Academic literature on the topic 'Sri Lanka. 1998 Dec. 28'

The study aims to assess the rate of erosion that occurred in Manjunto Watershed and financial loss using Geographic Information System and Remote Sensing. Model used to determine the erosion is E30 models. The basis for the development of this model is to integrate with the slope of the slope between NDVI. The value of NDVI obtained from satellite imagery. Slope factor obtained through the DEM processing. To determine the amount of economic losses caused by erosion used the shadow prices. The amount of nutrients lost converted to fertilizer price. The results showed that the eroded catchment area has increased significantly. The rate of average annual erosion in the watershed Manjunto in 2000 amounted to 3 Mg ha-1 yr-1. The average erosion rate in the watershed Manjunto annual increase to 27 Mg ha-1 yr-1 in the year 2009. Economic losses due to erosion in 2009 was Rp200,000,- for one hectare. Total losses due to erosion for the total watershed area is Rp15,918,213,133, -. The main factor causing the high rate of erosion is high rainfall, slope and how to grow crops that do not pay attention to the rules of conservation.Keywords: Soil erosion, digital elevation model, GIS, remote sensing, valuation erosion[How to Cite: Gunawan G, D Sutjiningsih, H Soeryantono and S Widjanarko. 2013.Soil Erosion Prediction Using GIS and Remote Sensing on Manjunto Watershed Bengkulu-Indonesia. J Trop Soils 18 (2): 141-148. Doi: 10.5400/jts.2013.18.2.141][Permalink/DOI: www.dx.doi.org/10.5400/jts.2013.18.2.141]REFERENCESAksoy E, G Ozsoy and MS Dirim. 2009. Soil mapping approach in GIS using Landsat satellite imagery and DEM data. Afr J Agric Res 4: 1295-1302.Ananda J and G Herath. 2003. Soil erosion in developing countries: a socio-economic appraisal. J Environ Manage 68: 343-353.Ananda J, G Herath and A Chisholm. 2001. Determination of yield and Erosion Damage Functions Using Subjectivly Elicited Data: application to Smallholder Tea in Sri Lanka. Aust J Agric Resour Ec 45: 275-289.Ande OT, Y Alaga and GA Oluwatosin. 2009. Soil erosion prediction using MMF model on highly dissected hilly terrain of Ekiti environs in southwestern Nigeria. Int J Phys Sci 4: 053-057.Arnold JG, BA Engel and R Srinivasan. 1998. A continuous time grid cell watershed model. Proc. of application of Advanced Technology for management of Natural Resources.Arsyad S. 2010. Konservasi Tanah dan Air. IPB Press. Bogor-Indonesia (in Indonesian).Asdak C.1995. Hydrology and Watershed Management. Gadjah Mada University Press, Yogyakarta.Barlin RD and ID Moore. 1994. Role of buffer strips in management of waterway pollution: a review. Environ Manage 18: 543-58.Brough PA.1986. Principle of Geographical Information Systems For Land Resources Assessment. Oxford University Press, 194p.Clark B and J Wallace. 2003. Global connections: Canadian and world issues. Toronto, Canada: Pearson Education Canada, Inc.Cochrane T A and DC Flanagan. 1999. Assessing water erosion in small watershed using WEPP with GIS and digital elevation models. J Soil Water Conserv 54: 678 685.Dames TWg. 1955. The Soils of East Central Java; with a Soil Map 1:250,000. Balai Besar Penjelidikan Pertanian, Bogor, Indonesia.Dixon JA, LF Scura, RA Carpenter and PB Sherman. 2004. Economic Analysis of Environmental Impacts 2nd ed. Eartscans Publication Ltd., London.Fistikoglu O and NB Harmancioglu. 2002. Integration of GIS with USLE in Assessment of Soil Erosion. Water Resour Manage 16: 447-467.Green K. 1992. Spatial imagery and GIS: integrated data for natural resource management. J Forest 90: 32-36.Hazarika MK and H Honda. 2001. Estimation of Soil Erosion Using Remote Sensing and GIS, Its Valuation & Economic Implications on Agricultural Productions. The 10th International Soil Conservation Organization Meeting at Purdue University and the USDA-ARS Soil Erosion Research Laboratory.Hazarika S, R Parkinson, R Bol, L Dixon, P Russell, S Donovan and D Allen. 2009. Effect of tillage system and straw management on organic matter dynamics. Agron Sustain Develop 29: 525-533. doi: 10.1051/agro/2009024. Honda KL, A Samarakoon, Y Ishibashi, Mabuchi and S Miyajima.1996. Remote Sensing and GIS technologies for denudation estimation in Siwalik watershed of Nepal,p. B21-B26. Proc. 17th Asian Conference on Remote Sensing, Colombo, Sri lanka.Kefi M and K Yoshino. 2010. Evaluation of The Economic Effects of Soil Erosion Risk on Agricultural Productivity Using Remote Sensing: Case of Watershed in Tunisia. International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Science, Volume XXXVIII, Part 8, Kyoto Japan.Kefi M, K Yoshino, K Zayani and H Isoda. 2009. Estimation of soil loss by using combination of Erosion Model and GIS: case of study watersheds in Tunisia. J Arid Land Stud 19: 287-290.Lal R. 1998. Soil erosion impact on agronomic productivity and environment quality: Critical Review. Plant Sci 17: 319-464.Lal. 2001. Soil Degradation by Erosion. Land Degrad Develop12: 519-539.Lanya I. 1996. Evaluasi Kualitas lahan dan Produktivitas Lahan Kering Terdegradasi di Daerah Transmigrasi WPP VII Rengat Kabupaten Indragiri Hulu, Riau. [Disertasi Doktor]. Program Pasca Sarjana IPB, Bogor (in Indonesian).Mermut AR and H Eswaran. 2001. Some major developments in soil science since the mid 1960s. Geoderma 100: 403-426.Mongkolsawat C, P Thurangoon and Sriwongsa.1994. Soil erosion mapping with USLE and GIS. Proc. Asian Conf. Rem. Sens., C-1-1 to C-1-6.Morgan RPC, Morgan DDV and Finney HJ. 1984. A predictive model for the assessment of erosion risk. J Agric Eng Res 30: 245-253.Morgan RPC. 2005. Soil Erosion and Conservation. 3rd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Co.Panuju DR, F Heidina, BH Trisasongko, B Tjahjono, A Kasno, AHA Syafril. 2009. Variasi nilai indeks vegetasi MODIS pada siklus pertumbuhan padi. J.Ilmiah Geomat. 15, 9-16 (in Indonesian).Pimentel D, C Harvey, P Resosudarmo, K. Sinclair, D Kurz, M Mc Nair, S Christ, L Shpritz, L Fitton, R Saffouri and R Balir. 1995. Environmental and Economic Costs of Soil Erosion and Conservation Benefits. Science 267: 1117-1123.Saha SK and LM Pande. 1993. Integrated approach towards soil erosion inventory for environmental conservation using satellite and agrometeorological data. Asia Pac Rem Sens J 5: 21-28.Saha SK, Kudrat M and Bhan SK.1991. Erosional soil loss prediction using digital satellitee data and USLE. In: S Murai (ed). Applications of Remote Sensing in Asia and Oceania – Environmental Change Monitoring. Asian Association of Remote Sensing, pp. 369-372.Salehi MH, Eghbal MK and Khademi H. 2003. Comparison of soil variability in a detailed and a reconnaissance soil map in central Iran. Geoderma 111: 45-56.Soil Survey Staff. 1998. Keys to Soil Taxonomy. Eighth Edition. United States Department of Agriculture Natural Resources Conservation Service. Washington, D.C.

The genus Grumilea was established by Gaertner (1788: 138, t. 28, f. 2) on the basis of a single species, G. nigra Gaertner from Sri Lanka. The genus was subsequently recognized and treated by a number of authors such as Candolle (1830: 495), Wight & Arnott (1834: 432), Miquel (1857: 295) and Thwaites (1859: 147). However, Bentham & Hooker (1873: 123) combined Grumilea with Psychotria Linnaeus (1759: 929, 1364), nom. cons., a delimitation that was accepted by later workers (e.g., Mabberley 2008: 377). Hooker (1880: 161) treated Grumilea as a Section of Psychotria. Wight (1845: 16, t. 1036) described a species, Grumilea elongata from Tamil Nadu, India which was transferred to Psychotria by Hooker as Psychotria elongata (Wight) Hooker (1880: 163). This name was used in most of the subsequent floristic treatments (e.g., Trimen 1894; Brandis 1906; Gamble 1921; Fyson 1932; Sebastine & Vivekananthan 1967; Matthew & Rani 1983; Swaminathan 1987; Mohanan & Henry 1994). Sohmer (1977: 381), realizing that the name P. elongata is a later homonym of two names published by Bentham (1853: 32) and Beddome (1872: t. 17), applied a new name, P. fosbergii Sohmer which was accepted and used by Deb & Gangopadhyay (1989: 70, f. 29) in their revision of the genus Psychotria. Unfortunately, they overlooked the fact that this name is also a later homonym of P. fosbergii Steyermark (1972: 630). Later, Kiehn published the replacement name P. sohmeri Kiehn (1986: 215) and this was used as the correct name by Sohmer (1987: 339). Two years later, Suresh proposed another replacement name, P. glandulosa Suresh (1988: 229). As this is a later replacement name, it is superfluous and illegitimate. Unfortunately, all these authors overlooked the fact that Kuntze (1891: 957) published the name Uragoga nilgherensis replacing Grumilea elongata which, if transferred to Psychotria, becomes the earliest valid replacement name for the Wight’s species. Hence the necessary new combination is proposed below.

Tea (Camellia sinensis) in Sri Lanka is grown predominantly on sloping highlands. Incorporating trees as hedgerows along contours is aimed at reducing erosion and improving soil fertility through addition of prunings as mulch. However, there could be significant competition for essential growth resources between the hedgerows and tea. The primary objective of this study was to determine the influence of six hedgerow species (Calliandra calothyrsus, Senna [Cassia] spectabilis, Eupatorium inulifolium, Flemingia congesta, Gliricidia sepium and Tithonia diversifolia) on mature (6-year-old) and young (6-month-old) tea. This study had three on-farm, long-term (from Nov 1998 to Dec 2002) field experiments. Experiment 1 had 12 treatment combinations with the six shrub species and two mulching treatments (i.e. hedgerow prunings added to the tea plot as a mulch, and unmulched) on mature tea plus a sole tea crop as control. The same was repeated on young tea in Experiment 2 to determine whether resource competition on young tea was greater than that on mature tea. Experiment 3 examined the effects of removing tree root competition on tea by cutting a 1-m deep trench between hedgerows and tea.In all experiments, total tea yields of hedgerow intercrops, cumulated over the 50-month experimental period, were significantly lower (by 3–50%) than sole tea crops, thus indicating significant resource competition except in the case of mulched hedgerow systems involving Eupatorium and mature tea (18% yield increase). Removal of below-ground competition significantly increased tea yields by 11–19%. Addition of hedgerow prunings as a mulch significantly increased yields of both mature and young tea by 13–21%. Tea yields of hedgerow systems with Calliandra, Flemingia and Eupatorium showed greater yield reductions in young tea than in mature tea, but the opposite was shown with other hedgerow species. There was a significant negative linear relationship between tea yield and pruned biomass of hedgerows. Tea yields of all experiments showed significant negative correlations with several hedgerow characters, which are indicators of their competitive ability. These included hedgerow root density, canopy lateral spread, height and cross-section. In a majority of hedgerow systems, the available phosphorus content of topsoil (0–20 cm depth) was up to 51% lower compared to sole crops. It is concluded that incorporation of contour hedgerows in to an existing tea crop could result in significant resource competition with tea and thereby cause tea yield to decrease. However, there is scope for selection of hedgerow species that minimize competition through spatial and temporal complementarity with tea in resource capture.

Bioclimatology is applied for growing tea in the West of Nghe An province, where the tea is considered as a high economic efficient plant to be priorly cultivated for reducing poverty and getting rich. Based on the bioclimatic characteristics of tea plant and regional climatic data from 1980 to 2014, the bioclimatic diagrams are built and the tea cultivability is mapped in term of annual average temperature and total precipitation, for this region with regarding its district of Con Cuong as an analytical key. The climate, including both temperature and precipitation, in Con Cuong is relatively suitable for the tea plantation. The Western Nghe An, a land of approx. 1.4 million ha, could be classified in five areas with different suitability for tea plant. The unfavorable area occupies only 1% of total region and the four favorable rests account for 99% of total, in which, the most favorable area is largest with about 746,355 ha, i.e. over 50% of whole region. The three other areas are cultivable but they are less favorable in terms of either temperature or precipitation. Growing tea in Western Nghe An, even in favorable areas, it should be taken into account of the weather disadvantages in certain moments of the year such as extreme dry, cold, hot and rainy events.ReferencesAhmed S., 2014. Tea and the taste of climate change, www.herbalgram.org, issue, 103, 44–51.Ahmed S., Stepp J.R., Orians C., Griffin T., Matyas C., 2014. Effects of extreme climate events on tea (Camellia sinensis) functional quality validate indigenous farmer knowledge and sensory preferences in tropical China. PloS one, 9(10), e109126.Bhagat R.M., Deb Baruah R., Safique S., 2010. climate and tea [camellia sinensis (l.) o. kuntze] Production with Special Reference to North Eastern India: A Review. Journal of Environmental Research And Development, 4(4), 1017–1028.Carr M., 1972. The Climatic Requirements of the Tea Plant: A Review. Experimental Agriculture, 8(01), 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0014479700023449.Carr M.K.V., Stephen W., 1992. Climate, weather and the yield of tea. In: Tea Cultivation to consumtpion. K.C. Wilson and M.N. Clifford (Eds). Chapman and Hall, 87–135.Daleen Lotter, David le Maitre, 2014. Modeling the distribution of Aspalathus linearis (Rooibos tea): implications of climate change for livelihoods dependent on both cultivation and harvesting from the wild. Ecology and Evolution, 4(8), 1209–1221.Ducan J.M.A., Saikia S.D., Gupta N., Biggs E.M., 2016. Observing climate impacts on tea yield in Assam, India. Applied Geogr., 77, 64–71.Institute of Geography, 2016. Department of Climatically Geography. The precipitation and temperature data at meteorological measuring stations in the West of Nghe An Province between 1984 and 2014. Data stored at Department of Climatically Geography, Institute of Geography, Ha Noi, 46p.Gaussen H., 1954. 8 ème Congrès international de Botanique. Section 7 et 3. Paris.Hadfield W., 1976. The effect of high temperature on some aspects of the physiology and cultivation of tea bush (Camellia sinensis) in North East India. In: Light as an Ecological factor. G.C. Evans, R. Bainbridge and O. Rackham (Eds.) Blackwel Sci. Publ., London, 477–495.Hoang Luu Thu Thuy, 2012. The comprehensive assessment of natural, socio-economic and environmental conditions for environmental protection planning in Nghe An Province. Doctoral Thesis. Institude of Geography, Hanoi, 150p.Huang Shoubo, 1989. Meteorology of tea plants in China: a review. Agri. Forest Meteorol., 47, 19–30.Huang Shoubo, 1991. A study on the ecological climates of some famous tea growing areas in high mountainous regions of China. Chinese Geographical Science, 1(2), 121–128.International Center for Tropical Agriculture, 2017. Identification of suitable tea growing areas in Malawi under climate change scenarios. Ciat report, Cali, Colombia, 39p.Kabir S.E., 2001. A study on Ecophysiology of Tea (Camellia sinensis) with special reference to the influence of climatic factors on physiology of a few selected Tea clones of Darjeering. International Journal of Tea Science, 1(4), 1–9.Kandiah S., Thevadasan T., 1980. Quantification of weather parameters to predict tea yields. Tea Q., Srilanka, 49(1), 25–33.Kaye L., 2014. Climate change threatens Sri Lanka’s tea industry. Triple Pundit: People, Planet, Profit. Available at: www.triplepundit.com/2014/06/climate-changethreatens-sri-lanka-tea-industry. Accessed July 25, 2014.Nakayama A., Harada S., 1962. Studies on the effect on the growth of tea plant. IV. The effect of temperature on the growth of young plants in summer. Bull. Tea Res. Station, Japan, 1, 28–40.Nguyen Bao Ve, 2005. The syllabus of industrial trees. Hanoi Argricultural Publishing House, 224p.Nguyen Dai Khanh, 2003. The assessment of agricultural climatic conditions for tea’s growth in major tea regions of Vietnam. Doctoral Thesis. Institute of Meteorology and Hydrology, 149p.Nguyen Khanh Van, Nguyen Thi Hien, Phan Ke Loc, Nguyen Tien Hiep, 2000. The bioclimatic diagrams of Vietnam. Vietnam National University Publishing House, Ha Noi, 126p.Nguyen Van Hong, 2017. Analyzing, assessing landscape for agriculture, forestry development and biodiversity conservation in the southwestern border districts in Nghe An province. Doctoral thesis. Vietnam National University, Hanoi, 150p.Nguyen Van Tao (ed.), 2004. Completing the asexual propagation process of LDP1 and LDP2 cultivars by cuttings in order to transfer to production. State Project of production pilot, coded KC.06.DA.09.NN. Institute of Tea Research, Phu Tho, 50p.Nkomwa E.C., Joshua M.K., Ngongondo C., Monjerezi M., Chipungu F., 2014. Assessing indigenous knowledge systems and climate change adaptation strategies in agriculture: A case study of Chagaka Village, Chikhwawa, Southern Malawi. Physics and Chemistry of the Earth, Parts A/B/C, 67–69, 164–172.Pham Hoang Ho, 2003. An Illustrated Flora of Vietnam, 2, 430–434. Youth Publishing House, 952p.Rebecca Boehm, Sean B. Cash, Bruce T. Anderson, Selena Ahmed, Timothy S. Griffin, Albert Robbat Jr., John Richard Stepp, Wenyan Han, Matt Hazel and Colin M. Orians, 2016. Association between Empirically Estimated Monsoon Dynamics and Other Weather Factors and Historical Tea Yields in China: Results from a Yield Response Model. Climate, 4, 20; doi:10.3390/cli4020020. www.mdpi.com/journal/climate.Schepp K., 2014. Strategy to adapt to climate change for Michimikuru tea farmers in Kenya. Adap CC Report. 2008. Available at: www.adapcc.org/en/kenya.htm. Accessed July 25, 2014.Sen A.R., Biswas A.K., Sanyal D.K., 1966. The Influence of Climatic Factors on the Yield of Tea in the Assam Valley, J. App. Meteo., 5(6), 789–800.Statistics Office of Nghe An Province, 2016. The annual abstracts of statistics 2015. Nghe An Publishing House, Nghe An, 453p.Tanton T.W., 1982. Environmental factors affecting yield of tea (camellia sinensis). Effect of air temperature. Expl. Agri., 18, 47–52.The People’s Committee of Nghe An Province, 2013. The Decision No. 448/QĐ-UBND dated 31/01/2013 to approve the hi-tech agriculture planning on the production of tea in Nghe An Province.The People’s Committee of Nghe An Province, 2013. The Decision No. 6290/QĐ-UBND dated 24/12/2013 to approve the adjustments and supplements for the development of Nghe An tea Industrial zone planning in 2013–2020.Walter H, Lieth, 1967. Klimadiagram - Weltatlas. Veb Gustav Fischer Verlag Jena.Wijeratne M.A., 1996. Vulnerability of Sri Lanka tea production to global climate change. Water, Air and Soil Pollution, 92(1-2), 87–94.Wijeratne M.A., Anandacoomaraswamy A., Amarathunga M., Ratnasiri J., 2007. Assessment of impact of climate change on productivity of tea (Camellia sinensis L.) plantations in Sri Lanka, 119–126.http://nghean.gov.vn, 05/06/2015. Many crops are withered in Con Cuong.http://baonghean.vn, 25/03/2013. Drought threaten rice and tea in Con Cuong. http://baonghean.vn/con-cuong-han-han-de-doa-lua-che-44581.html.

Background:Systemic Lupus Erythematosus (SLE) is a chronic relapsing and remitting multi-system involving autoimmune condition mainly affecting females of reproductive years. As any other chronic disease needing long term treatment and follow up, proper patient education and high level of patients’ knowledge on their own diagnosis is mandatory for the optimum management. It is proven that poor patient awareness has led to poor compliance and catastrophic relapses. There were no Sri Lankan study to assess patients’ knowledge on SLE and its management.Objectives:To describe the demographic data, any exposure to patient education and to assess knowledge about their own diagnosis and its management among a group of already diagnosed patients with SLE attending rheumatology clinic in National Hospital of Sri Lanka.Methods:A cross sectional descriptive study was carried out with convenience sampling and data were collected using interviewer administered questionnaire. All already diagnosed patients with Systemic Lupus Erythematosus attending the Rheumatology clinic during the data collection period were invited to participate in the study and total of 45 were enrolled with 100% response rate.Results:Overall 45 participants were in the study and all were females. The mean age was 37 (±12.53) years and the average disease duration was 62 months. Considering the exposure to patient education 89.87% had at least one type of patient education and 10.1% had none. A significant proportion (84.4%) was aware about their own diagnosis and 82.2% was able to correctly mention their current medication. Overall knowledge about the disease and its management was moderate (68.7%) among this study population according to our scoring system. However, they had a poor knowledge (45%) relating to pregnancy and contraception.Conclusion:The above study describes important demographic data, exposure to patient education and patients’ knowledge about their own disease in population of Systemic Lupus Erythematosus patients attending National Hospital of Sri Lanka. Their overall knowledge regarding SLE, its management and complications were at a moderate level and awareness regarding pregnancy and contraception in a SLE patient was at a lower level. Therefore, clinicians should pay more attention in to patient education when managing conditions like SLE as it directly affect the patients’ compliance and overall disease outcome.References:[1]Cooper GS, Dooley MA, Treadwell EL, et al. Hormonal, environmental, and infectious risk factors for developing systemic lupus erythematosus. Arthritis Rheum 1998; 41:1714.[2]Costenbader KH, Feskanich D, Stampfer MJ, Karlson EW. Reproductive and menopausal factors and risk of systemic lupus erythematosus in women. Arthritis Rheum 2007; 56:1251.[3]Lahita RG. The role of sex hormones in systemic lupus erythematosus. Curr Opin Rheumatol 1999; 11:352.[4]Hochberg MC. The incidence of systemic lupus erythematosus in Baltimore, Maryland, 1970-1977. Arthritis Rheum 1985; 28:80.[5]Serdula MK, Rhoads GG. Frequency of systemic lupus erythematosus in different ethnic groups in Hawaii. Arthritis Rheum 1979; 22:328.[6]Fernández M, Alarcón GS, Calvo-Alén J, et al. A multiethnic, multicenter cohort of patients with systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE) as a model for the study of ethnic disparities in SLE. Arthritis Rheum 2007; 57:576.[7]Callahan LF, Pincus T. Associations between clinical status questionnaire scores and formal education level in persons with systemic lupus erythematosus. Arthritis Rheum 1990; 33:407.[8]Petri M, Perez-Gutthann S, Longenecker JC, Hochberg M. Morbidity of systemic lupus erythematosus: role of race and socioeconomic status. Am J Med 1991; 91:345.[9]Soe YM, Thant WLY, Sara Z, Nann Z, Oo PP, Kyaw PP, Lin KS, Aung KLL, Soe C. knowledge about their own disease among systemic erythematosus patients. Researchgate doi: 10.1111/1756 – 185x.13361.Disclosure of Interests:None declared

The species of the nominal subgenus of the lomechusine genus Zyras Stephens, 1835 of the Himalaya, India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Sulawesi are revised. Additional species from other parts of the East Palaearctic and Oriental regions are addressed. In all, 40 species are described and/or illustrated, 14 of them for the first time: Zyras (Zyras) ambulans spec. nov. (Thailand), Z. (Z.) brevilobatus spec. nov. (Thailand), Z. (Z.) densihirtus spec. nov. (Sulawesi Utara), Z. (Z.) densissimus spec. nov. (Sulawesi Utara), Z. (Z.) latilobatus spec. nov. (South India), Z. (Z.) longilobatus spec. nov. (India: Meghalaya), Z. (Z.) luteipes spec. nov. (India: Meghalaya), Z. (Z.) morulus spec. nov. (Nepal: Dhaulagiri, Annapurna), Z. (Z.) nigrihirtus spec. nov. (Sulawesi Utara), Z. (Z.) parahirtus spec. nov. (Borneo), Z. (Z.) parvicollis spec. nov. (Thailand), Z. (Z.) russiceps spec. nov. (Thailand, Malaysia), Z. (Z.) titan spec. nov. (Sulawesi Utara), and Z. (Z.) truncatus spec. nov. (Nepal: Dhaulagiri). As many as 28 synonymies are proposed: Zyras alternans (Cameron, 1925) = Z. optimus Cameron, 1939, syn. nov.; Z. bartolozzii Pace, 2003 = Z. alboterminalis Pace, 2008, syn. nov.; Z. bettotanus Cameron, 1930 = Z. drescheri Cameron, 1939, syn. nov., = Z. atrapicalis Assing, 2016, syn. nov.; Z. brignolii (Pace, 1986) = Z. thainiger Pace, 2012, syn. nov.; Z. castaneus (Motschulsky, 1861) = Z. adulescens (Pace, 1987), syn. nov., = Z. britannorum Pace, 1992, syn. nov., = Z. fratrumkadooriorum Pace, 1998, syn. nov., = Z. chumphonensis Pace, 2004, syn. nov., = Z. dibrugarhensis Pace, 2011, syn. nov.; Z. preangeranus Cameron, 1939 = Z. louwerensi Cameron, 1939, syn. nov., = Z. chinkiangensis Bernhauer, 1939, syn. nov., = Z. setosipennis Scheerpeltz, 1965, syn. nov., = Z. alboantennatus Pace, 1986, syn. nov., = Z. sichuanorum Pace, 2012, syn. nov.; Z. geminus (Kraatz, 1859) = Z. indicus Cameron, 1944, syn. nov., = Z. shiva Pace, 1992, syn. nov., = Z. manjushri Pace, 1992, syn. nov., = Z. hongkongensis Pace, 1999, syn. nov., = Z. benenensis Pace, 2001, syn. nov., = Z. parageminus Pace, 2010, syn. nov., = Z. neoparageminus Hlaváč, Newton & Maruyama, 2011, syn. nov., = Z. subgeminus Pace, 2012, syn. nov., = Z. articollis Assing, 2016, syn. nov.; Z. parageminus Pace, 1998 = Z. nameriensis Pace, 2011, syn. nov.; Z. pindarae (Champion, 1921) = Z. ruficauda Cameron, 1939, syn. nov.; Z. proximus Cameron, 1939 = Z. drugmandi Pace, 2004; syn. nov. Zyras novinversus nom. nov. is proposed for the preoccupied name Z. inversus Pace, 2012, syn. nov. Lectotypes are designated for Zyras exasperatus Schubert, 1908, Z. drescheri Cameron, 1939, Z. gratellus Cameron, 1939, Myrmedonia perforata Champion, 1921, and Hygroptera castanea Motschulsky, 1861. Remarkable cases of colour polymorphism and of sexual dimorphism are discussed. A key to the Zyras sensu strictu species of the Himalaya, India, and Sri Lanka, a key to the species recorded from Thailand, and an updated catalogue of the Zyras sensu strictu species of the Palaearctic and Oriental regions are provided. Additional records of numerous named and several unnamed species are reported. The revised distributions of 37 species are mapped. The subgenus is currently represented in the Palaearctic and Oriental regions by a total of 124 described species. The countries with the greatest diversity are China (46 named species), Malaysia (20), India (20), Indonesia (18), Thailand (13), and Nepal (12). The subgenus is reported from Sulawesi for the first time (five named and two unnamed species). Based on a revision of type material, eleven species are not included in, or excluded from, Zyras sensu strictu, and Zyras unicolor Cameron, 1939 is tentatively moved to Drusilla Leach, 1819. Nomenclatural Acts Zyras (Zyras) ambulans spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:pub:FD33C1AE-F7D9-4E3A-A053-A2CAA7261CFE Zyras (Zyras) brevilobatus spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:6C6FB4E9-8A7B-40FB-B1C9-938C01CCD505 Zyras (Zyras) densihirtus spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:E47C7587-9B06-4CD1-821D-6074284CA5BB Zyras (Zyras) densissimus spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:C82B20D3-1259-446E-B077-0D026B057901 Zyras (Zyras) latilobatus spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:AD282BC4-9922-4004-97DE-0E84F5B8634F Zyras (Zyras) longilobatus spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:97F2CE8E-586F-458D-8B4C-26238AA1D870 Zyras (Zyras) luteipes spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:1E837A27-748A-4E5A-BBBC-ABC78704B40D Zyras (Zyras) morulus spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:6F52A4A8-EA4C-472C-AEA3-C3BF6A2C1795 Zyras (Zyras) nigrihirtus spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:4BCA38DF-D00B-4833-81D4-05557C34488E Zyras (Zyras) parahirtus spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:AF0B4E37-02D6-4618-A7C4-3D21FD8A5063 Zyras (Zyras) parvicollis spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:317676A6-1E6A-495F-9864-B7DFA85717F4 Zyras (Zyras) russiceps spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:0F8B55FE-9FAD-4393-8C10-94FBC35FCD77 Zyras (Zyras) titan spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:04E2A49E-E856-490E-AAB3-333A8F481D98 Zyras (Zyras) truncatus spec. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:D18CCF00-B59C-4826-9750-E0991FFD871E Zyras (Zyras) novinversus nom. nov. – urn:lsid:zoobank.org:act:3BD2568F-509A-4132-9F55-131D59FE9405

“There is nothing more public than privacy.” (Berlant and Warner, Sex) How did it come to this? How did it happen that a one-off, two-hour event at a public swimming pool in a suburb of outer Melbourne ignited international hate mail and generated media-fanned political anguish and debate about the proper use of public spaces? In 2010, women who attend a women’s only swim session on Sunday evenings at the Dandenong Oasis public swimming pool asked the pool management and the local council for permission to celebrate the end of Ramadan at the pool during the time of their regular swim session. The request was supported by the pool managers and the council and promoted by both as an opportunity for family and friends to get together in a spirit of multicultural learning and understanding. Responding to criticisms of the event as an unreasonable claim on public facilities by one group, the Mayor of the City of Greater Dandenong, Jim Memeti, rejected claims that this event discriminates against non-Muslim residents of the suburb. But here’s the rub. The event, to be held after hours at the pool, requires all participants older than ten years of age to follow a dress code of knee-length shorts and T-shirts. This is a suburban moment that is borne of but exceeds the local. It reflects and responds to a contemporary global conundrum of great political and theoretical significance—how to negotiate and govern the relations between multiculturalism, religion, gender, sexual freedom, and democracy. Specifically this event speaks to how multicultural democracy in the public sphere negotiates the public presence and expression of different cultural and religious frameworks related to gender and sexuality. This is demanding political stuff. Situated in the messy political and theoretical terrains of the relation between public space and the public sphere, this local moment called for political judgement about how cultural differences should be allowed to manifest in and through public space, giving consideration to the potential effects of these decisions on an inclusive multicultural democracy. The local authorities in Dandenong engaged in an admirable process of democratic labour as they puzzled over how to make decisions that were responsible and equitable, in the absence of a rulebook or precedents for success. Ultimately however this mode of experimental decision-making, which will become increasingly necessary to manage such predicaments in the future, was foreclosed by unwarranted and unhelpful media outrage. "Foreclosed" here stresses the preemptive nature of the loss; a lost opportunity for trialing approaches to governing cultural diversity that may fail, but might then be modified. It was condemned in advance of either success or failure. The role of the media rather than the discomfort of the local publics has been decisive in this event.This Multicultural SuburbDandenong is approximately 30 kilometres southeast of central Melbourne. Originally home to the Bunorong People of the Kulin nation, it was settled by pastoralists by the 1800s, heavily industrialised during the twentieth century, and now combines cultural diversity with significant social disadvantage. The City of Greater Dandenong is proud of its reputation as the most culturally and linguistically diverse municipality in Australia. Its population of approximately 138,000 comprises residents from 156 different language groups. More than half (56%) of its population was born overseas, with 51% from nations where English is not the main spoken language. These include Vietnam, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, India, China, Italy, Greece, Bosnia and Afghanistan. It is also a place of significant religious diversity with residents identifying as Buddhist (15 per cent) Muslim (8 per cent), Hindu (2 per cent) and Christian (52 per cent) [CGD]. Its city logo, “Great Place, Great People” evokes its twin pride in the placemaking power of its diverse population. It is also a brazen act of civic branding to counter its reputation as a derelict and dangerous suburb. In his recent book The Bogan Delusion, David Nichols cites a "bogan" website that names Dandenong as one of Victoria’s two most bogan areas. The other was Moe. (p72). The Sunday Age newspaper had already depicted Dandenong as one of two excessively dangerous suburbs “where locals fear to tread” (Elder and Pierik). The other suburb of peril was identified as Footscray.Central Dandenong is currently the site of Australia’s largest ever state sponsored Urban Revitalisation program with a budget of more than $290 million to upgrade infrastructure, that aims to attract $1billion in private investment to provide housing and future employment.The Cover UpIn September 2010, the Victorian and Civil and Administrative Appeals Tribunal (VCAT) granted the YMCA an exemption from the Equal Opportunity Act to allow a dress code for the Ramadan event at the Oasis swimming pool that it manages. The "Y" sees the event as “an opportunity for the broader community to learn more about Ramadan and the Muslim faith, and encourages all members of Dandenong’s diverse community to participate” (YMCA Ramadan). While pool management and the municipal council refer to the event as an "opening up" of the closed swimming session, the media offer a different reading of the VCAT decision. The trope of the "the cover up" has framed most reports and commentaries (Murphy; Szego). The major focus of the commentaries has not been the event per se, but the call to dress "appropriately." Dress codes however are a cultural familiar. They exist for workplaces, schools, nightclubs, weddings, racing and sporting clubs and restaurants, to name but a few. While some of these codes or restrictions are normatively imposed rather than legally required, they are not alien to cultural life in Australia. Moreover, there are laws that prohibit people from being meagerly dressed or naked in public, including at beaches, swimming pools and so on. The dress code for this particular swimming pool event was, however, perceived to be unusual and, in a short space of time, "unusual" converted to "social threat."Responses to media polls about the dress code reveal concerns related to the symbolic dimensions of the code. The vast majority of those who opposed the Equal Opportunity exemption saw it as the thin edge of the multicultural wedge, a privatisation of public facilities, or a denial of the public’s right to choose how to dress. Tabloid newspapers reported on growing fears of Islamisation, while the more temperate opposition situated the decision as a crisis of human rights associated with tolerating illiberal cultural practices. Julie Szego reflects this view in an opinion piece in The Age newspaper:the Dandenong pool episode is neither trivial nor insignificant. It is but one example of human rights laws producing outcomes that restrict rights. It raises tough questions about how far public authorities ought to go in accommodating cultural practices that sit uneasily with mainstream Western values. (Szego)Without enquiring into the women’s request and in the absence of the women’s views about what meaning the event held for them, most media commentators and their electronically wired audiences treated the announcement as yet another alarming piece of evidence of multicultural failure and the potential Islamisation of Australia. The event raised specific concerns about the double intrusion of cultural difference and religion. While the Murdoch tabloid Herald Sun focused on the event as “a plan to force families to cover up to avoid offending Muslims at a public event” (Murphy) the liberal Age newspaper took a more circumspect approach, reporting on its small vox pop at the Dandenong pool. Some people here referred to the need to respect religions and seemed unfazed by the exemption and the event. Those who disagreed thought it was important not to enforce these (dress) practices on other people (Carey).It is, I believe, significant that several employees of the local council informed me that most of the opposition has come from the media, people outside of Dandenong and international groups who oppose the incursion of Islam into non-Islamic settings. Opposition to the event did not appear to derive from local concern or opposition.The overwhelming majority of Herald Sun comments expressed emphatic opposition to the dress code, citing it variously as unAustralian, segregationist, arrogant, intolerant and sexist. The Herald Sun polled readers (in a self-selecting and of course highly unrepresentative on-line poll) asking them to vote on whether or not they agreed with the VCAT exemption. While 5.52 per cent (512 voters) agreed with the ruling, 94.48 per cent (8,760) recorded disagreement. In addition, the local council has, for the first time in memory, received a stream of hate-mail from international anti-Islam groups. Muslim women’s groups, feminists, the Equal Opportunity Commissioner and academics have also weighed in. According to local reports, Professor of Islamic Studies at the University of Melbourne, Shahram Akbarzadeh, considered the exemption was “nonsense” and would “backfire and the people who will pay for it will be the Muslim community themselves” (Haberfield). He repudiated it as an example of inclusion and tolerance, labeling it “an effort of imposing a value system (sic)” (Haberfield). He went so far as to suggest that, “If Tony Abbott wanted to participate in his swimwear he wouldn’t be allowed in. That’s wrong.” Tasneem Chopra, chairwoman of the Islamic Women’s Welfare Council and Sherene Hassan from the Islamic Council of Victoria, both expressed sensitivity to the group’s attempt to establish an inclusive event but would have preferred the dress code to be a matter of choice rather coercion (Haberfield, "Mayor Defends Dandenong Pool Cover Up Order"). Helen Szoke, the Commissioner of the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission, defended the pool’s exemption from the Law that she oversees. “Matters such as this are not easy to resolve and require a balance to be achieved between competing rights and obligations. Dress codes are not uncommon: e.g., singlets, jeans, thongs etc in pubs/hotels” (in Murphy). The civil liberties organisation, Liberty Victoria, supported the ban because the event was to be held after hours (Murphy). With astonishing speed this single event not only transformed the suburban swimming pool to a theatre of extra-local disputes about who and what is entitled to make claims on public space and publically funded facilities, but also fed into charged debates about the future of multiculturalism and the vulnerability of the nation to the corrosive effects of cultural and religious difference. In this sense suburbs like Dandenong are presented as sites that not only generate fear about physical safety but whose suburban sensitivities to its culturally diverse population represent a threat to the safety of the nation. Thus the event both reflects and produces an antipathy to cultural difference and to the place where difference resides. This aversion is triggered by and mediated in this case through the figure, rather than the (corpo)reality, of the Muslim woman. In this imagining, the figure of the Muslim woman is assigned the curious symbolic role of "cultural creep." The debates around the pool event is not about the wellbeing or interests of the Muslim women themselves, nor are broader debates about the perceived, culturally-derived restrictions imposed on Muslim women living in Australia or other western countries. The figure of the Muslim woman is, I would argue, simply the ground on which the debates are held. The first debate relates to social and public space, access to which is considered fundamental to freedom and participatory democracy, and in current times is addressed in terms of promoting inclusion, preventing exclusion and finding opportunities for cross cultural encounters. The second relates not to public space per se, but to the public sphere or the “sphere of private people coming together as a public” for political deliberation (Habermas 21). The literature and discussions dealing with these two terrains have remained relatively disconnected (Low and Smith) with public space referring largely to activities and opportunities in the socio-cultural domain and the public sphere addressing issues of politics, rights and democracy. This moment in Dandenong offers some modest leeway for situating "the suburb" as an ideal site for coalescing these disparate discussions. In this regard I consider Iveson’s provocative and productive question about whether some forms of exclusions from suburban public space may actually deepen the democratic ideals of the public sphere. Exclusions may in such cases be “consistent with visions of a democratically inclusive city” (216). He makes his case in relation to a dispute about the exclusion of men exclusion from a women’s only swimming pool in the Sydney suburb of Coogee. The Dandenong case is similarly exclusive with an added sense of exclusion generated by an "inclusion with restrictions."Diversity, Difference, Public Space and the Public SphereAs a prelude to this discussion of exclusion as democracy, I return to the question that opened this article: how did it come to this? How is it that Australia has moved from its renowned celebration and pride in its multiculturalism so much in evidence at the suburban level through what Ghassan Hage calls an “unproblematic” multiculturalism (233) and what others have termed “everyday multiculturalism” (Wise and Velayutham). Local cosmopolitanisms are often evinced through the daily rituals of people enjoying the ethnic cuisines of their co-residents’ pasts, and via moments of intercultural encounter. People uneventfully rub up against and greet each other or engage in everyday acts of kindness that typify life in multicultural suburbs, generating "reservoirs of hope" for democratic and cosmopolitan cities (Thrift 147). In today’s suburbs, however, the “Imperilled Muslim women” who need protection from “dangerous Muslim men” (Razack 129) have a higher discursive profile than ethnic cuisine as the exemplar of multiculturalism. Have we moved from pleasure to hostility or was the suburban pleasure in racial difference always about a kind of “eating the other” (bell hooks 378). That is to ask whether our capacity to experience diversity positively has been based on consumption, consuming the other for our own enrichment, whereas living with difference entails a commitment not to consumption but to democracy. This democratic multicultural commitment is a form of labour rather than pleasure, and its outcome is not enrichment but transformation (although this labour can be pleasurable and transformation might be enriching). Dandenong’s prized cultural precincts, "Little India" and the "Afghan bazaar" are showcases of food, artefacts and the diversity of the suburb. They are centres of pleasurable and exotic consumption. The pool session, however, requires one to confront difference. In simple terms we can think about ethnic food, festivals and handicrafts as cultural diversity, and the Muslim woman as cultural difference.This distinction between diversity and difference is useful for thinking through the relation between multiculturalism in public space and multicultural democracy of the public sphere. According to the anthropologist Thomas Hylland Eriksen, while a neoliberal sensibility supports cultural diversity in the public space, cultural difference is seen as a major cause of social problems associated with immigrants, and has a diminishing effect on the public sphere (14). According to Eriksen, diversity is understood as aesthetic, or politically and morally neutral expressions of culture that are enriching (Hage 118) or digestible. Difference, however, refers to morally objectionable cultural practices. In short, diversity is enriching. Difference is corrosive. Eriksen argues that differences that emerge from distinct cultural ideas and practices are deemed to create conflicts with majority cultures, weaken social solidarity and lead to unacceptable violations of human rights in minority groups. The suburban swimming pool exists here at the boundary of diversity and difference, where the "presence" of diverse bodies may enrich, but their different practices deplete and damage existing culture. The imperilled Muslim woman of the suburbs carries a heavy symbolic load. She stands for major global contests at the border of difference and diversity in three significant domains, multiculturalism, religion and feminism. These three areas are positioned simultaneously in public space and of the public sphere and she embodies a specific version of each in this suburban setting. First, there a global retreat from multiculturalism evidenced in contemporary narratives that describe multiculturalism (both as official policy and unofficial sensibility) as failed and increasingly ineffective at accommodating or otherwise dealing with religious, cultural and ethnic differences (Cantle; Goodhart; Joppke; Poynting and Mason). In the UK, Europe, the US and Australia, popular media sources and political discourses speak of "parallel lives,"immigrant enclaves, ghettoes, a lack of integration, the clash of values, and illiberal cultural practices. The covered body of the Muslim woman, and more particularly the Muslim veil, are now read as visual signs of this clash of values and of the refusal to integrate. Second, religion has re-emerged in the public domain, with religious groups and individuals making particular claims on public space both on the basis of their religious identity and in accord with secular society’s respect for religious freedom. This is most evident in controversies in France, Belgium and Netherlands associated with banning niqab in public and other religious symbols in schools, and in Australia in court. In this sense the covered Muslim woman raises concerns and indignation about the rightful place of religion in the public sphere and in social space. Third, feminism is increasingly invoked as the ground from which claims about the imperilled Muslim woman are made, particularly those about protecting women from their dangerous men. The infiltration of the Muslim presence into public space is seen as a threat to the hard won gains of women’s freedom enjoyed by the majority population. This newfound feminism of the public sphere, posited by those who might otherwise disavow feminism, requires some serious consideration. This public discourse rarely addresses the discrimination, violation and lack of freedom experienced systematically on an everyday basis by women of majority cultural backgrounds in western societies (such as Australia). However, the sexism of racially and religiously different men is readily identified and decried. This represents a significant shift to a dubious feminist register of the public sphere such that: “[w]omen of foreign origin, ...more specifically Muslim women…have replaced the traditional housewife as the symbol of female subservience” (Tissot 41–42).The three issues—multiculturalism, religion and feminism—are, in the Dandenong pool context, contests about human rights, democracy and the proper use of public space. Szego’s opinion piece sees the Dandenong pool "cover up" as an example of the conundrum of how human rights for some may curtail the human rights of others and lead us into a problematic entanglement of universal "rights," with claims of difference. In her view the combination of human rights and multiculturalism in the case of the Dandenong Pool accommodates illiberal practices that put the rights of "the general public" at risk, or as she puts it, on a “slippery slope” that results in a “watering down of our human rights.” Ideas that entail women making a claim for private time in public space are ultimately not good for "us."Such ideas run counter to the West's more than 500-year struggle for individual freedom—including both freedom of religion and freedom from religion—and for gender equality. Our public authorities ought to be pushing back hardest when these values are under threat. Yet this is precisely where they've been buckling under pressure (Szego)But a different reading of the relation between public and private space, human rights, democracy and gender freedom is readily identifiable in the Dandenong event—if one looks for it. Living with difference, I have already suggested, is a problem of democracy and the public sphere and does not so easily correspond to consuming diversity, as it demands engagement with cultural difference. In what remains, I explore how multicultural democracy in the public sphere and women’s rights in public and private realms relate, firstly, to the burgeoning promise of democracy and civility that might emerge in public space through encounter and exchange. I also point out how this moment in Dandenong might be read as a singular contribution to dealing with this global problematic of living with difference; of democracy in the public sphere. Public urban space has become a focus for speculation among geographers and sociologists in particular, about the prospects for an enhanced civic appreciation of living with difference through encountering strangers. Random and repetitious encounters with people from all cultures typify contemporary urban life. It remains an open question however as to whether these encounters open up or close down possibilities for conviviality and understanding, and whether they undo or harden peoples’ fears and prejudices. There is, however, at least in some academic and urban planning circles, some hope that the "throwntogetherness" (Massey) and the "doing" of togetherness (Laurier and Philo) found in the multicultural city may generate some lessons and opportunities for developing a civic culture and political commitment to living with difference. Alongside the optimism of those who celebrate the city, the suburb, and public spaces as forging new ways of living with difference, there are those such as Gill Valentine who wonder how this might be achieved in practice (324). Ash Amin similarly notes that city or suburban public spaces are not necessarily “the natural servants of multicultural engagement” (Ethnicity 967). Amin and Valentine point to the limited or fleeting opportunities for real engagement in these spaces. Moreover Valentine‘s research in the UK revealed that the spatial proximity found in multicultural spaces did not so much give rise to greater mutual respect and engagement, but to a frustrated “white self-segregation in the suburbs.” She suggests therefore that civility and polite exchange should not be mistaken for respect (324). Amin contends that it is the “micro-publics” of social encounters found in workplaces, schools, gardens, sports clubs [and perhaps swimming pools] rather than the fleeting encounters of the street or park, that offer better opportunities for meaningful intercultural exchange. The Ramadan celebration at the pool, with its dress code and all, might be seen more fruitfully as a purposeful event engaging a micro-public in which people are able to “break out of fixed relations and fixed notions” and “learn to become different” (Amin, Ethnicity 970) without that generating discord and resentment.Micropublics, Subaltern Publics and a Democracy of (Temporary) ExclusionsIs this as an opportunity to bring the global and local together in an experiment of forging new democratic spaces for gender, sexuality, culture and for living with difference? More provocatively, can we see exclusion and an invitation to share in this exclusion as a precursor to and measure of, actually existing democracy? Painter and Philo have argued that democratic citizenship is questionable if “people cannot be present in public spaces (streets, squares, parks, cinemas, churches, town halls) without feeling uncomfortable, victimized and basically ‘out of place’…" (Iveson 216). Feminists have long argued that distinctions between public and private space are neither straightforward nor gender neutral. For Nancy Fraser the terms are “cultural classifications and rhetorical labels” that are powerful because they are “frequently deployed to delegitimate some interests, views and topics and to valorize others” (73). In relation to women and other subordinated minorities, the "rhetoric of privacy" has been historically used to restrict the domain of legitimate public contestation. In fact the notion of what is public and particularly notions of the "public interest" and the "public good" solidify forms of subordination. Fraser suggests the concept of "subaltern counterpublics" as an alternative to notions of "the public." These are discursive spaces where groups articulate their needs, and demands are circulated formulating their own public sphere. This challenges the very meaning and foundational premises of ‘the public’ rather than simply positing strategies of inclusion or exclusion. The twinning of Amin’s notion of "micro-publics" and Fraser’s "counterpublics" is, I suggest, a fruitful approach to interpreting the Dandenong pool issue. It invites a reading of this singular suburban moment as an experiment, a trial of sorts, in newly imaginable ways of living democratically with difference. It enables us to imagine moments when a limited democratic right to exclude might create the sorts of cultural exchanges that give rise to a more authentic and workable recognition of cultural difference. I am drawn to think that this is precisely the kind of democratic experimentation that the YMCA and Dandenong Council embarked upon when they applied for the Equal Opportunity exemption. I suggest that by trialing, rather than fixing forever a "critically exclusive" access to the suburban swimming pool for two hours per year, they were in fact working on the practical problem of how to contribute in small but meaningful ways to a more profoundly free democracy and a reworked public sphere. In relation to the similar but distinct example of the McIver pool for women and children in Coogee, New South Wales, Kurt Iveson makes the point that such spaces of exclusion or withdrawal, “do not necessarily serve simply as spaces where people ‘can be themselves’, or as sites through which reified identities are recognised—in existing conditions of inequality, they can also serve as protected spaces where people can take the risk of exploring who they might become with relative safety from attack and abuse” (226). These are necessary risks to take if we are to avoid entrenching fear of difference in a world where difference is itself deeply, and permanently, entrenched.ReferencesAmin, Ash. “Ethnicity and the Multicultural City: Living with Diversity.” Environment and Planning A 34 (2002): 959–80.———. “The Good City.” Urban Studies 43 (2006): 1009–23.Berlant, Lauren, and Michael Warner. “Sex in Public.” Critical Inquiry 24 (1998): 547–66.Cantle, Ted. Community Cohesion: A Report of the Independent Review Team. 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Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.YMCA. “VCAT Ruling on Swim Sessions at Dandenong Oasis to Open Up to Community During Ramadan Next Year.” 16 Sep. 2010. ‹http://www.victoria.ymca.org.au/cpa/htm/htm_news_detail.asp?page_id=13&news_id=360›.