Journal articles on the topic 'Sprayer boom angle'

Abstract.Pesticide application is an integral part of crop production, and ground-based agricultural boom sprayers are used extensively to apply pesticides to the crop canopy or soil surface across millions of acres in the United States. Efficient application is necessary to minimize costs and limit adverse environmental impacts. The goals of this study were to provide quantified measurements on the effects of nozzle setup errors on spray pattern uniformity and evaluate how laboratory patternator-based simulations would compare to measurements on a full spray boom. More specific objectives were to determine the effects of factors such as nozzle lateral angle, nozzle spacing, nozzle replacement, and nozzle pitch angle on spray pattern distribution and evaluate a simulation approach to predict the effects of single nozzle boom setup errors on full boom system pattern uniformity. Laboratory and sprayer-based tests were devised to quantify the impact of nozzle setup and operational errors on spray pattern uniformity, boom pressure, and nozzle flow rates. Results indicated that small variations in boom setup or nozzle operation (i.e., pressure or flow) can cause significant errors in spray nozzle distribution which may not be completely detectable by measuring spray pattern alone. Simulations using laboratory data from setup or operational errors reflected similar changes (differences less than 2.6%) in spray pattern CV as full boom data with similar setup errors. These findings were significant in that it may be possible to model errors within full boom spray distributions based on smaller laboratory-collected datasets. Keywords: Equipment, Equipment for crop protection, Patternator, Spray pattern distribution, Spraying.

The European Standard ISO 16122-2:2015 requires that the coefficient of variation for sprayed liquid fall should not exceed 10%. Field sprayers generate a stream of liquid sprayed at an angle that depends on the design of the nozzles. Among field boom sprayers, previous methods for selecting the shape of the opening of a single-slotted spray nozzle have been based on the following rectangular, triangular, normal, beta, and truncated normal distributions; distribution obtained from a nozzle with a stream in the form of an empty cone; and glued square functions. These methods, however, have provided a limited range of uniformity. Consequently, the initial assumption that the monotonicity of the function corresponds to the shape of a quarter of the symmetrical oval nozzle opening allows for a full computerized optimization of nozzle shape with a spray angle of α = 110° (or α = 120°). In this case, the spray uniformity parameter is controlled and freely declines almost to zero. In this study, based on the nonlinear shape obtained, we developed the shape of the nozzle outlet opening with a coefficient of variation of 0.388% using spline linear functions. Further applications of the symmetry of the developed model would allow for multiple modifications of the shape of this opening, and therefore, without changing the spray uniformity parameter, nozzles with slightly different characteristics could be obtained.

Within the Brazilian agricultural scene, the potato crop plays a significant economic role. Modern equipment and the development of improved chemical product application techniques contribute toward the constant search for improved revenue from the potato as a crop. Field experiments were carried out in a random block design of a potato crop of the "Ágata" variety. The aim was to evaluate the effect of air assistance combined to different angles of spray application on the chemical deposition on the potato plant, as well as to assess spray losses to the soil. For this a sprayer with and without boom air assistance was used in the experiments. Boom angles of 0º, +30º and -30º were directed to a vertical position as well as forward and backward movements. The trial plants were sprayed at a volume rate of 400 L ha-1 using JA-4 hollow cone nozzles at 633 kPa and copper oxychloride as a tracer for the deposit evaluation. Trace deposits on both surfaces of leaflets were removed by washing with destilled water and were quantified by atomic absorption spectrophotometry. Spray losses were measured by placing plastic measuring collectors between rows. The deposit levels at different positions in the plant were analyzed by the Hotelling T² statistical test. Larger deposits were detected at both upper and lower positions of the plant when the spray boom was positioned at 0º and +30º in the presence of air assistance. The presence of air, in addition to the increasing spray deposits in the lower parts of the plant, helped to create greater distribution uniformity. Spray loss was below 4%.

Aerosol is a multiphase system, created as a result of the dispersion of a liquid in a gaseous medium. The atomized liquids are most often water and fuel; however, they can be any other substance. Even a small addition of a substance that changes the rheological properties (i.e., the nature of the flow) can change the properties of the resulting aerosol. The most important parameters that characterize the aerosol are the outflow rate, the droplet diameter, the spray spectrum, and the spray angle. The latter is important when selecting atomizers, especially those working in groups on the sprayer boom. The spray angle is an important parameter of the atomization process, providing a great deal of information about the quality of the spray. This study presents the results of rheological tests and the atomization of aqueous solutions with varying concentrations of sodium carboxymethylcellulose (Na-CMC). We found that the spray angle decreased with increasing Na-CMC concentration in the solution, which is attributable to an increase in shear viscosity. The design of the atomizer is also important. The largest spray angles were obtained for an atomizer with a diameter of 0.02 m and with the inlet port being placed at an angle to the atomizer axis. Based on the experimental results for various liquids and atomizer designs, a correlation equation describing the spray angle is proposed.

The great variety of plant protection equipment, the shape, length and slope of the cultivated area, the type of sprayers used and the professional skills of the operator require an individual approach to each sprayer and cultivated area. The aim of this study was to compare the area of the double-treated sections when working with ordinary and electromagnetic nozzles at different slopes of the treated area. For the analysis, actual field coverage data were used when working with the Amazone self-propelled sprayer - Pantera 4502, with a boom width of 24 m, half of which is equipped with electromagnetic nozzles and the other half - with ordinary nozzles. It was found that when working with ordinary nozzles, the area of overlap increases with increasing degree of overlap and the angle of inclination of the section boundary. The area of overlap when using ordinary nozzles is almost 3 times larger than when using electromagnetic at 100% overlap of the treated areas. Regression models, surfaces and lines were obtained, with the help of which the area of overlap in each section of the treated field can be determined.

Annual grasses constitute a major weed problem in winter annual crops in Northern Europe and especially in cropping systems where ploughing is omitted. At the optimum growth stage for control with POST herbicides, grasses have a predominantly vertical leaf orientation. This represents a very difficult spray target using the standard technique where nozzles are mounted more or less vertically downward. In this study, efficacy of the foliar-acting herbicide, haloxyfop, on perennial ryegrass at the two- to three-leaf stage was investigated in field experiments using some alternative configurations of nozzle mounting on the sprayer. Angling the spray either forward or backward relative to the direction of travel increased herbicide efficacy using standard commercially available flat-fan and pre-orifice nozzles. Efficacy increased generally with increasing angling relative to vertically downward and the forward-angled spray improved efficacy most. The largest improvement in efficacy was obtained using a 60° forward-angled spray in combination with a reduced boom height. Using this configuration, herbicide dose could be reduced by approximately 30% without loss of efficacy in comparison with the standard vertical mounting of nozzles. There was no advantage of using combinations of forward- and backward-angled nozzles.

Abstract Rootworm planting-time, soil-insecticide test plots were established at 3 IA locations in 1994. Soil types were: Ames (Chapin), silty clay loam; Nashua, loam; and Sutherland, silty clay. Plots were planted 9, 2 and 3 May, respectively, on areas that had been planted to trap crop (late-planted corn, high plant population) the previous year. A RCBD with 4 replications for the experimental and cultivation tests and 8 replications for the yield trials was used. All treatments were applied to single 50-ft length rows with 30-inch row spacing. Granular insecticide formulations were applied with modified Noble metering units mounted on a 4-row John Deere 7100 planter. Planting-time liquid formulations were applied with a compressed-air delivery system built directly into the planter; 8003E nozzles delivered 13 gpa at 23 psi. Liquid cultivation-time insecticides were applied with a small-plot bicycle sprayer. Two 8002E nozzles, 1 on each side of the corn row, were positioned to deliver either a 7 or 15-inch band width around the base of the plants; 13 gpa at 25 psi. Broadcast (30-inch band) applications of Furadan 4F were applied to single rows. A boom containing three 8002 nozzles (19-inch centers) delivered 13 gpa at 32 psi. One untreated buffer row was left on each side of a “broadcasted” row. Granular cultivation-time insecticide applications were made with electrically-driven Noble units mounted on the tool bar of a 2-row, rear-mounted cultivator. Plastic tubes, positioned directly in front of the cultivator sweeps, directed the insecticide granules to both sides of the corn row for basal treatments. Chemical phytotoxicity was checked in early Jun by taking stand counts from 1/1000 acre and measuring extended leaf heights on 10 consecutive plants (experimental tests only). Rootworm larval feeding was evaluated in Jul by digging 5 roots from each treatment row and rating them on the Iowa 1-6 scale (1 equal to no damage or only a few minor feeding scars, and a 6 rating equal to 3 or more nodes of roots completely destroyed). Lodging counts were taken at harvest time. A plant was considered lodged if the angle between the base of the plant and the ground was 45° or less. Stand counts were taken in the yield plots at harvest time. Yields were measured by hand harvesting 1/1000 acre from each treatment at Nashua and Chapin, and machine harvesting 25 row-ft at Sutherland. To determine treatment differences, data were analyzed using ANOVA and means were separated with Ryan’s Q test (REGWQ).

Six trials were conducted during 2014/15 and 2015/16 growing seasons in Brazil to determine the effect of 2,4-D formulations and spray nozzles on 2,4-D spray drift under conventional field conditions. An experimental 2,4-D choline formulation with Colex-D® Technology (GF-3073) and a 2,4-D dimethylamine (DMA) formulation were applied with either XR and AIXR flat-fan spray nozzles. Each plot was 30 m wide by 24 m long (720 m2) with 60 glyphosate-resistant soybean rows spaced 50 cm apart and also 35 potted tomato plants distributed on a grid across the plot 5-m apart. Applications were performed one meter away from the plot edge perpendicular to the soybean rows when wind direction was parallel to the rows with less than 30 degrees of angle deviation. Spray drift treatments were applied in 100 L ha−1 with tractor sprayers at 276 kPa equipped with a 7-m wide boom at 50 cm above the canopy of the soybean plant, operating at 6.8 km h−1. The distance from the plot edge to the farthest plant with 2,4-D symptoms was assessed for every four soybean rows at 10 and 20 days after treatment (DAT) and potted tomatoes at 10 DAT. GF-3073 reduced the distance of the farthest injured plant with 2,4-D symptoms compared to the 2,4-D DMA formulation regardless of the spray nozzle, assessment date and sensitive species. GF-3073 applied through the AIXR nozzle reduced the relative drift affected area to the standard by 68% at 10 DAT and 67% at 20 DAT for soybean and 60% at 10 DAT for potted tomatoes.

ABSTRACT Scarlet Morning Glory is considered to be an infesting weed that affects several crops and causes serious damage. The application of chemical herbicides, which is the primary control method, requires a broad knowledge of the various characteristics of the solution and application technology for a more efficient phytosanitary treatment. Therefore this study aimed to characterize the effect of rainfall incidence on the control of Ipomoea hederifolia, considering droplet size, surface tension, contact angle of droplets formed by herbicides liquid on vegetal and artificial surfaces, associated to adjuvants and the volumetric distribution profile of the spray jet. The addition of the adjuvants to the herbicide spraying liquid improved the application quality, as it influenced the angle formed by the spray by broadening the deposition band of the spray nozzle and thus the possible distance between the nozzles on spray boom and due the changes at droplet size, which contribute to a safety application. The rainfall occurrence affected negatively the weed control with the different spraying liquids and also the dry matter weight, suggesting that the phytosanitary product applied was washed off.

The purpose of the research was to determine the influence of selected factors on the average degree of coverage and uniformity of liquid spray coverage using selected single and dual flat fan nozzles. The impact of nozzle type, spray pressure, driving speed, and spray angle on the average degree of coverage and coverage unevenness coefficient were studied. The research was conducted with special spray track machinery designed and constructed to control and change the boom height, spray angle, driving speed, and spray pressure. Based on the research results, it was found that the highest average coverage was obtained for single standard flat fan nozzles and dual anti-drift flat fan nozzles. At the same time, the highest values of unevenness were observed for these nozzles. Inverse relationships were obtained for air-induction nozzles. Maximization of coverage with simultaneous minimization of unevenness can be achieved by using a medium droplet size for single flat fan nozzles (volume median diameter (VMD) = 300 μm) and coarse droplet size for dual flat fan nozzles (VMD = 352 μm), with low driving speed (respectively 1.1 m∙s−1 and 1.6 m∙s−1) and angling of the nozzle by 20° in the opposite direction to the direction of travel.

The quality of the mixing process of fuel and air in a direct injection diesel engine relies heavily on the way the spray develops when injected into the combustion chamber. Among other factors, the spray development depends on the injection rate of the fuel delivered by the injector. The paper presents a study, at both a macroscopic and microscopic level, of a Diesel spray generated by a common-rail injection system featuring a piston pressure amplifier. By modifying the timing and the duration of the injector and amplifier piston actuation, it is possible to obtain high injection pressures up to 180MPa, and different shapes for the injection rate, which would not be achievable with a regular common rail injection system. The spray evolution produced by three different injection rate shapes (square, ramp, and boot) has been investigated in an injection test rig, by means of visualization and PDPA techniques, at different injection conditions. The main conclusions are the important effect on spray penetration of the initial injection rate evolution and the small influence of the maximum injection pressure attained at the end of the injection event. Smaller or even negligible effects have been found on the spray cone angle and on the droplet Sauter mean diameter.

The production of large extra dimension (LXD) black holes (BHs), with a new, fundamental mass scale of Mf = 1 TeV , has been predicted to occur at the Large Hadron Collider, LHC, with the formidable rate of 108 per year in p-p collisions at full energy, 14 TeV, and at full luminosity. We show that such LXD-BH formation will be experimentally observable at the LHC by the complete disappearance of all very high pt (> 500 GeV) back-to-back correlated Di-Jets of total mass M > Mf = 1 TeV , in the large detectors ALICE, ATLAS and CMS. We suggest complementing this clear cut-off signal at M > 2*500 GeV in the di-jet-correlation function by detecting the subsequent, Hawking-decay products of the LXD-BHs, namely either multiple high energy (> 100 GeV) SM Mono-Jets (i.e. away-side jet missing), sprayed off the evaporating BHs isentropically into all directions or the thermalization of the multiple overlapping Hawking-radiation in a Heckler–Kapusta-plasma: The extreme energy density of the Hawking Radiation may yield a Heckler–Kapusta–Hawking quark–gluon plasma of SM — and SUSY — particles at temperatures above the electroweak phase transition, which hydrodynamically (isentropically) evolves and cools until the quark–hadron phasetransition and chemical freezeout at T ~ 100 MeV is reached. Microcanonical quantum statistical calculations of the Hawking evaporation process for these LXD-BHs show that cold black hole remnants (BHRs) of mass ~ Mf remain leftover as the ashes of these spectacular di-jet-suppressed events. The BHRs are charged and can be detected as a track in the Central TPC of ALICE. Strong di-jet suppression is also expected with heavy ion beams at the LHC, due to quark–gluon-plasma induced jet attenuation at medium to low jet energies, pt < 200 GeV . The (mono-) jets in these events can be used to trigger tsunami-emission of secondary compressed QCD-matter at well defined Mach-angles, both at the trigger side and at the awayside (missing) jet. The Machshock angles allow for a direct measurement of both the equation of state EoS and the speed of sound cs via supersonic bang in the "big bang" matter. We discuss the importance of the underlying strong collective flow — the gluon storm — of the QCD matter for the formation and evolution of these Machshock cones. We predict a significant deformation of Mach shocks from the gluon storm in central Au + Au collisions at RHIC and LHC energies, as compared to the case of weakly coupled jets propagating through a static medium. A possible complete stopping of pt > 50 GeV jets at the LHC in 2–3 fm yields nonlinear high density Mach shocks in the quark–gluon plasma, which can be studied in the complex emission and disintegration pattern of the possibly supercooled matter. We report on first full three-dimensional fluid dynamical studies of the strong effects of a first order phase transition on the evolution and the tsunami-like Mach shock emission of the QCD matter.

This paper argues that illegitimacy is a concept that relates to almost all of the fundamental ways in which Western society has traditionally organised itself. Sex, family and marriage, and the power of the church and state, are all implicated in the various ways in which society reproduces itself from generation to generation. All employ the concepts of legitimacy and illegitimacy to define what is and what is not permissible. Further, the creation of the illegitimate can occur in more or less legitimate ways; for example, through acts of consent, on the one hand; and force, on the other. This paper uses the study of an English Renaissance text, Shakespeare’s Henry V, to argue that these concepts remain potent ones, regularly invoked as a means of identifying and denouncing perceived threats to the good ordering of the social fabric. In western societies, many of which may be constructed as post-marriage, illegitimate is often applied as a descriptor to unlicensed migrants, refugees and asylum seekers. In countries subject to war and conflict, rape as a war crime is increasingly used by armies to create fractures within the subject community and to undermine the paternity of a cohort of children. In societies where extramarital sex is prohibited, or where rape has been used as a weapon of war, the bastard acts as physical evidence that an unsanctioned act has been committed and the laws of society broken, a “failure in social control” (Laslett, Oosterveen and Smith, 5). This paper explores these themes, using past conceptions of the illegitimate and bastardy as an explanatory concept for problematic aspects of legitimacy in contemporary culture.Bastardy was a particularly important issue in sixteenth and seventeenth century Europe when an individual’s genealogy was a major determining factor of social status, property and identity (MacFarlane). Further, illegitimacy was not necessarily an aspect of a person’s birth. It could become a status into which they were thrust through the use of divorce, for example, as when Henry VIII illegitimised his daughter Mary after annulling his marriage to Mary’s mother, Catherine of Aragon. Alison Findlay’s study of illegitimacy in Renaissance literature lists over 70 portrayals of illegitimacy, or characters threatened with illegitimacy, between 1588 and 1652 (253–257). In addition to illegitimacy at an individual level however, discussions around what constitutes the “illegitimate” figure in terms of its relationship with the family and the wider community, are also applicable to broader concerns over national identity. In work such as Stages of History, Phyllis Rackin dissected images of masculine community present in Shakespeare’s history plays to expose underlying tensions over gender, power and identity. As the study of Henry V indicates in the following discussion, illegitimacy was also a metaphor brought to bear on issues of national as well as personal identity in the early modern era. The image of the nation as a “family” to denote unity and security, both then and now, is rendered complex and problematic by introducing the “illegitimate” into that nation-family image. The rhetoric used in the recent debate over the Scottish independence referendum, and in Australia’s ongoing controversy over “illegitimate” migration, both indicate that the concept of a “national bastard”, an amorphous figure that resists precise definition, remains a potent rhetorical force. Before turning to the detail of Henry V, it is useful to review the use of “illegitimate” in the early modern context. Lacking an established position within a family, a bastard was in danger of being marginalised and deprived of any but the most basic social identity. If acknowledged by a family, the bastard might become a drain on that family’s economic resources, drawing money away from legitimate children and resented accordingly. Such resentment may be reciprocated. In his essay “On Envy” the scientist, author, lawyer and eventually Lord Chancellor of England Francis Bacon explained the destructive impulse of bastardy as follows: “Deformed persons, and eunuchs, and old men, and bastards, are envious. For he that cannot possibly mend his own case will do what he can to impair another’s.” Thus, bastardy becomes a plot device which can be used to explain and to rationalise evil. In early modern English literature, as today, bastardy as a defect of birth is only one meaning for the word. What does “in everything illegitimate” (quoting Shakespeare’s character Thersites in Troilus and Cressida [V.viii.8]) mean for our understanding of both our own society and that of the late sixteenth century? Bastardy is an important ideologeme, in that it is a “unit of meaning through which the ‘social space’ constructs the ideological values of its signs” (Schleiner, 195). In other words, bastardy has an ideological significance that stretches far beyond a question of parental marital status, extending to become a metaphor for national as well as personal loss of identity. Anti-Catholic polemicists of the early sixteenth century accused priests of begetting a generation of bastards that would overthrow English society (Fish, 7). The historian Polydore Vergil was accused of suborning and bastardising English history by plagiarism and book destruction: “making himself father to other men’s works” (Hay, 159). Why is illegitimacy so important and so universal a metaphor? The term “bastard” in its sense of mixture or mongrel has been applied to language, to weaponry, to almost anything that is a distorted but recognisable version of something else. As such, the concept of bastardy lends itself readily to the rhetorical figure of metaphor which, as the sixteenth century writer George Puttenham puts it, is “a kind of wresting of a single word from his owne right signification, to another not so natural, but yet of some affinitie or coueniencie with it” (Puttenham, 178). Later on in The Art of English Poesie, Puttenham uses the word “bastard” to describe something that can best be recognised as being an imperfect version of something else: “This figure [oval] taketh his name of an egge […] and is as it were a bastard or imperfect rounde declining toward a longitude.” (101). “Bastard” as a descriptive term in this context has meaning because it connects the subject of discussion with its original. Michael Neill takes an anthropological approach to the question of why the bastard in early modern drama is almost invariably depicted as monstrous or evil. In “In everything illegitimate: Imagining the Bastard in Renaissance Drama,” Neill argues that bastards are “filthy”, using the term as it is construed by Mary Douglas in her work Purity and Danger. Douglas argues that dirt is defined by being where it should not be, it is “matter in the wrong place, belonging to ‘a residual category, rejected from our normal scheme of classifications,’ a source of fundamental pollution” (134). In this argument the figure of the bastard aligns strongly with the concept of the Other (Said). Arguably, however, the anthropologist Edmund Leach provides a more useful model to understand the associations of hybridity, monstrosity and bastardy. In “Animal Categories and Verbal Abuse”, Leach asserts that our perceptions of the world around us are largely based on binary distinctions; that an object is one thing, and is not another. If an object combines attributes of itself with those of another, the interlapping area will be suppressed so that there may be no hesitation in discerning between them. This repressed area, the area which is neither one thing nor another but “liminal” (40), becomes the object of fear and of fascination: – taboo. It is this liminality that creates anxiety surrounding bastards, as they occupy the repressed, “taboo” area between family and outsiders. In that it is born out of wedlock, the bastard child has no place within the family structure; yet as the child of a family member it cannot be completely relegated to the external world. Michael Neill rightly points out the extent to which the topos of illegitimacy is associated with the disintegration of boundaries and a consequent loss of coherence and identity, arguing that the bastard is “a by-product of the attempt to define and preserve a certain kind of social order” (147). The concept of the liminal figure, however, recognises that while a by-product can be identified and eliminated, a bastard can neither be contained nor excluded. Consequently, the bastard challenges the established order; to be illegitimate, it must retain its connection with the legitimate figure from which it diverges. Thus the illegitimate stands as a permanent threat to the legitimate, a reminder of what the legitimate can become. Bastardy is used by Shakespeare to indicate the fear of loss of national as well as personal identity. Although noted for its triumphalist construction of a hero-king, Henry V is also shot through with uncertainties and fears, fears which are frequently expressed using illegitimacy as a metaphor. Notwithstanding its battle scenes and militarism, it is the lawyers, genealogists and historians who initiate and drive forward the narrative in Henry V (McAlindon, 435). The reward of the battle for Henry is not so much the crown of France as the assurance of his own legitimacy as monarch. The lengthy and legalistic recital of genealogies with which the Archbishop of Canterbury proves to general English satisfaction that their English king Henry holds a better lineal right to the French throne than its current occupant may not be quite as “clear as is the summer sun” (Henry V 1.2.83), but Henry’s question about whether he may “with right and conscience” make his claim to the French throne elicits a succinct response. The churchmen tell Henry that, in order to demonstrate that he is truly the descendant of his royal forefathers, Henry will need to validate that claim. In other words, the legitimacy of Henry’s identity, based on his connection with the past, is predicated on his current behaviour:Gracious lord,Stand for your own; unwind your bloody flag;Look back into your mighty ancestors:Go, my dread lord, to your great-grandsire’s tomb,From whom you claim; invoke his warlike spirit…Awake remembrance of these valiant dead,And with your puissant arm renew their feats:You are their heir, you sit upon their throne,The blood and courage that renowned themRuns in your veins….Your brother kings and monarchs of the earthDo all expect that you should rouse yourselfAs did the former lions of your blood. (Henry V 1.2.122 – 124)These exhortations to Henry are one instance of the importance of genealogy and its immediate connection to personal and national identity. The subject recurs throughout the play as French and English characters both invoke a discourse of legitimacy and illegitimacy to articulate fears of invasion, defeat, and loss of personal and national identity. One particular example of this is the brief scene in which the French royalty allow themselves to contemplate the prospect of defeat at the hands of the English:Fr. King. ‘Tis certain, he hath pass’d the river Somme.Constable. And if he be not fought withal, my lord,Let us not live in France; let us quit all,And give our vineyards to a barbarous people.Dauphin. O Dieu vivant! shall a few sprays of us,The emptying of our fathers’ luxury,Our scions, put in wild and savage stock,Spirt up so suddenly into the clouds,And overlook their grafters?Bourbon. Normans, but bastard Normans, Norman bastards!...Dauphin. By faith and honour,Our madams mock at us, and plainly sayOur mettle is bred out; and they will giveTheir bodies to the lust of English youthTo new-store France with bastard warriors. (Henry V 3.5.1 – 31).Rape and sexual violence pervade the language of Henry V. France itself is constructed as a sexually vulnerable female with “womby vaultages” and a “mistress-court” (2.4.131, 140). In one of his most famous speeches Henry graphically describes the rape and slaughter that accompanies military defeat (3.3). Reading Henry V solely in terms of its association of military conquest with sexual violence, however, runs the risk of overlooking the image of bastards themselves as both the threat and the outcome of national defeat. The lines quoted above exemplify the extent to which illegitimacy was a vital metaphor within early modern discourses of national as well as personal identity. Although the lines are divided between various speakers – the French King, Constable (representing the law), Dauphin (the Crown Prince) and Bourbon (representing the aristocracy) – the images develop smoothly and consistently to express English dominance and French subordination, articulated through images of illegitimacy.The dialogue begins with the most immediate consequence of invasion and of illegitimacy: the loss of property. Legitimacy, illegitimacy and property were so closely associated that a case of bastardy brought to the ecclesiastical court that did not include a civil law suit about land was referred to as a case of “bastardy speciall”, and the association between illegitimacy and property is present in this speech (Cowell, 14). The use of the word “vine” is simultaneously a metonym for France and a metaphor for the family, as in the “family tree”, conflating the themes of family identity and national identity that are both threatened by the virile English forces.As the dialogue develops, the rhetoric becomes more elaborate. The vines which for the Constable (from a legal perspective) represented both France and French families become instead an attempt to depict the English as being of a subordinate breed. The Dauphin’s brief narrative of the English origins refers to the illegitimate William the Conqueror, bastard son of the Duke of Normandy and by designating the English as being descendants of a bastard Frenchman the Dauphin attempts to depict the English nation as originating from a superabundance of French virility; wild offshoots from a true stock. Yet “grafting” one plant to another can create a stronger plant, which is what has happened here. The Dauphin’s metaphors, designed to construct the English as an unruly and illegitimate offshoot of French society, a product of the overflowing French virility, evolve instead into an emblem of a younger, stronger branch which has overtaken its enfeebled origins.In creating this scene, Shakespeare constructs the Frenchmen as being unable to contain the English figuratively, still less literally. The attempts to reduce the English threat by imagining them as “a few sprays”, a product of casual sexual excess, collapses into Bourbon’s incoherent ejaculation: “Normans, but bastard Normans, Norman bastards!” and the Norman bastard dominates the conclusion of the scene. Instead of containing and marginalising the bastard, the metaphoric language creates and acknowledges a threat which cannot be marginalised. The “emptying of luxury” has engendered an uncontrollable illegitimate who will destroy the French nation beyond any hope of recovery, overrunning France with bastards.The scene is fascinating for its use of illegitimacy as a means of articulating fears not only for the past and present but also for the future. The Dauphin’s vision is one of irreversible national and familial disintegration, irreversible because, unlike rape, the French women’s imagined rejection of their French families and embrace of the English conquerors implies a total abandonment of family origins and the willing creation of a new, illegitimate dynasty. Immediately prior to this scene the audience has seen the Dauphin’s fear in action: the French princess Katherine is shown learning to speak English as part of her preparation for giving her body to a “bastard Norman”, a prospect which she anticipates with a frisson of pleasure and humour, as well as fear. This scene, between Katherine and her women, evokes a range of powerful anxieties which appear repeatedly in the drama and texts of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries: anxieties over personal and national identity, over female chastity and masculine authority, and over continuity between generations. Peter Laslett in The World We Have Lost – Further Explored points out that “the engendering of children on a scale which might threaten the social structure was never, or almost never, a present possibility” (154) at this stage of European history. This being granted, the Dauphin’s depiction of such a “wave” of illegitimates, while it might have no roots in reality, functioned as a powerful image of disorder. Illegitimacy as a threat and as a strategy is not limited to the renaissance, although a study of renaissance texts offers a useful guidebook to the use of illegitimacy as a means of polarising and excluding. Although as previously discussed, for many Western countries, the marital status of one’s parents is probably the least meaningful definition associated with the word “illegitimate”, the concept of the nation as a family remains current in modern political discourse, and illegitimate continues to be a powerful metaphor. During the recent independence referendum in Scotland, David Cameron besought the Scottish people not to “break up the national family”; at the same time, the Scottish Nationalists have been constructed as “ungrateful bastards” for wishing to turn their backs on the national family. As Klocker and Dunne, and later O’Brien and Rowe, have demonstrated, the emotive use of words such as “illegitimate” and “illegal” in Australian political rhetoric concerning migration is of long standing. Given current tensions, it might be timely to call for a further and more detailed study of the way in which the term “illegitimate” continues to be used by politicians and the media to define, demonise and exclude certain types of would-be Australian immigrants from the collective Australian “national family”. Suggestions that persons suspected of engaging with terrorist organisations overseas should be stripped of their Australian passports imply the creation of national bastards in an attempt to distance the Australian community from such threats. But the strategy can never be completely successful. Constructing figures as bastard or the illegitimate remains a method by which the legitimate seeks to define itself, but it also means that the bastard or illegitimate can never be wholly separated or cast out. In one form or another, the bastard is here to stay.ReferencesBeardon, Elizabeth. “Sidney's ‘Mongrell Tragicomedy’ and Anglo-Spanish Exchange in the New Arcadia.” Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies 10 (2010): 29 - 51.Davis, Kingsley. “Illegitimacy and the Social Structure.” American Journal of Sociology 45 (1939).John Cowell. The Interpreter. Cambridge: John Legate, 1607.Greenblatt, Stephen. Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare. 1980. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.Findlay, Alison. Illegitimate Power: Bastards in Renaissance Drama. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009.Hay, Denys. Polydore Vergil: Renaissance Historian and Man of Letters. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952.Laslett, Peter. The World We Have Lost - Further Explored. London: Methuen, 1983.Laslett, P., K. Oosterveen, and R. M. Smith, eds. Bastardy and Its Comparative History. London: Edward Arnold, 1980.Leach, Edmund. “Anthropological Aspects of Language: Animal Categories and Verbal Abuse.” E. H. Lennenberg, ed. New Directives in the Study of Language. MIT Press, 1964. 23-63. MacFarlane, Alan. The Origins of English Individualism: The Family Property and Social Transition Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978.Mclaren, Ann. “Monogamy, Polygamy and the True State: James I’s Rhetoric of Empire.” History of Political Thought 24 (2004): 446 – 480.McAlindon, T. “Testing the New Historicism: “Invisible Bullets” Reconsidered.” Studies in Philology 92 (1995):411 – 438.Neill, Michael. Putting History to the Question: Power, Politics and Society in English Renaissance Drama. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.Pocock, J.G.A. Virtue, Commerce and History: Essays on English Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Puttenham, George. The Arte of English Poesie. Ed. Gladys Doidge Willcock and Alice Walker. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1936.Reekie, Gail. Measuring Immorality: Social Inquiry and the Problem of Illegitimacy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Rowe, Elizabeth, and Erin O’Brien. “Constructions of Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Australian Political Discourse”. In Kelly Richards and Juan Marcellus Tauri, eds., Crime Justice and Social Democracy: Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference. Brisbane: Queensland University of Technology, 2013.Schleiner, Louise. Tudor and Stuart Women Writers. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994.Shakespeare, William. Henry V in The Norton Shakespeare. Ed. S. Greenblatt, W. Cohen, J.E. Howard, and Katharine Eisaman Maus. New York and London: Norton, 2008.

Swine semantics erupted into a linguistic battle between the two U.S. presidential candidates in the 2008 campaign over a lesser-known colloquialism “lipstick on a pig” reference in a speech by then Democratic presidential candidate, Barack Obama. This resulted in the Republicans sparring with the Democrats over the identification of the “swine” in question, claiming “sexism” and demanding an apology on behalf of then Governor Sarah Palin, the first female Republican vice presidential candidate. The Republican Party, fearful of being criticised for its own sexist and racist views (Kuhn par. 1), seized the opportunity to attack the Democrats with a proactive media campaign that made the lipstick comment a lead story in the media during a critical time less than two months before the election, derailing more serious campaign issues and focusing attention on Palin, who had just made her national political debut and whose level of experience was widely debated. Leskovec, Backstrom, and Kleinberg conducted a meme-tracking study for analysing news-cycle phrases in approximately 90 million stories from 1.6 million online sites spanning mainstream news to blogs during the final three months of the U.S. presidential election (1). They discovered that “lipstick on a pig” was “stickier” than other phrases and received “unexpectedly high popularity” (4). A simple Google search of “lipstick on a pig” resulted in 244,000 results, with more than half originating in 2008. Obama’s “Lipstick on a Pig” Reference During the final rounds of the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign, Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama’s words at a widely televised campaign stop in Lebanon, Virginia, on 9 September, sparked a linguistic debate between the two major American political parties 56 days before Election Day. Obama attempted to debunk McCain’s strategy about change in the following statement:John McCain says he’s about change, too. [...] And so I guess his whole angle is, watch out, George Bush. Except for economic policy, healthcare policy, tax policy, education policy, foreign policy, and Karl Rove-style politics [...] That’s not change. That’s just calling some—the same thing, something different. But you know [...] you can put [...] lipstick on a pig. It’s still a pig (“Obama’s Take”).A reporter from The New York Times commented that it was clear to the audience that Obama’s “lipstick” phrase was a direct reference to McCain’s policies (Zeleny par. 5). Known as a well-educated, articulate speaker, perhaps one considered too professorial for mainstream America, Obama attempted to inject more folksy language and humour into his dialogue with the public. However, the Republicans interpreted the metaphor quite differently. Republicans Claim “Sexism” from a “Male Chauvinist Pig” The Republican contender John McCain and his entourage immediately took offence, claiming that the “pig” in question was a sexist comment referring to Palin, who was introduced on 29 August as the first female vice presidential candidate on the Republican ticket (“VP Pick”). A Republican National Committee spokeswoman quickly told the media, “Sarah Palin’s maverick record of reform doesn’t need any ‘dressing up,’ but the Obama campaign’s condescending commentary deserves some dressing down” (Chozick par. 8). McCain’s camp formed the Palin Truth Squad with 54 Republican women, primarily lawyers and politicians, on the same day as the metaphor was used, to counter negative media and Internet commentary about Palin (Harper A13). Almost immediately after Obama’s “lipstick” comment, McCain’s camp conducted a conference call with journalists and former Massachusetts Governor Jane Swift, a Republican and chair of the Palin Truth Squad, who stated the lipstick comment referred to Palin, “the only one of the four—the presidential and vice presidential candidates—who wears lipstick” (Kornblut and Shear par. 12). Another member of the Squad, Thelma Drake, then a Republican Representative from Virginia, said that “it’s hard for Barack Obama to paint himself as the agent of change if he harbors the same mindset that Palin and millions of women just like her, have been fighting against their whole lives” (Applegate par. 8). Swift and others also claimed Obama was referring to Palin since she had herself used a lipstick metaphor during her Republican National Convention speech, 3 Sepember: “I love those hockey moms. You know, they say the difference between a hockey mom and a pit bull? Lipstick” (“Palin’s Speech” par. 26). The Republicans also created an anti-Obama Web ad with the theme, “Ready to Lead? No. Ready to Smear? Yes,“ (Weisman and Slevin A01) with a compilation of video clips of Palin’s “lipstick” joke, followed by the latter part of Obama's “lipstick” speech, and CBS News anchorwoman, Katie Couric, talking about “sexism” in politics, that latter of which referred to an older clip referring to Hillary Clinton’s campaign for the White House. Both clips on Obama and Couric were taken out of context. CBS retaliated and released a statement that the network “does not endorse any candidate” and that “any use of CBS personnel in political advertising that suggests the contrary is misleading” (Silva par. 8). YouTube pulled the Republican Web ads stating that the cause was “due to a copyright claim” (Silva par. 7). Another porcine phrase became linked to Obama—“male chauvinist pig”—an expression that evolved as an outgrowth of the feminist movement in the 1960s and first appeared with the third word, “pig,” in the media in 1970 (Mansbridge and Flaster 261). BlogHer, a blog for women, posted “Liberal Chauvinist Pigs,” on the same day as Obama's speech, asking: “Does the expression male chauvinist pig come to mind?” (Leary par. 5) Other conservative blogs also reflected on this question, painting Obama as a male chauvinist pig, and chastising both the liberal media and the Democrats for questioning Palin’s credentials as a viable vice presidential candidate. Obama “Sexist Pig Gear” protest tee-shirts, buttons, and bumper stickers were sold online by Zazzle.com. Democratic Response to “Controversy” During a campaign stop in Norfolk, Virginia, the day after his “lipstick” comment, Obama called the Republican backlash the “latest made-up controversy by the John McCain campaign” and appealed for a return to more serious topics with “enough” of “foolish diversions” (“Obama Hits”). He stated that the Republicans “seize on an innocent remark, try to take it out of context, throw up an outrageous ad, because they know it’s catnip for the news media” (“Obama Hits”). Obama also referred to the situation as the “silly season of politics” in media interviews (James par. 8). Obama’s spokespeople rallied claiming that McCain played the “gender card about the use of a common analogy” (Kornblut and Shear par. 6). An Obama campaign spokesman distributed to the media copies of articles from a Chicago Tribune story in 2007 in which McCain applied the lipstick analogy about the healthcare strategy of Hillary Clinton, a previous female Democratic presidential contender (Chozick 11). Another Obama spokeswoman said that the porcine expression “was older than my grandfather’s grandfather,” (Zimmer par. 1) which also inspired the media and linguists to further investigate this claim. Evolution of “Lipstick on a Pig” This particular colloquial use of a “pig” evolved from a long history of porcine expressions in American politics. American political discourse has been rich with cultural references to porcine idioms with negative connotations. Pork barrels were common 19th-century household items used to store salt pork, and some plantation owners doled out the large barrels as rewards to slaves who then had to compete with each other to grab a portion (Maxey 693). In post-Civil War America, “pork barrel” became a political term for legislative bills “loaded with special projects for Members of Congress to distribute to their constituents back home as an act of largesse, courtesy of the federal taxpayer” (“Pork Barrel Legislation”). Today, “pork barrel” is widely used in the U.S., Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and other countries (“Definition Pork Barrel”) to refer to “government projects or appropriations yielding rich patronage benefits” (“Pork Barrel”). Conservative radio personality Rush Limbaugh coined the term, “porkulus,” as another expression for “pork barrel” by merging the words “pork and “stimulus,” while discussing President Obama’s economic stimulus package in January 2009 (Kuntz par. 1). Ben Zimmer, an American lexicologist, explained that “many porcine proverbs describe vain attempts at converting something from ugly to pretty, or from useless to useful” (par. 2). Zimmer and other writers investigated the heritage of “lipstick on a pig” over the past 500 years from “you can't make a silk purse from a sow’s ear,” “a hog in armour is still a hog,” and “a hog in a silk waistcoat is still a hog.” Zimmer connected the dots between the words “lipstick,” a 19th-century invention, and “pig” to a Los Angeles Times editor in 1926 who wrote: “Most of us know as much of history as a pig does of lipsticks” (par. 3). American Politicians Who Have Smeared “Lipstick on a Pig” Which American politicians had used “lipstick on a pig” before Obama? Both Democrats and Republicans have coloured their speech with this colloquialism to refer to specific issues, not specific people. In 2008, Elizabeth Edwards, wife of presidential hopeful John Edwards, used the porcine expression about McCain’s healthcare proposals at a Democratic campaign event and House Minority Leader John Boehner, a Republican, about weak Republican fundraising efforts during the same month (Covington and Curry par. 7-8). McCain ironically used the term twice to criticise Hillary Clinton’s healthcare proposals as “lipstick on a pig,” while they were both campaigning in 2007 (Covington and Curry par. 6). His statement received limited attention at the time. During a telephone interview in 2007, Obama also had used the pig analogy when referring to an “impossible assignment” George W. Bush gave to General Petraeus, who was then serving as the Multinational Forces Iraq Commander (Tapper par. 15). In 2004, Republican Vice President Richard Cheney applied a regional slant: “As we like to say in Wyoming, you can put all the lipstick you want on a pig, but at the end of the day it's still a pig,” about the national defence record of John Kerry, then a Democratic presidential nominee (Covington and Curry par. 4). A few months earlier that year, John Edwards, Democratic vice presidential candidate, scolded the Bush administration for putting “lipstick on a pig” on “lackluster job-creation numbers” (Covington and Curry par. 3). Representative Charles Rangel, a Democrat, identified the “pig” as a tax bill the same year (Siegel par. 15-16). In 1992, the late Governor of Texas, Ann Richards, a Democrat, who was known for colourful phrases, gave the pig a name when she said: “You can put lipstick on a hog and call it Monique, but it is still a pig,” referring to the Republican administration for deploying warships to protect oil tankers in the Middle East, effectively subsidizing foreign oil (Zimmer par. 4). A year earlier, when she introduced her first budget for Texas, she said: “This is not another one of those deals where you put lipstick on a hog and call it a princess” (Zimmer par. 4). The earliest reputed recorded use of an American politician using the phrase was Texas Democrat Jim Hightower, who applied it to depict the reorganisation of Ronald Reagan's Cabinet in 1986 (Macintyre 16). Time magazine reporters (Covington and Curry par. 2) and Zimmer (par. 3) claimed that a San Francisco radio personality, Ron Lyons, was one of the earliest quoted in print with “lipstick on a pig” about renovation plans for a local park in November 1985 in the Washington Post. Author of the Double-Tongued Dictionary, Grant Barrett, uncovered a 1980 article from a small Washington state newspaper as the earliest written record with an article that stated: “You can clean up a pig, put a ribbon on it’s [sic] tail, spray it with perfume, but it is still a pig” (Guzman par. 7). A book on communication also adopted the pig metaphor in its title in 2006, Lipstick on a Pig: Winning in the No-Spin Era by Someone Who Knows the Game, by Torie Clarke, who previously served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs under Donald Rumsfield during the early years of the G.W. Bush Administration. Media Commentary According to The New York Times (Leibovich and Barrett), “lipstick on a pig” was one of the most popular political buzzwords and phrases of 2008, along with others directly referring to Palin, “Caribou Barbie” and “Hockey Mom,” as well as “Maverick,” a popular term used by both McCain and Palin. Many journalists played on the metaphor to express disdain for negative political campaigns. A Wall Street Journal article asked: “What's the difference between a more hopeful kind of politics and old-fashioned attacks? Lipstick” (Chozick par. 1). International media also covered the Obama-McCain lipstick wars. The Economist, for example, wrote that the “descent of American politics into pig wrestling has dismayed America’s best friends abroad” (“Endless Culture War” par. 6). Bloggers claimed that Obama’s “lipstick” speech was influenced by copy and imagery from two leading American cartoonists. The Free Republic, self-acclaimed to be “the premier online gathering place for independent, grass-roots conservatism” (Freerepublic.com), claimed that Obama plagiarized almost verbatim the language leading into the “pig” comment from a Tom Toles cartoon that ran in the Washington Post on 5 Sepember (see fig. 1).Fig. 1. Toles, Tom. Cartoon. Washington Post. 5 Sep. 2008. 30 July 2010 Another cartoon by R. J. Matson appeared in the St. Louis Post Dispatch (see fig. 2) four days before Obama’s speech that depicted Palin not just as a pig wearing lipstick, but as one using pork barrel funding. The cartoon’s caption provides an interpretation of Palin's lipstick analogy: “Question: What’s the Difference Between a Hockey Mom Reformer and a Business-As-Usual Pork Barrel-Spending Politician? Answer: Lipstick.” Newsbusters.org blogger stated: “It’s not too far-fetched to say Team Obama is cribbing his stump speech laugh lines from the liberal funnies” (Shepherd par. 3). Fig 2. Matson, R. J. Cartoon. St. Louis Post Dispatch. 5 Sep. 2008. 30 July 2010 . A porcine American character known for heavy makeup and a starring role as one of the Muppets created by puppeteer Jim Henson in the 1970s, Miss Piggy still remains an American icon. She commented on the situation during an interview on the set of “Today,” an American television program. When the interviewer asked, “Were you surprised by all the hubbub this election season over your lipstick practices?,” Miss Piggy’s response was “Moi will not dignify that with a response” (Raphael par. 6-7). Concluding Comments The 2008 U.S. presidential election presented new players in the arena: the first African-American in a leading party and the first female Republican. During a major election, words used by candidates are widely scrutinised and, in this case, the “lipstick on a pig” phrase was misconstrued by the opposing party, known for conservative values, that latched onto the opportunity to level a charge of sexism against the more liberal party. Vocabulary about gender, like language about race, can become a “minefield” (Givhan M01). With today’s 24/7 news cycle and the blogosphere, the perceived significance of a political comment, whether innocent or not, is magnified through repeated analysis and commentary. The meme-tracking study by Leskovec, Backstrom, and Kleinberg observed that 2.5 hours was the typical time lag between stories originating in mainstream media and reaching the blogosphere (8); whereas only 3.5 percent of the stories began in blogs and later permeated into traditional media (9). An English author of the history of clichés and language, Julia Cresswell, stated that the “lipstick” term “seems to be another candidate for clichéhood” (61). Although usage of clichés can prove to cause complications as in the case of Obama’s lipstick reference, Obama was able to diffuse the Republican backlash quickly and make a plea to return to serious issues affecting voters. David Greenberg analysed Obama’s presidential win and explained: And although other factors, especially the tanking economy, obviously contributed more directly to his November victory, it would be a mistake to overlook the importance of his skill at mastering the politics of negative attacks. When Obama went negative against others, he carefully singled out aspects of his opponents’ characters that, he argued, American politics itself had to transcend; he associated his foes with the worst of the old politics and himself with the best of the new. When others fired at him, in contrast, he was almost always able to turn the criticisms back upon them—through feigned outrage, among other tactics—as perpetuating those selfsame blights on our politics (70). References Applegate, Aaron. “Rep. Drake Criticizes Obama for ‘Lipstick on a Pig’ Remark.” Virginia Pilot 10 Sep. 2008. 28 Jul. 2010. Chozick, Amy. “Obama Puts Different Twist on Lipstick.” Wall Street Journal 9 Sep. 2008. 30 Jul. 2010. Covington, Marti, and Maya Curry. “A Brief History of: ‘Putting Lipstick on a Pig.’” Time 11 Sep. 2008. 17 May 2010. Cresswell, Julia. “Let’s Hear it for the Cliché.” British Journalism Review 19.57 (2008): 57-61. “Endless Culture War.” The Economist 4 Oct. 2008: ABI/INFORM Global, ProQuest. 30 Jul. 2010. “Definition Pork Barrel.” Webster’s Online Dictionary. 30 Jul. 2010. freerepublic.com. “Welcome to Free Republic.” Free Republic 2009. 30 Jul. 2010. Givhan, Robin. “On the Subject of Race, Words Get in the Way.” Washington Post 20 Jan. 2008: M01. Greenberg, David. “Accentuating the Negative.” Dissent 56.2 (2009): 70-75. Guzman, Monica. “‘Lipstick on a Pig’ Finds Origin in Tiny State Newspaper.” Seattlepi.com 10 Sep. 2008. 17 May 2010. Harper, Jennifer. “Obama Comment Offends GOP Women; ‘Palin Truth Squad’ Sent Out to Counter ‘Lipstick on a Pig’ Remark.” Washington Times 10 Sep. 2008: A13. Huston, Warner Todd. “Did Obama Steal His Lip Stick on a Pig From a Political Cartoon?” Newsbusters.org 10 Sep. 2008. 15 Jul. 2010 . James, Frank. “Barack Obama on David Letterman.” Chicago Tribune 11 Sep. 2008. 15 Jul. 2010 http://www.swamppolitics.com/news/politics/blog/2008/09/barack_obama_on_david_letterma.html>. Kornblut, Anne E., and Michael D. Shear. “McCain Camp Sees an Insult in a Saying.” Washington Post 10 Sep. 2008. 30 Jul. 2010 AR2008090903531.html>. Kuhn, David P. “GOP Fears Charges of Racism, Sexism.” Politico.com 23 Feb. 2008. 4 Oct. 2010. Kuntz, Tom. “Porkulus.” NYTimes.com 8 Feb. 2009. 30 Jul. 2010. 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