFA Wêreld-beker dit beinvloed het. Die navorsing probeer dit doen deur die historiese ondersteuning van sportontwikkeling in Suid-Afrika te ondersoek, sowel as die huidige trant. Dié navorsing ondersoek ook die sport-ontwikkeling inisiatief wat geinplimenteer was gedurende die 2010 FIFA Wêreld-beker, asook die vertakking van sport-ontwikkeling in Suid-Afrika. Met die assesering van die sport-ontwikkeling van die 2010 FIFA Wêreld-beker, gaan hierdie studie op die huidige internasionale literatuur bou by die groei van die getal narvorsers wat die trant in sport-ontwikkeling en evaluering wat die uitwerking op sport-ontwikkeling bevorder. Sodoende, met die onlangse groei van ontwikkelinde lande tussen Globale lande wat groot sport byeenkomste huisves, met die doel om sosiale ontwikkeling te bereik (bv. Suid-Afrika en die 2010 Wêreld-beker), gaan hierdie studie die Literatuur ondersoek van ‘n potensiale koppeling tussen mega-sport byeenkomste en sport-ontwikkeling opbou. Hierdie studie verskaf 'n oorsig van sport-ontwikkeling as 'n vetrek-punt om die onlangse debatte tussen leerders en die teoretiese raamwerk in die veld in te lig. Die studie kyk ook na die historiese ondersteuning vir sport-ontwikkeling in Suid-Afrika, deur ‘n raamwerk in die analise van die studie m.b.t. sport-ontwikkeling inisiatief tydens die Wêreld-beker te skep. Die hoof bevindings van hierdie studie sluit in die vinnige groei van sport-ontwikkeling inisiatief tydens die Wêreld-beker; die toename en reeks publieke en private ondersteuners wat instansie rëelings vorm en verhoudings in sport-ontwikkeling en die uitkoms en implikasies in die Suid-Afrika konteks. Deur die 2010 FIFA Wêreld-beker te huisves, het hierdie mega-sport gebeurtenis eintlik 'n strategiese geleentheid om doele te bereik, insluitend die bewustheid van inisiatief, die ontmoeting van nuwe genote en skenkers, asook die groei in deelname. Verder, deur die formasie van instansie rëelings en verhoudings, implementerende organisasies kan potensiale Suid-Afrikasies kan potensiale steun verseker, a.g.v. die bronne beskikbaar gemaak deur die betrokke vennote. Kennis moet geneem word dat al was die 2010 FIFA Wêreld-beker strateties gebruik om sport-ontwikkeling te implementeer tydens hierdie periode, groot sport byeenkomste kan nie verantwoordelik gehou word vir sosiale ontwikkeling doelwitte, veral vir sport-ontwikkeling, a.g.v. die neo-liberale tendens wat by die huisvesting van hierdie geleenthede gevind word.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the role of political elites in addressing the problem of why a durable peace has eluded Israeli Palestine. A theoretical background study was made on the articulation of identity within a civilization. This established identity formation as a political process. To see how the manipulation of the structure within which identity formation processes take place, six critical indicators were identified. These are: Manufacturing conditions of underdevelopment; Un-integrated social and political systems, and distributive injustice; Fostering cleavages, stereotypical images and political symbolism; Placing issues under the 'sign of security'; The production of insecurity through the manipulation of identity formation processes; and Monopolising the conflict resolution process. Political elite creation and perpetuation of structures for conflict shows an inherent inability to bring about a lasting peace in a protracted social conflict for conflict has become the source, rather than the outcome of policy formation. As a result this thesis calls for a more inclusive approach to conflict resolution, one that goes beyond the processes of arbitration, mediation, negotiation and facilitation, to include conciliation at grass roots level between civilizations, sincerely exploring the underlying emotional legacies of fear, hatred, sorrow and mistrust.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op die rol gespeel deur politieke elites in die voortslepende vraagstuk rondom vrede in Israel/Palestina. 'n Teoretiese agtergrondstudie is onderneem om die uitdrukking van 'n samelewing oftewel volksidentiteit te ondersoek. Die studie het laat blyk dat identiteitsformulering 'n politieke proses is. Om waar te neem hoe die manipulasie van die struktuur waarbinne identiteitsformulering plaasvind, is ses kritiese indikators geïdentifiseer, te wete: die skepping van toestande vir onderontwikkeling; ongeïntegreerde sosiale en politieke sisteme en ongelyke verdeling van welvaart; doelbewuste voortsetting van etniese verskille, stereotipering en politieke simbolisme; plasing van kwessies onder die vaandel van "sekuriteit"; die produksie van "onsekerheid" deur die manipulasie van identiteitsformulering prosesse; en die manipulasie van konflik resolusie prosedures. Skepping en doelbewuste voortsetting van strukture vir konflik deur politieke elites dui op 'n onvermoë om langdurige vrede in 'n 'uitgerekte sosiale konflik' te bewerkstellig. Konflik het die oorsprong, eerder as die uitkoms van beleid geword. As gevolg van hierdie feite doen die tesis 'n beroep dat konflik resolusie as dissipline 'n meer inklusiewe benadering volg. Die resolusie prosesse van mediasie, arbitrasie, fasilitering en onderhandeling is opsigself nie genoeg nie en behoort vergesel te word deur die proses van konsiliasie op grondvlak tussen samelewings. Hierdie proses moet deel vorm van 'n opregtheid om mense se vrese, haat, seer en wantroue met ootmoed aan te hoor.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There can be little doubt about the ability of major international sporting events to capture the aspirations and hopes of nations. These events have an uncanny ability of seemingly effortlessly doing what a hundred speeches and mass rallies by politicians could only hope to achieve. Therefore, it is no surprise that they are commonly understood to be able to bring nations and people together and provide a focus for national identity and unity. The 1995 Rugby World Cup in South Africa is an obvious proponent of such a claim, whereby South Africa was emerging from a long and arduous political transition and needed something more than going to the polling booths to unite the nation. Major international sporting events are also said to be able to provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian or semi-authoritarian regimes. The 1988 Olympics in South Korea is a landmark of such claims whereby the South Korean government was said to bow to the democratizing pressures exerted on it due to its hosting of the event. Many have argued that China’s hosting of the Olympics in 2008 will have a similar effect. However, equally potent, major international sporting events can have various unintended consequences in terms of identity formation, democratization prospects and human rights for the host nations. An analysis of South Africa and Zimbabwe’s co-hosting of the 2003 Cricket World Cup demonstrates this point. The outcomes of the study suggest that whilst it is normally the intention for the host nations to use the games to bring nations and people together, the Cricket World Cup opened up a rift between races, both within the race contours of the cricket playing Commonwealth world and within South Africa's domestic politics. It was also established that much like the 1995 Rugby World Cup had sought to reconcile blacks and whites domestically under the “Rainbow Nation” during Mandela's presidency, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, with its more regional focus and under Mbeki’s presidency, presented an excellent opportunity for transnational reconciliation between Africa and the Anglo-Saxon world. However, the 2003 Cricket World Cup, as a project in racial reconciliation, was essentially a failure. This was predominantly due to the choice by South Africa of Zimbabwe as co-host and due to the shift of South Africa's national identity from that of the “Rainbow Nation” under Mandela, to that of “Africanism” under Mbeki. President Mbeki’s drive towards “Africanism” proved divisive both transnationally and domestically. Symbolically, the Cricket World Cup, when compared with the 1995 Rugby World Cup, had served to highlight the decline of the “Rainbow Nation”. Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event had served to further entrench the authoritarian regime. Instead of the regime opening up due to its co-hosting of the event, a broad clampdown on civil and political liberties was experienced. The Zimbabwean government felt the need to tighten its grip during the lead up to the event and throughout the tournament itself. The aim was to project a sanitized view of Zimbabwe to the rest of the world. Thus, the event presented an opportunity for the government to shore up its credibility and produce political propaganda. South Africa’s stance of “quiet diplomacy” also indirectly helped to further entrench the regime through the World Cup. Zimbabwe's co-hosting also impacted negatively on the opposition, the MDC. In addition to this, the various pressures which major events are said to exert on a host nation to reform politically and which result from boycott campaigns, pressure from the media, stimulation of civil society and protests, were not very effective in enhancing democratization prospects and human rights in Zimbabwe. This study reaches the overall conclusion that the claims that major events bring nations and people together and provide a catalyst or incentive for democratization and human rights enhancement in authoritarian regimes, need further revision. South Africa and Zimbabwe's co-hosting of the event did indeed have unintended consequences. Policy implications are also assessed. Future areas for research are also identified.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Daar bestaan min twyfel dat groot internasionele sportgebeurtenisse die strewes en verwagtinge van nasies aanwakker. Hierdie gebeutenisse het die vermoë om op ‘n oënskylike moeitelose wyse meer te bereik as wat ‘n honderd toesprake en massavergaderings deur politici kan hoop om te bereik. Daarom is dit geen verrassing nie dat daar vry algemeen aanvaar word dat hierdie gebeurtenisse oor die vermoë beskik om nasies en mense by mekaar te bring en ‘n fokus vir nasionale identiteit en eenheid kan verskaf. Die 1995 Rugby Wêreldbeker in Suid-Afrika, is ‘n ooglopende voorbeeld: Suid Afrika het uit ‘n lang en moeilike politieke oorgang gekom en het meer as ‘n blote verkiesing nodig gehad ten einde die nasie te verenig. Voorts is dit ook so dat groot internasionale sportgebeurtenisse ‘n katalisator of aansporing is vir demokratisering en die bevordering van mensregte in outoritêre en semi-outoritêre regerings. Die 1988 Olimpiese Spele in Suid-Korea ondersteun hierdie aanspraak. As gasheerland van hierdie spele, het die Suid-Koreaanse regering onder toenemende druk gekom om aan die vereistes van demokrasie te voldoen. Daar word verwag dat die Olimpiese Spele van 2008 dieselfde impak op China, die gasheerland, sal hê. Terselfdertyd is dit egter ook so dat groot internasionale sportgebeurtenisse vir die gasheerlande onverwagte negatiewe gevolge ten opsigte van identiteitsvorming, demokratiseringsvooruitsigte en bevordering van menseregte kan hê. n’ Ontleiding van Sui-Afrika en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker staaf hierdie stelling. Die resultate van die studie toon aan dat alhoewel gasheerlande normaalweg groot sportgebeurtenisse gebruik om nasies en mense byeen te bring, het die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker ‘n kloof tussen rasse veroorsaak – binne die krieketspelende Statebondswêreld sowel as die Suid- Afrikaanse huishoudelike politiek. Daar is ook vasgestel dat net soos die 1995 Rugby Wêreldbeker aan Suid-Afrika tydens die presidentskap van Mandela en onder die vaandel van die “Reënboognasie” ‘n plaaslike versoeningsgeleentheid tussen swart en wit gebied het, net so het die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker, met sy regionale fokus en onder presidentskap van Mbeki, ook ‘n uitstekende geleentheid vir trans-nasionale versoening tussen Afrika en die Anglo-Saksiese wêreld gebied. As versoeningsprojek was die 2003 Krieket Wêreldbeker egter in wese ‘n mislukking, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van Suid-Afrika se besluit dat Zimbabwe ‘n mede-gasheer moes wees en weens die feit dat Suid-Afrika se nasionale identiteit ‘n klemverskuiwing van “Reënboognasie” onder Mandela tot “Afrikanisme” onder Mbeki, ondergaan het. President Mbeki se beklemtoning van “Afrikanisme” was ook huishoudelik en trans-nasionaal verdelend. Simbolies gesproke, het die Krieket Wêreldbeker – in teenstelling met die Rugby Wêreldbeker – die “Reënboognasie” se verkwyning beklemtoon. Daar is ook vasgestel dat Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die Krieket Wêreldbeker inderdaad hierdie outoritêre regering versterk het. In plaas daarvan die Zimbabwiese regering sy outoritêre greep as gevolg van sy mede-aanbieding verslap het, was daar inderdaad ‘n verdere breë onderdrukking van burgerlike en politieke regte. Die Zimbabwiese regering het in die aanloop tot en in die loop van die toernooi sy outoritêre greep verstewig ten einde ‘n gesaniteerde beeld van Zimbabwe aan die res van die wêreld te kon voorhou. Die Zimbabwiese regering het die geleentheid misbruik om geloofwaardigheid te probeer wen en politieke propaganda uit te stuur. Suid-Afrika se standpunt van “stille diplomasie” het ook die hand van Zimbabwiese regering versterk; en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die toernooi het ‘n negatiewe impak op die opposisie, die MDC, gehad. Die dwang wat op gasheerlande deur middel van boikotte, die media en proteste uitgeoefen kan word om polities te hervorm, was in die geval van Zimbabwe nie effektief nie. In hierdie studie word tot die slotsom gekom dat die aansprake dat groot sportgebeurtenisse nasies en mense saambring en ‘n aansporing vir demokratisering van outoritêre regerings is, verdere hersiening verg. Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe se mede-aanbieding van die toernooi het onbeoogde gevolge gehad – en in sommige gevalle was hierdie gevolge selfs direk die teenoorgestelde van wat verwag is. Beleidsimplikasies word ook evalueer. Voorts word toekomstige navorsingsareas ook identifiseer.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.
Tourism is regarded as the world’s largest industry. The various contributions the industry can make towards the global economy and towards creating employment has been acknowledged. In South Africa, sport has been used as a method of nation building and a way of building the country’s national prestige since its re-entry into the global community. The two sectors, tourism and sports, accompany with them the potential to create employment and generate economic spin-offs, as well as enhancing the quality of life for citizens. In light of the many benefits that sport and tourism can generate, South Africa has attempted to host and participate in numerous sports events. Since the end of apartheid, it has hosted several international sporting events, which include the Rugby World Cup in 1995 and the Cricket World Cup in 2003 as well as continental sporting events such as the Africa Cup of Nations in 1996. South Africa has also hosted international events of a smaller degree, which include the Presidents Cup 2003, held in George in the Western Cape. Golf tourism in the Garden Route in particular has escalated to a large degree. Some of the top golf courses can be found there and thus the Western Cape province is closely linked to the golf industry. The main focus of this study is to explore the impact that the Presidents Cup had on the town of George, its community members as well as its contribution towards the tourism industry. It attempts to investigate whether the event generated economic spin offs and whether it has resulted in development for the town and its people. Through a series of face- to- face interviews, the study explores what the perceptions are among key stakeholders in the community concerning the economic and other spin offs. One of the key findings is that the event has contributed to the escalation of various new golf estates in and around George and these has left community members disgruntled. This has resulted in provincial government placing a moratorium on any further development of golf estates along the Garden Route. It has also amounted to property values rising, making it difficult for the locals to afford proper housing. In an attempt to adequately address the issues that have been raised and to preserve and maintain the natural environment for future generations, it is the contention of this study that sustainable development is pivotal. If implemented in a proper way it can have far reaching benefits for all.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
This study focuses on the bidding for sports mega-events, their subsequent planning, and the politics surrounding these processes. The specific examples analysed here are those of the FIFA Football World Cup™ in Germany in 2006, and the forthcoming 2010 World Cup to be hosted by South Africa. The events are examined against a backdrop of increasing competition to host mega-events, spurred on by a widespread belief in the economic benefits that result from hosting, with a frequent disregard for the social and economic costs involved. Four central research questions are addressed in the course of this thesis. The first is the role of corporate actors and their influence on mega-events, the second is the question of what processes characterise both the bidding and planning stages of an event, including the main actors, agendas and discourses involved in both of these stages. Thirdly, the significance of hosting the World Cup in both the German and South African case is examined, and fourthly, the long-term implications of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 World Cup, both for the country itself and for developing nations more broadly, is considered. The research methodology used for this thesis is predominately qualitative, and utilises mostly secondary sources, including books, academic articles, press articles, and information off the official websites of the football organisations involved. The main findings of this thesis are that while both countries in question had seemingly compelling reasons for hosting the World Cup, and while benefits can stem from the event, the longevity of such benefits is questionable, and the costs involved can be especially heavy in a developing context such as that of South Africa. Furthermore, those that stand to benefit the most from the events include transnational corporate actors, with the implication that significant financial gains never reach the host economy. Nevertheless, an ever-increasing willingness on the part of numerous nations to host mega-events means that the German and South African cases can provide lessons for future hosts, and South Africa’s World Cup has particular significance as a test case for mega-events hosted by developing nations. Finally, this thesis stresses the need for further research in this field. It also aims to break some new ground by examining the commonalities and contrasts to be found in the bidding and planning processes of a mega-event as carried out by a developed and a developing nation.

This dissertation departs from the common understanding that the democratic challenge is to strike the right balance between security and democracy; rather it asserts that the relations between security and democracy are discursively constructed by political actors. The dissertation takes as case study a state where the security discourse has been acute and omnipresent since the very beginning of its establishment: Israel. Drawing on discourse theory premises and narrative analyses, the research enlightens how the security-democracy nexus is articulated in political discourse. The study offers a careful analysis of a set of debates held within the Israeli parliament, the Knesset, over laws and decisions taken in the name of security and that generated discussions over democratic values and principles. The main focus of the analysis is the post-second intifada laws, but the study also offers account of previous discursive articulations at play in the 1980s. Indeed, the understanding of the discursive articulations of the security democracy nexus would not be possible without digging into the roots of its discursive articulations. The overall work gives a detailed account of the way the dominant narrative, by articulating security and democracy in a "defensive democracy" story, has reproduced and reshaped the boundaries of the Israeli polity.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Mega-events such as the Olympic Games have emerged as one of the most significant features of the global era. Not only has the number of participants increased, but also the hosting of these events has been seen as an opportunity for countries to externally market themselves, in an attempt to raise their international profile, and to develop national identity. As such, many nations continue to enthusiastically compete to host these events. Despite the prestige of hosting events, South Africa has in the past been excluded from participating, let alone being considered to bid to host events of such magnitude. This was as a result of the Apartheid policy that extended into sport. After being admitted into the world of sport, it has joined the list of nations that regularly compete to bid. There are two questions that this study sets out to explore. Firstly, how did hosting of the Games market South Africa internationally? Secondly, did hosting the Games help celebrate South Africa's national identity? In trying to answer these questions, the marketing power concept has been used. Part of the proposition is that marketing power is more sought after by state elites who lack national identity. In light of this, South Africa has been used as a case study. Bidding to host the Olympic Games was no easy road for South Africa, and in the aftermath of the Bid, this study identifies the reasons why the Bid was unsuccessful. The findings suggest that South Africa's attempt to host the Games did indeed market the country internationally. However, the findings indicate that bidding to host the Games did not bolster national identity, instead it revealed that there was lack of unity. In addition there are some important lessons that can be drawn from this study.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hoë-profiel gebeure soos die Olimpiese Spele is een van die mees opmerklike gevolge van die globale era. Buiten dat die aantal deelnemers aan sulke gebeurtenisse dramaties togeneem het, het die eise en die kompetisie om sodanige gebeurtenisse aan te bied, toegeneem omdat state hierdeur hulself ekstern kan bemark en intern skep sulke gebeurtenisse 'n geleentheid om nasionale identiteit te bevorder. Ten spyte van die prestige wat die gasheer-staat in sulke gevalle te beurt val, is apartheid Suid- Afrika histories uitgesluit van deelname aan veral hoë profiel sport, en was die aanbieding van sulke gebeurtenisse in Suid-Afrika buite die kwessie. Namate Suid- Afrika weer 'n aanvaarde lid van die gemeenskap van nasies geword het, het Pretoria ook toenemend begin bie om hoë-profiel sportgebeurtenisse aan te bied. Hierdie studie verken twee sentrale vraagstukke. Eerstens, hoe bemark die aanbied van die Olimpiese Spele Suid-Afrika op 'n internasionale grondslag? Tweedens, help die aanbieding van sulke sportgebeure werklik om 'n gevoel van 'n nasionale identiteit onder Suid-Afrikaners aan te wakker? Ten einde die vrae te beantwoord, word in 'n hoë mate van die konsep, 'bemarkingsmag' ('marketing power') gebruik gemaak. Daar word deel geargumenteer dat bemarkingmag juis deur staatselites nagejaag word in samelewings waar nasionale identiteit gebrekkig ontwikkel is. Die Suid-Afrikaanse geval is dus by uitstek 'n toonaangewende voorbeeld van die tendens. In die studie word daar aangedui hoekom die bie proses ten einde die Olimpiese Spele aan te bied so 'n besondere komplekse uitdaging is, hoe dit deurgevoer is en waarom Suid-Afrika misluk het. Die bevindings suggereer dat motivering om die Spele aan te bied inderdaad gedryf is deur die behoefte om Suid-Afrika se bemarkingsmag uit te brei. Ten spyte hiervan, het die bie-proses ook 'n baie brose sin van nasionale identiteit ontbloot het en 'n duidelike rasse-skeidslyn in terme van populere steun vir die bie-proses. Die studie onttrek ook 'n aantal gevolgtrekkings wat vir ander bod-prosesse van waarde kan wees.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Rugby in South Africa has a long racial and political history. This history was a direct result of the policy of apartheid in which a deliberate attempt was made to arrange all areas of life along racial lines. One saw rugby being played and administered on the basis of race in which disparities between races became apparent. Twenty years into democracy and one has seen transformation in South African sport been increasingly prioritized by national government in which numerous policies have been developed to bring about redress and equity in sport. The South African Rugby Union (SARU) and Provincial Rugby Unions in their attempt to transform rugby have implemented numerous strategic plans to ensure greater access to the game in historically disadvantaged areas. Yet despite the efforts of both state and non-state actors rugby at a senior national and provincial level is still dominated by white players even though the majority of rugby players at a junior level are non-white. The research focused on how transformation policies in rugby have been implemented in the Western Cape. The research design was a case study, in which the author conducted a number of interviews with rugby administrators and managers, both past and present, involved at the Western Province Rugby Football Union (WPRFU). The objectives of the research was to look at what implementation initiatives have been put in place, both on and off the field, to bring about transformation of rugby in the Western Cape. The case study focused on rugby played at an intermediate level in which rugby institutions, school rugby and recruitment and club rugby in the Western Cape were explored. The research focused on how transformation policies have been implemented by those involved with rugby at a provincial and local level. Implementation of transformation policies in rugby was seen as a dynamic and complex process in which both state and non-state actors played an important role. Thus the theoretical approach of the research was a bottom-up approach to public policy implementation. The findings showed that while there was no strict enforcement of a quota on teams at the intermediate level the WPRFU have carried out a number of implementation initiatives in which transformation has been advanced. This is particularly true of transformation off the field in which employment equity and preferential procurement of the Union’s broader administrative structure has been advanced. Yet findings into school and club level rugby showed that there still existed great social and economic disparities between historically advantaged and disadvantaged groups. Thus the goal of achieving equity and access in rugby has yet to be reached at these levels. The research highlighted that transformation at a senior professional level will remain a challenge as rugby cannot escape the socioeconomic context in which it is embedded in. Therefore increase focus needs to be placed on transforming rugby at school and club level in which disadvantaged groups need to be assisted so as to ensure that rugby is played on a level playing field.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Rugby in Suid-Afrika het ’n lang rasse- en politieke geskiedenis. Hierdie geskiedenis is die direkte gevolg van die apartheidsbeleid, wat opsetlik daarop gemik was om alle lewensfasette op grond van rasseonderskeid te organiseer. Rugby is ook op grond van ras gespeel en geadministreer, en die ongelykhede tussen rasse het duidelik daaruit geblyk. Twintig jaar sedert demokrasie ingestel is, word transformasie in Suid-Afrikaanse sport toenemend deur die nasionale regering voorop gestel. Verskeie beleide is ontwikkel om herstel en gelykheid in sport te bewerkstellig. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Rugbyunie (Saru) en provinsiale rugbyunies het talle strategiese planne implementeer in hulle poging om rugby te transformeer en groter toegang tot die spel onder histories-benadeelde gemeenskappe te verseker. Ten spyte van pogings deur regerings- sowel as nieregeringsrolspelers oorheers blanke spelers steeds rugby op senior-nasionale en -provinsiale vlak, al is die meeste spelers op junior vlak nieblank. Die navorsing fokus op die implementering van transformasiebeleide in rugby in die WesKaap. Die navorsingsontwerp is ’n gevallestudie waarin die outeur ’n aantal onderhoude met rugbyadministrateurs en -bestuurders gevoer het wat tans of in die verlede by die Westelike Provinsie Rugby Voetbalunie (WPRVU) betrokke is of was. Die navorsingsdoelwit was om te kyk na die implementeringsinisiatiewe wat ingestel is, op die veld sowel as daarvan af, om transformasie in rugby in die Wes-Kaap te bewerkstellig. Die gevallestudie het gefokus op rugby op intermediêre vlak; rugby-instellings, skoolrugby en -werwings en klubrugby in die Wes-Kaap is ondersoek. Die navorsing het gefokus op die manier waarop transformasiebeleide op provinsiale en plaaslike vlak geïmplementeer is. Beleidsimplementering het geblyk ’n dinamiese en komplekse proses te wees waarop regerings- sowel as nieregeringsrolspelers ’n belangrike invloed het. Die teoretiese benadering tot die navorsing was dus ’n onder-na-bo-benadering tot openbare beleidsimplementering. Die bevindinge toon dat, hoewel ’n streng kwotastelsel nie op spanne op intermediêre vlak toegepas is nie, die WPRVU wel transformasie deur middel van ’n aantal implementeringsinisiatiewe bevorder het. Dit geld in die besonder van transformasie weg van die veld af, waar die Unie se breër administratiewe struktuur diensbillikheid en voorkeurverkryging bevorder het. Bevindings wat rugby op skool- en klubvlak betref, het egter getoon dat daar steeds groot sosiale en ekonomiese ongelykhede tussen historiesbevoordeelde en -benadeelde groepe bestaan. Op hierdie vlak is die doelwit om gelykheid en toegang in rugby te bewerkstellig dus nog onbereik. Die navorsing beklemtoon dat transformasie op senior provinsiale vlak ’n uitdaging sal bly, aangesien rugby nie kan ontsnap aan die sosio-ekonomiese konteks waarin dit gesetel is nie. Wat dus nodig is, is ’n verhoogde fokus om rugby op skool- en klubvlak te transformeer en dat benadeelde groepe bygestaan word om te verseker dat die speelveld vir rugby gelyk gemaak word.

Water management is a challenge in the Middle East today because of increasing population, decreasing water quality, political instability and security concerns. Israel and the Palestinian Authority share the three major freshwater sources in an inequitable and unsustainable manner. This study details the hydro-geological, political, cultural and legal challenges to equitable and sustainable water resource management in the region.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to determine if South Africa was actively attempting to boost its soft power or symbolic power during the country’s bid to host the Fifa 2010 World Cup. Preceding works dealing with mega-events identified a number of potential benefits to the hosting nation. Some of these benefits include opportunities for development (sport and socio-economic), nation building, urban regeneration, and marketing. Previous works have focused a great deal on economic and nation building aspects of mega-events. The marketing possibility for a host to develop as a tourist destination has also enjoyed some focus. There also exists a large amount of literature dealing with power – its nature, resources and types. There is for instance structural and relational power while, in the traditional sense, wealth and military might may be seen as power resources. However, the importance and maintenance of soft power – or symbolic or co-optive power, as defined in this study – has been greatly overshadowed by the traditional ideas of power and as a result, neglected by International Relations scholars. This study links the marketing potential of mega-events with the deployment of soft power. The case study specifically deals with South Africa’s World Cup bid as a marketing forum for enhancing the country’s soft power. For such an analysis it is necessary to investigate South Africa’s diplomatic status, global position, relationship with the North and South, and power resources. The importance of soft power being essential to South Africa’s specific situation, global position and future, is also investigated. Using the bid for the 2010 World Cup, this study concludes that South Africa was indeed projecting specifically chosen images of the country with the intention of enhancing the country’s soft power. It is furthermore argued that these images are both a reflection and in support of South Africa’s foreign policy and emerging middle power position.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vas te stel of Suid Afrika doelgerig probeer het om die land se sagte mag te versterk tydens die Fifa 2010 Wêreldbekerbod. Vorige studies oor grootskaalse gebeurtenisse meen dat dit sekere potensieële voordele inhou vir die gasheer. Dit sluit in geleenthede vir ontwikkeling (sport en sosio-ekonomies), nasiebou, en stedelike herlewing en bemarking. Vorige werke het ook meerendeels gefokus op die ekonomiese en nasie-bou aspekte van grootskaalse gebeurtenisse. Die bemarkingsvoordele wat dit inhou vir die gasheer se toerismebedryf is ook gereeld vehandel. Daar bestaan ook vele geskrewe werke oor mag. Verskillende bronne van mag is ondermeer ‘n gewilde onderwerp. Daar is byvoorbeeld strukturele mag en verhoudings mag. Tradisioneel word militêre en ekonomiese vermoëns gesien as bronne van mag. Die belangrikheid van sagte mag of simboliese mag, soos dit in hierdie studie gedefinieër word, is egter tot ‘n groot mate oorskadu deur traditionele idees van mag. Daardeur het Internasionale Betrekkinge akademici dit ook tot ‘n mate afgeskeep. Hierdie studie illustreer die bemarkingspotentiaal wat grootskaalse gebeurtenisse inhou vir sagte mag. Die gevallestudie handel spesifiek oor Suid Afrika se 2010 bod as ‘n potentieële bemarkingsforum vir die bevordering van die land se sagte mag. Die analise het vereis dat Suid Afrika se diplomatieke status, globale posisie, verhouding met die Noorde en Suide, en bronne van mag behandel word. Die belangrikheid van sagte mag vir Suid Afrika se toekoms word ook aangespreek. Die gevolgtrekking is dat Suid Afrika wel gepoog het om sekere gekose beelde na die buiteland te projekteer. Die spesifieke doel met die beelde was om die land se sagte mag uit te brei. ‘n Verdere bevinding is dat die beelde gelyktydig Suid Afrika se buitelandse beleid en ontluikende middel magsposisie gereflekteer het.

The role of religion in politics has been rising to the forefront of history in the Middle East for a number of decades and more so since 9/11, raising significant questions as to whether religion functions as a catalyst for conflict or peace. This thesis focuses specifically on the role of religion in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the manner in which actors incorporate religion into their national politics. In doing so, the inquiry focuses on the proponents of religion on both the Jewish and the Palestinian sides in addressing a) territorial rights, b) interpretations in the use of deadly force and violence, and c) interpretations of the final political goal to be attained. In the context of the broader nationalism of each side, the study reflects on different approaches to religion and how they may provide perspectives that are either catalytic to conflict or catalytic to building peace. In this light, the inquiry of this thesis analyzes and contrasts religious nationalism and pro-peace religiosity, concluding with implications and directives for conflict resolution.

This thesis explores the relationship between the safety and security measures for the 2010 FIFA World Cup and the militarisation of urban space and policing in post-apartheid South Africa. In particular, it focuses upon how the South African state and FIFA, the owners of the World Cup franchise, worked to present the World Cup as an event which required exceptional levels of security – resulting in a historically unprecedented joint police and military operation across host cities. However, in contrast with previous research on these security measures, this thesis aims to interrogate the political and commercial forces which constructed security and positions them against a backdrop of intensified state violence and social exclusion in South Africa. Concurrently, the South African case was indicative of an international militarisation of major events, with policing operations comparable to national states of emergency. This is representative of the ‘new military urbanism’ in which everyday urban life is rendered as a site of ubiquitous risk, leading to the increased diffusion of military tactics and doctrines in policing and policy. While the interpenetration between urbanism and militarism has often been studied against the context of the ‘war on terror’, in the case of South Africa this has primarily been accelerated by a pervasive social fear of violent crime, which has resulted in the securitisation of cities, the remilitarisation of policing and the intensification of a historical legacy of socio-spatial inequalities. The South African government aimed to use the World Cup to ‘rebrand’ the country’s violent international image, while promising that security measures would leave a legacy of safer cities for ordinary South Africans. The concept of legacies was also responsive to the commercial imperatives of FIFA and a range of other security actors, including foreign governments and the private security industry. However these policing measures were primarily cosmetic and designed to allay the fears of foreign tourists and the national middle class. In practice security measures pivoted around the enforcement of social control and urban marginalisation while serving as a training ground for an increasingly repressive state security apparatus. Security was as much a matter of fortifying islands of privilege and aiding a project of financial extraction as protecting the public from harm.
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The debate over the display of the Confederate battle flag in public places throughout the South focus on the flag's display by state governments such South Carolina and Mississippi. The state of Texas is rarely placed in this debate, and neither has the debate adequately explore the role of high schools' use of Confederate symbols. Schools represent the community and serve as a symbol of its values. A school represented by Confederate symbols can communicate a message of intolerance to a rival community or opposing school during sports contests. Within the community, conflict arose when an opposition group to the symbols formed and asked for the symbols' removal in favor of symbols that were seen more acceptable by outside observers. Many times, an outside party needed to step in to resolve the conflict. In Texas, the conflict between those in favor and those oppose centered on the Confederate battle flag, and the memory each side associated with the flag. Anglos saw the flag as their school spirit. African Americans saw hatred.

Relying on framing theory, this study used The New York Times to explore how Chinese news was depicted before, during and after the Beijing Summer Olympics. The research regarding how the Chinese government tried to leverage the Olympics to enhance its image is often deliberated. However, there have only been a 3 few studies on the evaluation of the effects the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games had on the image of China, as depicted by The New York Times. This study generated an understanding of the impact the presentations of The New York Times had on the soft power used by China through the Beijing Summer Olympic Games. The study examined how the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics were associated with the depiction of Chinese news in The New York Times during the pre-, mid-, and post-Olympics years. Specifically, world and business sections within The New York Times were mainly influenced by the effects of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics. In addition, there were no direct associations found between the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and how China was depicted photographically in The New York Times. In terms of the above factors; this study showed that China's national image did not improve in the New York Times after the 2008 Bejing Summer Olympic Games.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This paper examines an international SDP NGO in relation to the most challenging limitations facing the current Sport for Development and Peace sector. Employing an existing academic framework of the contemporary SDP sector, this case study explores under what conditions an SDP organization might begin to emancipate themselves from such limitations.

This is an ethnographic study of the fraught and complex cultural politics of music making in Palestine-Israel in the context of the post-Oslo era. I examine the politics of sound and the ways in which music making and attached discourses reflect and constitute identities, and also, contextualize political action. Ethical and aesthetic positions that shape contemporary artistic production in Israel-Palestine are informed by profound imbalances of power between the State (Israel), the stateless (Palestinians of the occupied Palestinian territories), the complex positioning of Israel's Palestinian minority, and contingent exposure to ongoing political violence. Cultural production in this period is also profoundly informed by highly polarized sentiments and retreat from the expressive modes of relationality that accompanied the 1990s peace process, strategic shifts in the Palestinian struggle for liberation, which is increasingly taking place on the world stage through diplomatic and cultural work, and the conceptual life and currency Palestine has gained as an entity deserving of statehood around the world. The ethnography attends to how the conflict is lived and expressed, musically and discursively, in both Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) of the West Bank, encompassing different sites, institutions and individuals. I examine the ways in which music making and attached discourses reflect and constitute identities, with the understanding that musical culture is a sphere in which power and hegemony are asserted, negotiated and resisted through shifting relations between and within different groups. In all the different contexts presented, the dissertation is thematically and theoretically underpinned by the ways in which music is used to culturally assert or reterritorialize social and spatial boundaries in a situation of conflict. Beginning with cultural policy promoted by music institutions located in Israel and in the West Bank, the ethnography focuses on two opposing approaches to cultural interventions in the conflict: music as a site of resistance and nation building amongst Palestinian music conservatories located in the oPt, and music is a site of fostering coexistence and shared models of citizenship amongst Jewish and Arab citizens in mixed Palestinian-Jewish environments in Israel. This follows with the ways in which music making is used to re-write the spatial and temporal boundaries imposed on individuals and communities by the repressive regime of the occupation. The ethnography also attends to the ways in which the cultural construction of place and nation is lived and sounded outside of institutional frameworks, in the blurry boundaries and `boderzones' where fixed ethno-national divisions do not align with physical spaces and individual identities. This opens up spaces for alternative imaginings of national and post-national identities, of resistance and coexistence, of the universal and the particular, that musically highlight the daily struggles of individuals and communities negotiating multiplex modalities of difference.

Bibliography: leaves 176-186
The relationship between political, religious ideology and the interpretation of archaeological excavation in the Holy Land has faced criticism and has been debated by scholars since the beginning of biblical archaeology in the 19th century and up to the present day. These debates are not just academic but have manifested itself in the public narrative and are alleged to have consequences regarding the history of Israel and the physical space inhabited by both the Israelis and the Palestinians. Some of the current excavations in Jerusalem are viewed with suspicion. Archaeology is singled out to be biased in its interpretation and that it is being used for political ends. An investigation of the point of intersection between archaeology, politics and religion is important for the discourse and question whether archaeology in Israel has become complicit in the establishment and continued maintenance of nationhood and the Zionist project, as alleged by the minimalist scholars and opponents of Israel. Biblical archaeology has been drawn into this debate and its interpretation. The negative externalities of this discipline are the perceived use of the biblical text as a reference document and the subsequent findings of Late Bronze and Iron Age archaeology, which raise questions about the veracity of the biblical text and its impact on biblical scholarship and religion. Archaeologists and their interpretation of these spaces find themselves amid this paradigmatic revolution. The integrity of these scholars, their methodologies and their motivations are interrogated to the point of an ideological debate. The position of Palestinian archaeology hangs in the balance and there is no clear indication as to its future or whether any collaboration with Israeli archaeology is possible due to the politicisation in the region and the distrust that exists between Israel and the West Bank in general. This research reveals the extent in which these externalities of biblical archaeology and its interpretation have had an effect on ideology and its prevalence, and whether the questions and criticisms raised are justified. The views of archaeologists who have been actively involved in the excavation of the region provide these answers.
Biblical and Ancient Studies
D. Phil. (Biblical archaeology)

While it is widely recognized that Zionism was inspired and shaped by modern European nationalism, Orthodox responses to Zionism (whether nationalist or anti-nationalist) are typically viewed as internal Jewish affairs. This dissertation argues that these responses, like Zionism itself, must be understood in their Eastern and Central European contexts. When appropriately contextualized, the anti-Zionist Agudat Yisrael and the Zionist Mizrahi movement take on a different meaning than that assigned them in the conventional narrative. In particular, these movements were not the natural and inevitable results of preexisting ideological differences but, rather, were a product of power struggles that, themselves, shaped and consolidated differing ideological positions.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The Ideology of Stadium Construction seeks to define the application of community power in the process of building sports stadiums. Using data culled from a literature review, this project examines the recent construction of sports venues and the political, economic, and social ideas driving their proliferation. A three dimensional approach to applied power provides a theoretical tool to illustrate and analyze the blueprint of stadium construction. Taking a more broad view of the culture of business in the United States suggests the public funding of stadium construction arching towards Antonio Gramsci’s sense of hegemony. Beyond attempting to merely define the political process driving stadium construction as a significant social problem, this project introduces potential alternatives to the organizational method currently in place.

Racism in sport has progressed from being blatant during Apartheid to being subtler in the 'New South Africa'. Using discourse analysis, this thesis focuses on how subtle racism reveals itself through the 'development' programme in rugby. 'Development' players are constructed as racially inferior to white rugby players. The white institution of rugby is portrayed as a philanthropic organisation whose aim is to 'help' 'development' players raise their levels of skill. In this way, white rugby is constructed as being non-racist. By locating 'development' subjects as being inferior, and disguising this with philanthropy, the 'development' programme serves to reproduce the oppressive power relations between whites and blacks involved in rugby as it was during Apartheid.
Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1999.

This study is a micro level case study which in addition to attempting to establish whether integration in sport lends itself to the integration of broader society, documents and analyses the integration experiences of two Durban amateur soccer clubs. Because soccer in most South African schools currently forms part of the school curriculum which is relatively neglected when compared with sports such as rugby and cricket, it was necessary to focus on amateur club soccer which caters for the soccer playing aspirations of the youth. Areas focussed on included the ways in which historical, race, class, cultural, ethnic and gender dynamics which operate within South African society influenced the integration process. The integration experiences of players and officials from both clubs were recorded and presented as findings. These findings were analysed against the background of local and international multicultural, sport and gender literature. The two key questions asked were: i) does integration in sport rend itself to integration in society; and ii) does the shared understanding of masculinities within male sports lend itself to integration within male dominated teams. It was established that although integration in sport can assist with the broader integration of South African society, important historical, cultural, class, ethnic and gender dynamics which operate within society have to be negotiated by all role players before a significant iintergation can take place.
Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of Natal, Durban,1997.

Abstract in English, Afrikaans and Sesotho
Scuba diving is a popular marine recreational activity along the eastern and southern coast of Africa. This region is characterised as the East African Marine Ecoregion (EAME) and is known for its richness in marine fauna and flora, including some of the Indian Ocean‟s most diverse and abundant coral reef ecosystems, making it a popular destination for scuba divers. The future of the scuba diving industry has come under threat as a result of environmental, social, political and economic impacts, and there is a need to better understand how these external risks impact on scuba diving tourism businesses in the EAME. Empirical evidence suggests that external risks, both international and domestic, have an effect on the tourism industry as a whole. However, limited research has been conducted on the impact of such external risks on the dive tourism industry specifically. Existing research has also focused extensively on environmental risks rather than on how external risks of a political, economic and social nature affect dive operator sustainability in the EAME. Most studies have also focused on the demand side (divers) as opposed to the supply side (dive operators). In addition, as dive tourists have greater flexibility to change their destination should risks arise, this threatens the success of dive operators in higher risk areas. To address these problems, the primary objective of the research undertaken sought to comprehensively identify the impact of external risks (environmental, economic, social and political) on dive operators in four countries within the EAME from a supply-side perspective. In order to achieve the primary objective, the following secondary objectives were achieved: 1. Identified scuba diving tourism operators in the EAME and their scope of operation. 2. Determined the external risks most relevant to dive operators in the EAME and assessed their level of impact. 3. Compared the individual external risks experienced by each of the countries in the EAME (Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and South Africa) using a cross-case analysis. 4. Assessed the perception of dive operators regarding whether external risks would influence a dive tourists decision to travel to the dive operators area of operation in the EAME ii The study consisted of two phases. Phase 1 comprised structured interviews with a select group of dive operators to gain insight into the external risks most prevalent in the scuba diving industry, as well as to assist in developing a quantitative structured survey (Phase 2), which was subsequently completed by dive operators in Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and South Africa. Data was imported into SPSS for quantitative statistical analysis. From the primary data collected, the major findings from this study determined that current economic and political risks have the greatest impact on dive operators in the EAME, and this trend is expected to continue. Environmental degradation of coral reefs, while not seen as a threat at present, constitutes a key threat for the near future. The greatest influences expressed in terms of risk categories impacting on dive tourism are domestic economic risks, international economic risks, domestic political risks and international political risks. A cross-case analysis conducted on the four countries concluded that external risks have varying effects within the different countries. Finally, the results indicated that external risks significantly influence a dive tourist's decision to travel to the EAME. By identifying and assessing the external risks that have an impact on dive operators in the EAME, this research contributes to knowledge on the dive tourism industry in the EAME, as well as dive tourism further afield and the wider field of tourism management. The study's findings create awareness of the effect that external risks have on dive operators in the region. A conceptual framework was developed which encompasses external risks in the scuba diving industry. Risk radars, risk maps and colour-coded tables were further outputs this study which can assist businesses, society and economies in responding to current and future threats and crises in a more informative and intuitive way. This can be achieved by implementing risk management strategies to mitigate or reduce exposure to external risks; strengthening stakeholder involvement along the tourism value chain; and stressing the need for government involvement towards the protection of the environment and promotion of small business growth in the region. Future research can include a wider view of the marine tourism industry and other areas of the Blue Economy.
Skubaduik is 'n gewilde mariene ontspanningsaktiwiteit langs die oos- en suidkus van Afrika. Hierdie streek staan bekend as die Oos-Afrika Mariene Ekostreek (East African Marine Ecoregion, EAME) en is bekend vir sy rykheid aan mariene fauna en flora, insluitende sommige van die Indiese Oseaan se mees diverse en welige koraalrif-ekostelsels, wat dit 'n gewilde bestemming vir skubaduikers maak. Die toekoms van die skubaduikbedryf word bedreig weens die impak van omgewings-, sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese gebeure, en daar is 'n behoefte om beter te verstaan hoe hierdie eksterne risiko's skubaduiktoerisme-besighede in die EAME beïnvloed. Empiriese bewyse suggereer dat eksterne risiko's, internasionaal sowel as plaaslik, 'n invloed op die toerismebedryf as 'n geheel het. Beperkte navorsing is egter gedoen oor die impak van sulke eksterne risiko's op spesifiek die duiktoerisme-bedryf. Bestaande navorsing het ook uitvoerig gefokus op omgewingsrisiko's eerder as hoe eksterne risiko's van 'n politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale aard duik-operateur-volhoubaarheid in die EAME beïnvloed. Die meeste studies het ook gefokus op die aanvraagkant (duikers) in teenstelling met die aanbodkant (duik-operateurs). Verder, omdat duiktoeriste meer buigsaamheid het om hulle bestemming te verander indien risiko's voorkom, bedreig dit die sukses van duik-operateurs in hoë-risiko-gebiede. Om hierdie probleme te hanteer is die primêre doel van die navorsing wat gedoen is om op omvattende wyse die impak van eksterne risiko's (omgewing, ekonomies, sosiaal en polities) op duik-operateurs in vier lande in die EAME te identifiseer uit 'n aanbodkant-perspektief. Om die primêre doelwit te behaal, is die volgende sekondêre doelwitte bereik: 1. Skubaduik-toerisme-operateurs in die EAME en hulle operasionele omvang is geïdentifiseer. 2. Die eksterne risiko's wat die relevantste vir duik-operateurs in die EAME is, is bepaal en hulle vlak van impak is geassesseer. 3. Die individuele eksterne risiko's wat deur elkeen van die lande in die EAME (Kenia, Tanzanië, Mosambiek en Suid-Afrika) ervaar is, is vergelyk deur die gebruik van 'n kruisgeval-analise. 4. Die persepsie van duik-operateurs wat betref of eksterne risiko's 'n duiktoeris se besluit sal beïnvloed om na die duik-operateur se operasionele gebied in die EAME te reis, is geassesseer. Die studie het uit twee fases bestaan. Fase 1 het gestruktureerde onderhoude met 'n geselekteerde groep duik-operateurs behels om insig te kry in die eksterne risiko's wat die algemeenste in die skubaduikbedryf voorkom, en om te help om 'n kwantitatiewe gestruktureerde peiling (fase 2) te ontwikkel, wat gevolglik deur duik-operateurs in Kenia, Tanzanië, Mosambiek en Suid-Afrika voltooi is. Data is ingevoer in SPSS vir kwantitatiewe statistiese analise. Uit die primêre data wat ingesamel is, het die belangrikste bevindings van hierdie studie bepaal dat die huidige ekonomiese en politieke risiko's die grootste impak op duik-operateurs in die EAME het, en daar word verwag dat hierdie tendens sal voortduur. Die omgewingsagteruitgang van koraalriwwe, hoewel dit nie tans as 'n bedreiging beskou word nie, is 'n sleutelbedreiging vir die nabye toekoms. Die grootste invloede wat uitgedruk is as risiko-kategorieë wat 'n invloed op duiktoerisme het, is plaaslike ekonomiese risiko's, internasionale ekonomiese risiko's, plaaslike politieke risiko's en internasionale politieke risiko's. 'n Kruisgeval-analise wat op die vier lande uitgevoer is, het bevind dat eksterne risiko's wisselende uitwerkings binne die verskillende lande het. Laastens het die resultate aangedui dat eksterne risiko's 'n duiktoeris se besluit om na die EAME te reis, aansienlik beïnvloed. Deur die eksterne risiko's te identifiseer en te assesseer wat 'n impak op duik-operateurs in die EAME het, dra hierdie navorsing by tot kennis oor die duiktoerismebedryf in die EAME, asook duiktoerisme verder weg en die wyer veld van toerismebestuur. Die studie se bevindings skep 'n bewustheid van die uitwerking wat eksterne risiko's op duik-operateurs in die streek het. 'n Konseptuele raamwerk is ontwikkel wat eksterne risiko's in die skubaduikbedryf omvat. Risiko-radars, risiko-kaarte en tabelle wat volgens kleur gekodeer is, was verdere uitsette van hierdie studie wat besighede, die gemeenskap en ekonomieë kan help om te reageer op huidige en toekomstige bedreigings en krisisse op 'n meer ingeligte en intuïtiewe manier. Dit kan bereik word deur risikobestuurstrategieë te implementeer om blootstelling aan eksterne risiko's te mitigeer of te verminder; belanghebberbetrokkenheid op die toerismewaardeketting te versterk; en om die behoefte vir regeringsbetrokkenheid by die insluit.
Ho sesa tlasa metsi a lewatle ke mosebetsi o tsebahalang haholo wa boithabiso ba lewatle haufi le mabopo a ka botjhabela le borwa ba Afrika. Sebaka sena se kgethollwa e le lefatshe la bophelo ba mawatle a Afrika Botjhabela (EAME) mme se tsejwa ka leruo la sona la diphoofolo tsa lewatle le dimela, ho kenyelletsa le tse ding tsa diphedi tse fapaneng tsa lewatle la Indian, e leng se etsang hore e be sebaka se tumeng bakeng sa batho ba sesang tlasa lewatle. Bokamoso ba indasteri ya ho tola tlasa lewatle bo kotsing ka lebaka la tshusumetso ya tikoloho, kahisano, dipolotiki le moruo, mme ho na le tlhokahalo ya ho utlwisisa hantle hore dikotsi tsena tsa kantle di ama jwang dikgwebo tsa bothori bo amanang le ho sesa tlasa lewatle EAME (Mabatoweng a Afrika Botjhabela a diphedi tsa mawatle). Bopaki bo hlakileng bo fana ka maikutlo a hore dikotsi tsa kantle, tsa matjhaba le tsa lehae, di na le tshwaetso indastering ya bohahlauli ka kakaretso. Leha ho le jwalo, dipatlisiso tse fokolang di ile tsa etswa mabapi le sefutho sa dikotsi tse jwalo tsa kantle indastering ea bohahlaudi ba ho sesa ka ho kgetheha. Dipatlisiso tse teng di boetse di tsepamisitse maikutlo haholo ka dikotsi tsa tikoloho di sa shebe hore na dikotsi tsa kantle tsa dipolotiki, tsa moruo le tsa kahisano di ama jwang ho tsitsisa tshebetso ho EAME. Diphuputso tse ngata di boetse di tsepame lehlakoreng la tlhokahalo (disesi) ho fapana le lehlakore la diphallelo (batho ba sesang). Ho phaella moo, jwalo ka ha disesi tsa bahahlaudi di ena le maemo a mangata a ho fetola dibaka tsa bona ha ho hlaha dikotsi, sena se senya katleho ya disesi dibakeng tse nang le dikotsi tse ngatanyana. Ho rarolla mathata ana, sepheo se ka sehloohong sa dipatlisiso tse entsweng di ile tsa leka ho lemoha ka ho hlaka sefutho sa dikotsi tsa kantle (tikoloho, moruo, kahisano le dipolotiki) ho disesi dinaheng tse nne tse ka hare ho EAME ho tloha lehlakoreng la phepelo. E le ho finyella sepheo se ka sehloohong, dipheo tse latelang di ile tsa fihlellwa: 1. Ho kgetholla basebeletsi ba bahahlaudi ba ho sesa lebatoweng la EAME le tsela ya tshebetso ya bona. 2. Ho etsa qeto ya dikotsi tse ka ntle tsa bohlokwa ho tsamaisa ba disesi ho EAME le ho hlahloba boemo ba tsona ba tshusumetso. 3. Ho bapiswa dikotsi tse ka ntle tsa naha ka nngwe ho EAME (Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique le Afrika Borwa) ho sebedisa dintlha tsa ho hlahloba diketsahalo. 4. Hlahloba maikutlo a disesi mabapi le hore na dikotsi tse ka ntle di tla susumetsa qeto ya bahahlaudi ba ho etela sebakeng seo ba sebetsang ho sona ho EAME Thuto e ne e ena le mekgahlelo e mmedi. Mokgahlelo wa 1 o ne o ena le dipuisano tse hlophisitsweng le sehlopha se kgethilweng sa basebetsi ba disesi ho utlwisisa dikotsi tse ka ntle tse atileng haholo indastering ya ho sesa, le ho thusa ho ntlafatsa tlhahlobo e entsweng ka bongata (Phase 2), e ileng ya qetella e phethilwe ke basebetsi ba disesi Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique le Afrika Borwa. Lesedi le ile la kenngwa ka SPSS bakeng sa tlhahlobo ya dipalopalo. Ho tswa leseding la motheho le bokelletsweng, diphuputso tse kgolo tsa thuto ena di bontshitse hore dikotsi tsa moraorao tsa moruo le tsa lipolotiki di na le tshusumetso e kgolo ho ba sebetsang e le basebetsi ba disesi EAME, mme mokgwa ona o lebeletswe hore o tswele pele. Ho senyeha ha tikoloho ya dimela/diphedi tsa lewatle, ha ho sa nkuweng e le tshoso hona jwale, ke tshoso e ka sehloohong bakeng sa nako e tlang. Tshusumetso e matla ka ho fetisisa e hlalositsweng ka mekgahlelo ya dikotsi tse amang tsela ya ho etela dibaka tsa bohahlaudi ke dikotsi tsa moruo wa lehae, dikotsi tsa matjhaba tsa moruo, dikotsi tsa dipolotiki tsa lehae le dikotsi tsa matjhaba tsa dipolotiki. Phuputso e entsweng dinaheng tse nne e qetile ka hore dikotsi tsa ka ntle di na le diphello tse fapaneng dinaheng tse fapaneng. Qetellong, diphello di bontshitse hore dikotsi tsa ka ntle di susumetsa haholo qeto ya mohahlaudi wa ya sesang tlasa lewatle ho etela EAME. Ka ho kgetholla le ho hlahloba dikotsi tse ka ntle tse nang le tshwaetso basebetsing ba disesi EAME, dipatlisiso tsena di tlatsetsa tsebong lefapheng la bohahlaudi ba ho ho sesa tlasa lewatle dibakeng tsa EAME, ha mmoho le bahahlaudi ba ho sesa ka ho phatlalla tsamaisong ya bohahlaudi. Diphuputso tsa thuto di etsa hore ho be le tlhokomediso ya phello ya ka moo dikotsi tse ka ntle di nang le kameho disesing sebakeng seo. Ho na le moralo o ileng wa etswa o kenyeletsang dikotsi tsa kantle indastering ya ho sesa tlasa lewatle. Diwaelese tse nkgellang dikotsi, dimmapa tsa dikotsi le ditafole tse nang le mebala di ne di boetse di hlahisa thuto ena e ka thusang dikgwebo, setjhaba le moruo ho arabela dikotsing tsa moraorao le tsa nakong e tlang ka ditsela tse rutang le tse nang le tsebo. Sena se ka fihlellwa ka ho kenya tshebetsong maano a tsamaiso ya kotsi bakeng sa ho fokotsa ho pepeseha dikotsing tsa kantle; ho matlafatsa tshebetsong ya bankaseabo motjheng wa bohlokwa wa bohahlaudi; le ho totobatsa tlhokahalo ya ho nka seabo ha mmuso ho sireletsa tikoloho le tshehetso ya kgolo ya dikgwebo tse nyenyane sebakeng seo. Phuputso ya nako e tlang e ka kenyelletsa pono e pharaletseng ya indasteri ya bahahlaudi ba lewatle le dibaka tse ding tsa Blue Economy.
Environmental Sciences
M. Com. (Tourism Management)