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Journal articles on the topic 'Sports – Political aspects – Israel'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Zhiltsov, Sergey, Igor Zonn, and Nicolai Orlovsky. "ISRAEL IN THE SOUTHERN CAUCASUS: POLITICAL ASPECTS." Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, no. 2 (June 22, 2020): 041–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.2.04.

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2

Brand, Laurie A., and Jacob M. Landau. "The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967-1991: Political Aspects." American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1995): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168081.

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3

Dumper, Michael. "The Arab minority in Israel, 1967–1991: political aspects." International Affairs 70, no. 1 (January 1994): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620801.

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4

Quandt, William B., and Jacob M. Landau. "The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967-1991: Political Aspects." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 5 (1993): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045866.

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5

McTague, John J. "The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967-1991: Political Aspects." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 1 (July 1994): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9950936.

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6

Pipes, Daniel. "The Arab minority in Israel, 1967–1991: Political aspects." Orbis 38, no. 1 (December 1994): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(94)90142-2.

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7

Pilyaeva, M. A. "Some Aspects of the Recent Political Confrontation Between Israel and Iran." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(22) (February 28, 2012): 144–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-1-22-144-148.

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8

Davis, Ronald W. "The Arab Minority in Israel 1967-1991: Political Aspects: Jacob M. Landau." Digest of Middle East Studies 2, no. 4 (October 1993): 31–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1993.tb01008.x.

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9

Iecovich, Esther, and Israel Doron. "Migrant workers in eldercare in Israel: social and legal aspects." European Journal of Social Work 15, no. 1 (February 2012): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691457.2011.562066.

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10

Dart, Jon. "Israel and a sports boycott: Antisemitic? Anti-Zionist?" International Review for the Sociology of Sport 52, no. 2 (July 9, 2016): 164–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690215583482.

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Diner, Hasia R. "Beyond hummus and falafel: social and political aspects of Palestinian food in Israel." Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, no. 5 (October 2013): 882–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2013.823510.

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12

Sukhanov, V. "Israel Continues to Expand Its Settlements." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2015): 161–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-1-161-166.

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The article analyzes the influence of the religious aspects on the political processes in Israel. Special attention is paid to the role of religion in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The author shows the trend towards politicization of religion and characterizes the process as unconstructive, which prevents to a peaceful settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.The article also discusses the interaction between secular and religious principles in the State of Israel, estimates the current situation, highlights the importance of the religious component in the political life of Israel.

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13

Zreik, Raef. "Notes on the Value of Theory: Readings in the Law of Return-A Polemic." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1026.

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The case of Israel generally, and specifically regarding the justifications put forth for the Law of Return by a wide range of liberal scholars, accents the main problems and weaknesses of liberal legality. Part one of the paper rethinks aspects of liberal legality and its artificial nature in light of debates surrounding the Law of Return. Debating both the case of Israel and the insistence of many Israeli scholars on justifying the Law using liberal terms, this part reveals certain aspects of liberalism that usually remain hidden.Part III comments on Israel and evaluates the Law of Return while comparing it to similar laws, arguing that even after revisiting liberal legality, the Law of Return scores badly according to the criteria of liberal legality. Thus, the first analysis places Israel within a paradigm, revealing that Israel may not be so exceptional. For those who view liberalism as a pure, ideal theory (both those who support the Law and think that it passes the test of liberalism and those who oppose the Law and think that it fails the test of liberalism) this paper points to the dark side of liberalism, and thereby suggests that Israel might not be the only pariah state, but even within the new paradigm (the second analysis), the Law of Return is at the extreme end of the spectrum and scores badly.

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Al-Rizzo, Hasan M. "The undeclared cyberspace war between Hezbollah and Israel*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 391–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802163889.

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The self explanatory title of this article adds a new dimension to the regional conflict. The use of cyberspace warfare in the Middle East is a topic that has been rarely addressed and the article provides interesting insights into various aspects and developments in this new type of conflict.

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15

Tsafrir, Nurit. "Arab Customary Law in Israel: Sulha Agreements and Israeli Courts." Islamic Law and Society 13, no. 1 (2006): 76–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851906775275457.

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AbstractIn this article I describe various aspects of the complex link between the Israeli legal system and the Arab customary institution of sulha (an agreement for peaceful settlement of a dispute). On the basis of contemporary decisions of the Supreme Court and the District Courts in Israel, I argue that a sulha agreement between an accused and his victim (or the victim's family) often influences the judges' decisions during criminal proceedings against the former. This influence tends to work in favor of the accused—mainly in decisions about detention and sentencing—but when a sulha agreement affects the verdict, it tends to work against the accused. The weight attached to the sulha by the court has some problematic aspects: it may cause the accused to force a sulha agreement upon his victim and lead to perversion of the course of justice.

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16

Ben Porat, Amir. "Football 'Made in Israel'." Israel Studies Review 34, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340302.

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This article reviews the history of Israeli football from 1948 to the present and argues that Israeli football is ‘made in Israel’ according to the particular historical opportunities that determine the ‘relative autonomy’ of the game in a given period. The first part deals with a period (the 1950s) in which football was subject to politics, the dominant force in Israeli society at the time. During that period, Israeli football was organized by three sports federations, each affiliated with a different political camp. The second part deals with the period from 1990 to the present, in which football clubs were privatized and players became commodities. The contrast between these two periods highlights how the political-economic milieu set effective limits on the structure and practice of Israeli football.

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17

Bendor, Ariel L. "THE ISRAELI CONSTITUTION AND THE FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 13, no. 1 & 2 (July 24, 2011): 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c97d4s.

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The obvious security difficulties in Israel also carry problematic political, economic and social consequences. The unique Israeli condition — as a young democratic state, whose mere existence is still not self-evident to all — also has legal implications. In Israel, the law and the courts of law are often involved in resolving political issues, including issues pertaining to foreign and security policy. This involvement is more intensive in Israel than in many other democracies.1 That is why one might be interested in comprehending some legal aspects, especially those of constitutional law, that are present in the background of Israeli reality.

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Gordon, H., A. Zabow, L. Carpel, and P. Silfen. "Forensic psychiatry in Israel." Psychiatric Bulletin 20, no. 2 (February 1996): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.20.2.109.

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In May 1995 a Conference on Forensic Psychiatry was held near Tel Aviv, to which psychiatrists and other health professionals specialising in forensic psychiatry from Britain and Israel and Palestinians from the West Bank were invited. Participants at the Conference took part in discussions on forensic psychiatry and visited a maximum security prison with a hospital wing at Ramleh and an Arab psychiatric hospital in Bethlehem on the West Bank. On the days between Conference events, the British group visited Jerusalem and the Dead Sea and became aware of the almost unique interflux between Muslim, Christian and Jewish religion and culture which underlies the historical evolution of this area of the world. The modern social and political landscape is of course characterised by a violent confrontation between Arabs and Jews yet permeated now by a growing realisation of the need for peace and reconciliation, even if this has its ambivalent aspects at times. In this context the participation of Jewish and Arab health professionals together is a sign that ultimately medical and health care has its universal qualities which can bridge over or supersede the differences between nations that are so endemic to history.

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19

Magen, H., Y. Liel, J. E. Bearman, and M. N. Lowenthal. "Demographic aspects of Paget's disease of bone in the Negev of southern Israel." Calcified Tissue International 55, no. 5 (November 1994): 353–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00299314.

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20

Lieberman, Robert C. "The “Israel Lobby” and American Politics." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270909077x.

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In their recent book,The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy,John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt argue that American support for Israel does not serve American interests. Nevertheless, they observe that American foreign policy regarding the Middle East, especially in recent years, has tilted strongly toward support for Israel, and they attribute this support to the influence of the “Israel lobby” in American domestic politics. Their book is principally an attempt to make a causal argument about American politics and policymaking. I examine three aspects of this argument—its causal logic, the use of evidence to support hypotheses, and the argument's connection with the state of knowledge about American politics—and conclude that the case for the Israel lobby as the primary cause of American support for Israel is at best a weak one, although it points to a number of interesting questions about the mechanisms of power in American politics. Mearsheimer and Walt's propositions about the direct influence of the Israel lobby on Congress and the executive branch are generally not supported by theory or evidence. Less conclusive and more suggestive, however, are their arguments about the lobby's apparent influence on the terms and boundaries of legitimate debate and discussion of Israel and the Middle East in American policymaking. These directions point to an alternative approach to investigating the apparent influence of the Israel lobby in American politics, focusing less on direct, overt power over policy outcomes and more on more subtle pathways of influence over policy agendas and the terms of policy discourse.

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21

Moshkova, Tatiana. "The impact of Russian-speaking community of the state of Israel upon Israel-Russia relations." Международные отношения, no. 2 (February 2020): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.2.24777.

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This article is dedicated to examination of a large and rapidly developing community of the State of Israel – the “Russian Street”, and its influence upon Israel-Russia relations. The author considers such aspects of the topic as: the differences between “Great Aliyah” of the 1990s and the first wave of repatriation of the 1970s; factors that formed the unique “Russian-Jewish” identity among the “Russian street” representatives; political and economic potential of the “Russian Israel”, key areas of cooperation of two countries, and the role of the “Russian” community thereof. In the course of this research, the author applies the means and procedures of formal logic, specific-sociological approach, and interpretation tools of various sources. The main conclusion lies in the following thesis: if in political regard the community does not produce a decisive influence upon the actions of Israeli authorities, then in economic aspect, it unequivocally contributes to strengthening of economic ties between Israel and Russia. Russia’s initiatives on the development of different forms of economic, cultural and media cooperation can stimulate the expansion of influence of the Russian-speaking community.

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22

Belousov, S. "Military-Industrial Complex of Israel: Role of Arms Exports." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2010): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-2-57-63.

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The article covers different aspects of the Israeli military-industrial complex and military-technical cooperation with foreign countries. At the present stage, the development of Israeli military-industrial complex depends significantly on its export operations. The innovative high-technology production focus, diversification of consumers, active positions uptake abroad allows Israel to achieve a great success in the military-technical sphere and join in the top five leading world actors at the international world arms market.

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23

H⊘genhaven, Jesper. "Prophecy and propaganda aspects of political and religious reasoning in Israel and the ancient near east1." Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 3, no. 1 (January 1989): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09018328908584913.

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24

Grosglik, Rafi. "Citizen-consumer revisited: The cultural meanings of organic food consumption in Israel." Journal of Consumer Culture 17, no. 3 (January 15, 2016): 732–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540515623609.

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Organic food consumption is associated with “citizen-consumer” practice, which is an act of promoting different aspects of social and ecological responsibility and the integration of ethical considerations in daily practices such as eating. This article analyzes aspects of organic food consumption in Israel and the symbolic meanings given to it by its consumers. The study shows how practices attributed to ethical eating culture are used in identity construction, social status manifestation, and as a means to demonstrate openness to global cultural trends. Organic food consumption is carried out as part of a symbolic use of ethical values and its adaptation to the local Israeli cultural context. In addition, organic food consumption patterns are revealed as fitting the cultural logic of globalization, which spread in the last decades in Israel. Analysis of the socio-cultural aspects related to organic food consumption points to the polysemy embodied in the term citizen-consumer and shows how the actual implementation of this term in Israel is based on the assimilation of cosmopolitan meanings.

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25

Shlaim, Avi. "Pensée 3: Free Speech and the Question of Israel: A British Perspective." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 2 (May 2008): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080501.

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As a member of the British academic community—an international relations professor who is deeply involved in Middle Eastern studies—I find it distressing that some of the most dismal aspects of the American academic environment are coming our way. Nowhere is this trend more pronounced than on the question of Israel. That country is, of course, no stranger to controversy, but the attack on the right of academics to criticize Israel is a relatively recent and a highly disturbing phenomenon.

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26

Jackson, Galen. "The Showdown That Wasn't: U.S.-Israeli Relations and American Domestic Politics, 1973–75." International Security 39, no. 4 (April 2015): 130–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00201.

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How influential are domestic politics on U.S. foreign affairs? With regard to Middle East policy, how important a role do ethnic lobbies, Congress, and public opinion play in influencing U.S. strategy? Answering these questions requires the use of archival records and other primary documents, which provide an undistorted view of U.S. policymakers' motivations. The Ford administration's 1975 reassessment of its approach to Arab-Israeli statecraft offers an excellent case for the examination of these issues in light of this type of historical evidence. President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger decided, in large part because of the looming 1976 presidential election, to avoid a confrontation with Israel in the spring and summer of 1975 by choosing to negotiate a second disengagement agreement between Egypt and Israel rather than a comprehensive settlement. Nevertheless, domestic constraints on the White House's freedom of action were not insurmountable and, had they had no other option, Ford and Kissinger would have been willing to engage in a showdown with Israel over the Middle East conflict's most fundamental aspects. The administration's concern that a major clash with Israel might stoke an outbreak of anti-Semitism in the United States likely contributed to its decision to back down.

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Krylov, A. V. "The role of the religious factor in political processes in Israel." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-98-108.

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This article studies the influence of religion on political and social processes in Israel. Modern Israel is a complicated multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Israel is home to over 8 million people and approximately a quarter of its citizens are non-Jews (Muslim Arabs and Christian Arabs, Druze, Bedouins, Circassians and etc.). In spite of the fact that the Israeli system of law provides “the complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex”, many Arabs and other non-Jews citizens of the State are not really integrated into Israeli society and do not feel themselves full citizens of the State that seeks to position itself exclusively as a «Jewish State».In addition the tension between Israel’s Middle Eastern and European identities is personified in the contradictions between Ashkenazim and Sephardim. There are also religious differences between Jews who identify themselves with the ultra-Orthodox, religious nationalists (so called “Hardelim” - an acronym of two words in Hebrew – “Hared” (ultra-orthodox) and “Leumi” (nationalist)), traditionalists and secular Jews. The article notes that the current «Likud» government supported by the religious parties actually strengthens the tendency to clericalization of Israeli political and social life.The author also makes an attempt to understand and analyze the basic historical, philosophical and religious aspects of the National-Religious trend in Israeli politics. This trend turned into a powerful force after a Jewish religious fanatic Yigal Amir had killed Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.The research reveals the forms and methods, aims and objectives of the Israeli official settlement policy, determines the attitude of the religious parties and groups towards the settlement movement and indicates a negative influence of the settlement factor on the Israeli-Palestinian negotiating process and political situation in the Middle East as well.

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28

Neuberger, Benyamin. "Democratic and Anti-democratic Roots of the Israeli Political System." Israel Studies Review 34, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340204.

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This article explores the ideological underpinnings of the major Jewish political camps in Israel and the Yishuv—the left, the Orthodox, the national right, the bourgeois center—and evaluates the extent to which they are compatible with liberal democracy as commonly understood in the West. It also analyzes quasi-democratic and non-democratic aspects of older Jewish traditions based on the Torah, the Talmud, and the Halakhah. While the history of Zionism and the Zionist movement contained definite democratic components, Israel’s political system was shaped by a range of anti-democratic traditions whose resonance is still felt today.

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29

Kaufman, Haim. "Maccabi versus Hapoel: The Political Divide that Developed in Sports in Eretz Israel, 1926–1935." Israel Affairs 13, no. 3 (July 2007): 554–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120701531627.

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30

Orr, Zvika, and Shifra Unger. "Structural Competency in Conflict Zones: Challenging Depoliticization in Israel." Policy, Politics, & Nursing Practice 21, no. 4 (August 12, 2020): 202–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527154420948050.

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Structural competency is the trained ability to discern and acknowledge how health care outcomes are shaped by larger political, social, economic, policy, and legal forces and structures. Although structural competency has become an increasingly known framework for training and teaching, especially in the United States, it has usually not been used in nursing and nursing education. Moreover, very little is known about how to implement structural competency programs in conflict zones. Due to depoliticization that often prevails in both the higher education system and the health care system, the political conflict and the structural violence that significantly impact people’s health are rarely discussed in these systems. This article examines the potential contribution of structural competency training programs for nurses and nursing students in conflict areas by analyzing a program that has emphasized the impact of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict on the health of Jerusalem’s Palestinian residents. The article explains how this program has challenged the denial and silencing of conflict-related sociopolitical issues. At the same time, this program has created heated disagreements and friction. We suggest that structural competency training programs that are adapted to the political context in question may help nurses become organic intellectual leaders and agents of social change for those whose voices are not heard.

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Stern, Nehemia, and Uzi Ben-Shalom. "Soldiers and Scholars: Ritual Dilemmas among National Religious Combat Soldiers in the Israel Defense Forces." Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 49, no. 3 (January 11, 2020): 345–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241619897299.

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This article explores how the practice of Jewish rabbinic law within the combat ranks of the Israel Defense Forces can be used as an ethnographic medium through which anthropologists may better contextualize the social and political tensions that characterize Jewish religious nationalism in Israel. We argue that national religious combat soldiers rarely turn to rabbinic legal tracts, or to the overlapping levels of military and civilian rabbinic leadership in their immediate efforts to resolve the everyday ritual dilemmas of their service. Rather, these dilemmas are primarily addressed and (always imperfectly) resolved on the small-scale intra-unit level. Through this ethnographic window into the religious and ritual aspects of military life, this article ultimately argues that the experience of political piety in Israel (and perhaps the wider Middle East) hinges not so much upon the power play between opposing religious and secular institutions but rather in the daily ambivalences and ambiguities experienced by individual adherents as they go about their daily lives.

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32

Kaplan, Eran. "Leslie Stein. The Hope Fulfilled: The Rise of Modern Israel. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002. xiv, 299 pp." AJS Review 28, no. 2 (November 2004): 405–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404420212.

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In the preface to The Hope Fulfilled, a history of the Zionist movement from the 1880s to 1948, Leslie Stein writes that, unlike other voluminous publications that have dealt with the history of modern Israel, he has attempted to provide a concise description of the events that led to the founding of the State of Israel. Focusing primarily on the political, military, and diplomatic aspects of Zionist history, this 275-page (sans glossary and index) volume is indeed a succinct yet thorough description that gives the student of Zionist history a sound introduction to the origins and history of the movement.

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33

Gans, Chaim. "Nationalist Priorities and Restrictions in Immigration: The Case of Israel." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1024.

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It may be that the appropriate demographic objective of Israel as a country in which the Jewish people realize their right to self-determination is the existence of a Jewish public in Israel in numbers sufficient to allow its members to live in the framework of their culture. It may also be that the appropriate demographic objective of Israel should be the existence of a Jewish majority within it. While I discussed this issue elsewhere; here I discuss the legitimate means for the realization of these goals. Israels principal means for realizing these objectives thus far has been its Law of Return and its Citizenship Law. These laws afford every Jew anywhere in the world the right to immigrate to Israel and become a citizen of the State of Israel. Many liberals and left-wingers consider these laws to be tainted with racism, because they regard any nationally-based preference with regard to immigration to be a form of racism. In the first part of my paper I argue against this position. I offer three justifications for nationality-based preferences in immigration. However, the fact that nationality-based priorities in immigration are not necessarily racist and that there are legitimate human interests justifying such priorities, does not entail that the specific priorities manifested by Israels Law of Return and its other immigration and citizenship policies are just. These policies in effect mean that all Jews and only Jews (or anyone related or married to a Jew) have the right to immigrate to Israel and to become fully integrated in Israeli life. In the second part of the paper, I argue that these two aspects of Israels immigration policies, namely, its almost categorical inclusion of all Jews and its almost categorical exclusion of all non-Jews, are somewhat problematic. In addition to the Law of Return, a number of additional ways to ultimately increase the number of Jews in relation to the number of Arabs have been proposed and even adopted in Israel in recent years. During the incumbency of the fifteenth Knesset, right-wing Member of Knesset Michael Kleiner tabled a draft bill intended to encourage people that do not identify with the Jewish character of the state [i.e., Palestinian citizens of Israel C.G.] to leave. The Israeli Government later tabled a billthat was eventually passedto amend the Israeli Citizenship Law in a manner that would deny Arabs who are Israeli citizens and have married Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories the right to live in Israel with their spouses and children. In the third part of the paper, I clarify why in contrast to granting Jews priority in immigration, both the aforementioned laws, namely, Kleiners law and the law pertaining to family unification are racist and are therefore morally unacceptable.

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34

Polin, Brian A., and Chaim M. Ehrman. "The Curious Relationship Between Military Service and Entrepreneurial Intentions in Israel." Armed Forces & Society 46, no. 3 (August 14, 2018): 438–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x18789074.

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Our research, based on a sample of 500 veterans currently studying at Israeli colleges and universities, suggests that certain aspects of military service are associated with greater entrepreneurial intentions. Specifically, the desire to engage in entrepreneurship is higher among veterans with command experience than veterans without. Similarly, veterans of technological units generally express greater entrepreneurial interest than veterans of combat units. A comparison of commissioned and noncommissioned officers yields curious results and offers a possible direction for further investigation. Although Israel is among the few countries that maintains a mandatory draft, the general applicability of these findings to countries with volunteer forces is discussed.

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35

Berger, Roni, and Marilyn S. Paul. "Teaching cultural aspects of trauma practice in a study abroad immersion course: Challenges and strategies." International Social Work 60, no. 2 (July 10, 2016): 297–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872815611198.

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Advantages, phases, challenges, and strategies related to the process and procedures involved in planning, implementing, and evaluating study abroad programs, and addressing emergencies have been discussed as being issues in teaching trauma and diversity content. However, very little has been written about study abroad programs dedicated to specific topics and no studies address teaching trauma content by means of international immersion courses. This article discusses pedagogical and logistic aspects of teaching about trauma in diverse cultural contexts using a recent intensive immersion study abroad course in Israel to illustrate the issues under discussion.

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36

Masri, Mazen. "The Two-State Model and Israeli Constitutionalism." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 4 (2015): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.44.4.7.

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Partitioning historic Palestine into two states is often presented as the most plausible solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This article examines the potential impact of such a development on the Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCI), primarily from the vantage point of Israel's constitutional regime. The article explores three fundamental aspects of the Israeli constitutional system—its instability, the “Jewish and democratic” definition of the state, and the exclusion of the PCI from “the people” as the unit that holds sovereignty—and argues that the envisaged two-state solution will only reinforce the definition of Israel as a Jewish state and consequently provide further justification for the infringement on the rights of its Palestinian citizens.

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Holliday, Shabnam J. "Populism, the International and Methodological Nationalism: Global Order and the Iran–Israel Nexus." Political Studies 68, no. 1 (February 4, 2019): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718817476.

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This article contends that the international is integral to populism. Thus, it calls for populism scholarship to embrace the interconnectivity between the domestic/internal and international/external. By borrowing from Global Historical Sociology, Global International Relations and Ernesto Laclau’s notion of populist discourse, the article puts forward a new conceptual framework for the study of populism that bridges the gap between Comparative Politics and International Relations. It shows how populist discourse simultaneously constructs several aspects of the social world: the actor who is articulating it and its relationship with its own population, that actor’s relationship with others in the international system, and global order. To illustrate its case, it examines populist discourses of Islamic Republic of Iran elites. Their discourses articulate the need to maintain the Islamic Republic’s legitimacy and populist credentials inside and outside Iran, delegitimise Israel, and construct global order. These discourses are grounded in a historical trajectory: the 1979 Revolution.

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Malanczuk, P. "Some Basic Aspects of the Agreements Between Israel and the PLO from the Perspective of International Law." European Journal of International Law 7, no. 4 (January 1, 1996): 485–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/7.4.485.

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Scobbie, Iain. "Words my Mother Never Taught Me—“In Defense of the International Court”." American Journal of International Law 99, no. 1 (January 2005): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246091.

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Israel has justified the construction of its barrier wall as a nonforcible measure taken in selfdefense to protect its citizens against terrorist attacks emanating from the occupied Palestinian territory. This essay addresses two issues. First, was the International Court of Justice’s conclusion in paragraph 139 of the advisory opinion Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory that “Article 51 of the Charter has no relevance in this case” wellfounded? This question involves consideration of three interrelated substantive aspects of paragraph 139: the Court’s finding that Article 51 was irrelevant because Israel did not claim that the attacks against it were imputable to a foreign state; the relevance of the Court’s reliance on the fact that Israel exercises control over the occupied Palestinian territory; and the Court’s conclusion that the situation differs from the circumstances contemplated in Security Council Resolutions 1368 (2001) and 1373 (2001) and that, accordingly, Israel could not invoke these resolutions in support of its claim to be exercising a right of self-defense. The second issue is whether the approach of the Court to the substantive content of Article 51 can be defended as an appropriate discharge of its judicial function. To avoid undue suspense, let it be said at the outset that paragraph 139 is well-founded, and the Court properly fulfilled its task.

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Arbatov, A. "Is Transition to Multilateral Nuclear Disarmament Possible?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2013): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-3-13-18.

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The article treats political, military and strategic aspects of disarmament process, in particular the involvement of nations other than USA and Russia. The author briefly analyses the positions of the European nations (United Kingdom and France), China, India and Pakistan on the issue. Also, the article covers the approaches of the informal and non-recognized nuclear states (North Korea and Israel).

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Filonov, V. I., and A. V. Yudina. "The Political Factor in the Sphere of Elite Sports: Theoretical and Methodological Aspects." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 18, no. 1 (2018): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2018-1-106-112.

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Deshen, Shlomo, and Hilda Deshen. "On Social Aspects of the Usage of Guide-Dogs and Long-Canes." Sociological Review 37, no. 1 (February 1989): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1989.tb00022.x.

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The paper argues that discredit pertains not only to individuals, but also to the implements of aid that discredited persons use to overcome their situation. Focusing on the mobility aids of blind people, the paper demonstrates that as a consequence of the diffusion of discredit, the users of guide-dogs and long-canes mould their usage practices in particular ways. Namely, according to norms which the users conceive to be unobjectionable to sighted people. Thus cane-users considered the sound that their canes emitted to be embarassing, and tried to avoid causing it. Also guide-dog usage was inhibited as a result of traditional Middle-Eastern attitudes towards dogs. In concluding, the ambiguity of blind people toward their mobility aids is juxtaposed with their accepting attitude toward television sets in their homes. The latter are conceived by blind people as a natural element of the material culture of the sighted environment. Consequently, even blind people for whom television sets are manifestly unsuited introduce them into their lives. This leads to the conclusion that material artifacts are conceptualized in society generally, according to practices that are attuned to the dominant social stratum. The data are drawn from observations made in the course of ethnographic field-work in a population of blind people in Israel.

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Bakhtiar, Mohsen. "“Pour water where it burns”." Metaphor and the Social World 6, no. 1 (May 9, 2016): 103–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/msw.6.1.05bak.

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While dysphemism has been extensively studied as a general phenomenon, there are not too many studies on how it is used in political discourse by top officials. This paper aims to examine the ways in which a sample of two high-level Iranian politicians offensively conceptualize their alleged enemies, namely the U.S., Israel, and the West, through conceptual metaphors and metonymies. A cognitive linguistic analysis of the speeches of Iran’s supreme leader and ex-president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad indicate that the selection of the metaphorical dysphemistic source domain is primarily determined by religion, previous discourse (pre-existing conventional dysphemistic metaphors), aspects of the target domain, and anger or hatred toward the enemies. The analysis indicates that most of the pejorative connotations are attributed to Israel as the alleged number one enemy of Iran via Israel is an animal, Israel is a tumor, and Israel is a bastard. The other presumed enemies, that is, the U.S. and the West are characterized via the u.s. is a devil, and the u.s. and the west are criminals. Moreover, the two politicians, while resorting to taboo concepts, remain loyal to the established discursive norms of delegitimizing the actions and thoughts of the enemies of the Islamic Republic.

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Busbridge, Rachel. "Israel-Palestine and the Settler Colonial ‘Turn’: From Interpretation to Decolonization." Theory, Culture & Society 35, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276416688544.

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In recent years there has been a powerful resurgence of settler colonialism as an interpretive framework through which to understand the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Attached to the burgeoning field of settler colonial studies, this so-called ‘turn’ to settler colonialism has seen Israel-Palestine increasingly compared alongside New World white settler societies like Australia, Canada and the United States. In seeking to undercut the lens of exceptionalism through which the conflict has conventionally been viewed, the settler colonial paradigm has some important counter-hegemonic implications for reframing Israel-Palestine, not least of which is its prescription for decolonization. However, it is paradoxically in the context of decolonization that the limits of the settler colonial paradigm become most apparent. I argue that these limitations are connected to the dominance of Patrick Wolfe’s structural account of settler colonialism, which leaves very little room for transformation, and to the particular connotations settler colonial studies has acquired from the New World contexts in which it is most often articulated. This is particularly the case in Israel-Palestine, where these connotations preclude engagement with the national aspects of the conflict and leave under-examined the unique resonances of the settler/native distinction, which need reckoning with in any serious account of decolonization.

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Pappe, Ilan. "Post-Zionist Critique on Israel and the Palestinians: Part I: The Academic Debate." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 2 (January 1, 1997): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537781.

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This three-part article describes changes in how Israelis-scholars, writers, poets, film makers, and others on Israel's cultural scene-view themselves and the "Other." Part I presents the scholarly debate on Israel's past and present that laid the groundwork for the transformation of the cultural discourse described in the second and third parts. The debate, launched by new findings in the Israeli archives and encouraged by an ideology critical of Zionism, also was influenced by sociopolitical and economic changes in Israeli society in the wake of the October 1973 war. The various aspects of the post-Zionist critique-the challenge by the "new historians" and "critical sociologists" not only of the Zionist interpretation but also of the role of Israeli academia in providing the scholarly underpinnings of this interpretation-are examined.

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Yishai, Yael. "Israel and the Politics of Jewish Identity: The Secular Religious Impasse By Asher Cohen and Bernard Susser. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000. 167p. $36.00. The Politics of Religion and the Religion of Politics: Looking at Israel By Ira Sharkansky. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2000. 161p. $40.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402284336.

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Religion has played a prominent role in Israel's history. The country was founded in 1948 with a declaration of being a Jewish state, not only a state for the Jews. This definition has been the source of two thorny problems. The first involves the relations between state and religion, the second the relationship between two communities, namely, the secular majority and the religious minority. The two books under review tackle these problems in a fascinating manner. They complement each other by presenting different aspects of the intricate religious issue in Israel. They also contradict each other by offering conflicting conclusions based on historical and contemporary analysis.

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Hirsh, Moshe. "Environmental Aspects of the Cairo Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area." Israel Law Review 28, no. 2-3 (1994): 374–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700011699.

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Environmental resources and hazards do not recognize political boundaries. The basic fact that the people of Israel and of the new Palestinian entity in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip share several important natural resources compels the parties to co-operate in the protection of these resources. Neither party is solely able to manage these essential resources (e.g., water) and any attempt to act unilaterally in this sphere might harm the interests of both parties. A quick reading of the Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area (“the Cairo Agreement”) shows that the parties were indeed aware of this, and the agreement includes numerous environmental provisions in various sections.

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Paz, Yitzhak, and Michal Birkenfeld. "Reconstructing Socio-Political Urban-Rural Interactions Using Viewshed Analysis: The Late Bronze Age at Ramat Bet Shemesh, Israel." Journal of Landscape Ecology 10, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 230–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jlecol-2017-0035.

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Abstract The archaeological research conducted during the last two decades at the Judean Shephelah testifies for one of the most turbulent regions in the land of Israel during the Late Bronze Age. This stands in contrast to the scarce historical record that relates to it. The geographic region of Ramat Bet Shemesh encompasses important information about socio-political relations between the small rural settlements and hamlets and the city-states that dominated the area from the west. Advanced GIS modelling is one of the main research tools that enables us to reconstruct various aspects of these interactions. In this paper, the results of viewshed analyses are presented, suggesting that these interactions are defined, among other things, by a solidarity between small rural occupations that resist territorial rigid inner division of the landscape.

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Hassan Dahab, Mahdi Dahab. "Political Geography and its Impact on Conflict in the Middle East: "Israel and the Arabs as a sample." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 17 (December 2, 2019): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i17.195.

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Recent international conflicts have witnessed developments in all aspects, whether at the level of the parties to the conflict, the tactics used, the tools used, the battlefields and the theater, especially those ongoing conflicts that may take a long time to complicate the conflict and its root and its unity, such as the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East. Recent international conflicts have witnessed developments in all aspects, whether at the level of the parties to the conflict, the tactics used, the tools used, the battlefields and the theater, especially those ongoing conflicts that may take a long time to complicate the conflict and its root and its unity, such as the Arab-Israeli conflict in the Middle East. It is noteworthy that this conflict is one of the complex conflicts in which the methods and tools of the conflict change, even though they began to be ideological by the Jews and international Zionism, which sought to link the occupation of the Arab territories with the belief of the Promised Land. However, geopolitics began to overshadow the Jewish state and impose a reality on it Of its ambition to implement the Greater Israel Plan from the Nile to the Euphrates, as a result of the geopolitical data of the Israeli entity, be it at the level of demography or the level of the area and the so-called defense in depth and water scarcity and strategic support in the region. This study is based on the premise that geopolitics has become an important element in guiding the Arab-Israeli conflict to the extent that it imposes a reality on Israel in the need to think realistically and reduce its ambition in the region. On the other hand, geopolitics influenced Israel's security strategy in military tactics. In the first strike, the transfer of conflict outside its borders, the intensive fire strategy and the scorched-earth policy of anti-democratic growth that favors the Arabs, as well as its adherence to the West Bank to increase its depth from Qalqilya in the West Bank to Tel aviv in the Mediterranean for a few miles (10 miles) Therefore, this study will attempt to use a different method to understand the Arab-Israeli conflict using geopolitics

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Dahamshe, Amer. "Palestinian Arabic versus Israeli Hebrew Place-Names: Comparative Cultural Reading of Landscape Nomenclature and Israeli Renaming Strategies." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 20, no. 1 (May 2021): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2021.0258.

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This article compares Palestinian (Arabic) and Israeli (Hebrew) names of natural features in Palestine/Israel. Based on postcolonial reading and critical toponymy, I argue that despite the dominance of the Jewish nationalist narrative the nomenclature includes ‘intermediate categories’ that attest to subversive linguistic practices, bottom-up communication aspects, and sociocultural realities. These aspects are analysed through five main categories: unification; uniqueness; male rhetoric replacing female identity; sanitization; and linguistic imitation. The article adds to the literature largely focused on the political aspect of the Jewish settlement names that replaced Palestinian names in that it shows how Zionist naming of natural features included the cultural perspectives of the Palestinian names in order to appropriate them for internal Jewish cultural needs.

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