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Journal articles on the topic 'St. Domingue'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Edmondson, Philip. "“To Plead Our Own Cause”: The St. Domingue Legacy and the Rise of the Black Press." Prospects 29 (October 2005): 121–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036123330000171x.

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From the 1820s to the 1850s, the black press, with early support from white abolitionists, published historical essays on the St. Domingue slave rebellion for new generations of readers. The purpose was to exhort free black readers to emulate the vigor of the St. Dominguan rebels in taking control of their communities and personal lives. In this essay, I address how antebellum black activist writers formulated a St. Domingue legacy to unite free black communities, to promote literacy education, and to build firm moral character.

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2

Gailus, Andreas. "Language Unmoored: On Kleist'sThe Betrothal in St. Domingue." Germanic Review: Literature, Culture, Theory 85, no. 1 (January 29, 2010): 20–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00168890903446633.

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3

Neidenbach, Elizabeth C. "“Refugee from St. Domingue Living in This City”." Journal of Urban History 42, no. 5 (September 2016): 841–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144216665304.

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4

Piquet, Jean-Daniel. "Le Créole Patriote, apôtre de l'insurrection de St-Domingue." Annales historiques de la Révolution française 293, no. 1 (1993): 519–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahrf.1993.1591.

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5

Geggus, David. "The naming of Haiti." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1997): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002615.

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When St. Domingue declared its independence it was renamed Haiti, an Amerindian name. Author explores what the founding fathers of Haitian independence might have known about the Amerindian past in the Caribbean and in South America. He also raises questions about ethnicity and identity in 19th-c. Haiti.

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6

Munford, Clarence J., and Michael Zeuske. "Black Slavery, Class Struggle, Fear and Revolution in St. Domingue and Cuba, 1785-1795." Journal of Negro History 73, no. 1-4 (January 1988): 12–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jnhv73n1-4p12.

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7

Reinhardt, Catherine A. "Forgotten Claims to Liberty: Free Coloreds in St. Domingue on the Eve of the First Abolition of Slavery." Colonial Latin American Review 10, no. 1 (June 2001): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10609160120049362.

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8

Bourke, Thomas E. "Toussaint l'ouverture and the black revolution of St. Domingue as reflected in German literature from Kleist to Buch." History of European Ideas 11, no. 1-6 (January 1989): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(89)90202-7.

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9

Palmié, Stephan. "Adjusting lenses: discourse, power, and identity, at home and abroad." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 68, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1994): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002662.

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[First paragraph]Schwarze Freiheit lm Dialog: Saint-Domingue 1791 - Haiti 1991. C. Herrmann Middelanis (ed.). Bielefeld: Hans Koek, 1992. 62 pp. (Paper n.p.)Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn. Karen McCarthy Brown. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. x + 405 pp. (Cloth US$ 24.00, Paper US$ 13.00)Caribbean New York: Black Immigrants and the Politics of Race. Philip Kasinitz. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992. xv + 280 pp. (Cloth US$ 39.95, Paper US$ 13.95)Ever since the first truly free nation of the Americas emerged from the agony of the Haitian Revolution, the western part of Hispaniola has been subject to torturous exertions of the European and American imagination. If, by reappropriating their own persons, the Haitians withheld a prime object of capitalist desire, their defiance was answered, in part, by the symbolic objectification of Haiti - this time not by merchants and empire-builders, but by philosophes, literati, and artists "organic" to various European and American regimes, anciens as well as nouveaux. Part of this was pragmatically motivated. The mere existence of Haiti spelled an immediate threat to the stability of New World polities predicated on the exploitation of unfree black labor. If slave revolts were endemic to the region, the events after 1791 seemed to exemplify the pandemic potential of black insurrection in its most virulent forms. Moreover, though direct connections to the events in St. Domingue could rarely be substantiated, the outbreaks of violence in Grenada, Demerara, Louisiana, St. Vincent, and Jamaica in the mid-1790s, and the subsequent proliferation (of real as well as imagined) plots in Cuba, Virginia, and Trinidad lent additional weight to fears aboutthe contagious nature of libertarian ideas (cf. Genovese 1979 and Geggus 1989 for rather different assessments of the reality behind such perceptions). Hence the frantic attempts to establish a cordon sanitaire between the source of revolutionary disease and those slave populations still uncontaminated - a course of action which may well represent one of the first instances of genuinely international information control. Yet slaveholders' recensions of the Haitian Revolution as symptomatic of a morbid process in need of containment did not exhaust its semantic potential.

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10

Accilien, Cécile. "Secret History: or, The Horrors of St. Domingo in a Series of Letters … (Philadelphia, 1808): Saint-Domingue through the Lens of an American Woman on the Eve of Haitian Independence." Journal of Haitian Studies 25, no. 1 (2019): 66–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jhs.2019.0002.

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11

Mongey, Vanessa. "A Tale of Two Brothers: Haiti’s Other Revolutions." Americas 69, no. 01 (July 2012): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500001796.

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Sévère Courtois's modest ambition was to revolutionize the world. “It is man's holy cause and duty to protect and aid the defense and to establish Independence in all the Universe,” he instructed his brother Joseph in October 1821. At the time, the Courtois brothers were a mere hundred miles apart; Sévère had set up an independent government on Providencia Island, in the western Caribbean, and Joseph was embarking on a political career of his own in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Though the two brothers were born in the French colony of St. Domingue, the tumults of the Age of Revolutions had swept them away from their native island. At the time Sévère penned the letter urging his brother to support his universal liberation enterprise, Joseph had just come back from fighting in the Napoleonic wars in Europe. Sévère had participated in multiple revolutionary coups and moved from New Orleans to Cartagena, and from there to Texas and then Florida.

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12

Mongey, Vanessa. "A Tale of Two Brothers: Haiti’s Other Revolutions." Americas 69, no. 1 (July 2012): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2012.0062.

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Sévère Courtois's modest ambition was to revolutionize the world. “It is man's holy cause and duty to protect and aid the defense and to establish Independence in all the Universe,” he instructed his brother Joseph in October 1821. At the time, the Courtois brothers were a mere hundred miles apart; Sévère had set up an independent government on Providencia Island, in the western Caribbean, and Joseph was embarking on a political career of his own in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Though the two brothers were born in the French colony of St. Domingue, the tumults of the Age of Revolutions had swept them away from their native island. At the time Sévère penned the letter urging his brother to support his universal liberation enterprise, Joseph had just come back from fighting in the Napoleonic wars in Europe. Sévère had participated in multiple revolutionary coups and moved from New Orleans to Cartagena, and from there to Texas and then Florida.

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13

Chinea, Jorge Luis. "Francophobia and Interimperial Politics in late Bourbon Puerto Rico: The Duke of Crillón y Mahón’s Failed Negotiations with the Spanish Crown, 1776-1796." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002475.

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Reconstructs how Louis Balbes des Berton, or Duke of Crillón y Mahón, a Frenchman naturalized as Spaniard, attempted to persuade the Spanish Crown to grant him liberal commercial and colonizing concessions in Puerto Rico in the later 18th c. Author describes how Crillón at first wanted to settle and colonize parts of Santo Domingo near French St Domingue, but the Crown refused this, as part of increased measures against (further) foreign encroachments in Spanish territories, and granted him land in Puerto Rico in 1776 instead, for growing sugar, coffee, and other crops. He places this within the context of the Bourbon reforms, aimed at preventing foreign intrusions in more peripheral Spanish colonies like Puerto Rico then, by aligning these with Spanish imperial objectives. Author further relates how Crillón sought to elaborate the land grant through planning, proposals, and several appeals to the Spanish Crown, up to 1796, for concessions to facilitate his introduction and trading in African slaves, and exempting him from certain extant legal taxes and requirements regarding colonists and land sale, aiming to achieve a sort of feudal power. These proposals and appeals, or calls for financial support, were mainly dismissed by the Crown, seemingly for several legal reasons or transgressions. The author argues, however, that while Crillón was avaricious, the Crown's dismissal related as much to Crillón being a foreigner, whose loyalty to Spain seemed doubtful to some Hispanophiles in the Crown's inner circle.

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Chinea, Jorge Luis. "Francophobia and Interimperial Politics in late Bourbon Puerto Rico: The Duke of Crillón y Mahón’s Failed Negotiations with the Spanish Crown, 1776-1796." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2007): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002475.

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Reconstructs how Louis Balbes des Berton, or Duke of Crillón y Mahón, a Frenchman naturalized as Spaniard, attempted to persuade the Spanish Crown to grant him liberal commercial and colonizing concessions in Puerto Rico in the later 18th c. Author describes how Crillón at first wanted to settle and colonize parts of Santo Domingo near French St Domingue, but the Crown refused this, as part of increased measures against (further) foreign encroachments in Spanish territories, and granted him land in Puerto Rico in 1776 instead, for growing sugar, coffee, and other crops. He places this within the context of the Bourbon reforms, aimed at preventing foreign intrusions in more peripheral Spanish colonies like Puerto Rico then, by aligning these with Spanish imperial objectives. Author further relates how Crillón sought to elaborate the land grant through planning, proposals, and several appeals to the Spanish Crown, up to 1796, for concessions to facilitate his introduction and trading in African slaves, and exempting him from certain extant legal taxes and requirements regarding colonists and land sale, aiming to achieve a sort of feudal power. These proposals and appeals, or calls for financial support, were mainly dismissed by the Crown, seemingly for several legal reasons or transgressions. The author argues, however, that while Crillón was avaricious, the Crown's dismissal related as much to Crillón being a foreigner, whose loyalty to Spain seemed doubtful to some Hispanophiles in the Crown's inner circle.

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15

Malena, Anne. "La Louisiane : une trahison américaine telle qu’illustrée dans la traduction de Vue de la colonie espagnole du Mississippi de Berquin-Duvallon." TTR : traduction, terminologie, rédaction 15, no. 2 (January 16, 2004): 63–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/007479ar.

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RésuméUne relation de voyage anonyme publiée à Paris par un colon réfugié de St. Domingue en 1803 et traduite par John Davis à New York en 1806 constitue un cas particulièrement intéressant de traduction et censure parce qu’elle s’insère dans un contexte idéologique des plus complexes, celui de l’achat de la Louisiane. Après une courte période pendant laquelle elle est redevenue officiellement française au terme de 40 ans de gestion espagnole, la colonie sera achetée pas les États-Unis en 1803. La traduction de John Davis illustre ce moment charnière dans l’histoire de la Louisiane par la récupération hostile d’un texte qui reliait explicitement la Louisiane à la France et par les stratégies censoriales auxquelles le traducteur a recours. Dans une perspective postcoloniale, il est possible d’isoler les éléments déjà présents dans le texte original et qui rendaient sa traduction souhaitable dans le but d’informer les investisseurs américains. Cet exemple de traduction coloniale permet de mieux comprendre comment les relations discursives renforcent le pouvoir et le rôle manipulateur que joue la traduction en s’appuyant sur la censure.

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16

SCLATER, PHILIP LUTLEY. "LISTE DES OISEAUX RAPPORTS ET OBSERVS DANS LA RPUBLIQUE DOMINICAINE (ANCIENNE PARTIE ESPAGNOLE DE L'ILE ST. DOMINGUE ou D'IIAITI), PAR M. A. SALLE, PENDANT SON VOYAGE DE 1849 h 1851." Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 25, no. 1 (August 20, 2009): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1096-3642.1857.tb01233.x.

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17

Sweet, James. "Research Note: New Perspectives on Kongo in Revolutionary Haiti." Americas 74, no. 1 (December 6, 2016): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2016.82.

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On February 26, 1794, Louis Narcisse Baudry des Lozières arrived at the port of Norfolk, Virginia, from Le Havre on the coast of France. His journey had not been an easy one. Shortly after leaving France, the ship carrying Baudry, his wife, their 13-year-old daughter, and a Norman servant girl was caught in a terrible storm. The family endured a harrowing four-month Atlantic crossing, but they had experienced far worse. Just two years earlier, Baudry had discovered his wife and daughter “wandering in the woods” of St. Domingue, after rebels had forced them to abandon their home in the early days of the Haitian Revolution. Baudry, a distinguished French military officer, had himself been wounded fighting the insurgents near Léogane, and the majority of the soldiers under his command had been slaughtered. Fearing for his life, Baudry fled the colony in March 1792. In Paris, he briefly reunited with his more famous brother-in-law, the lawyer and writer Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry. However, both were soon forced into exile, and he eventually settled in Philadelphia. There, Baudry worked as a clerk, bookseller, and editor. He also used his exile as an opportunity to travel North America, spending time with his wife and in-laws in New Orleans. Eventually, Baudry presented himself as an expert on the natural history of the French colonies, delivering lectures to the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia and publishing several articles on “scientific” topics.

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18

Lee, Ki-Hong. "How did the quantitative method have came to dominate the American sociology?" Society and Theory 32 (May 31, 2018): 7–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17209/st.2018.05.32.7.

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19

Gold, Joshua Robert. "Face Value: Kleist’sDie Verlobung in St. Domingo." European Romantic Review 21, no. 1 (February 2010): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509580903557037.

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20

Kappeler, Florian. "Revolution der Verwandtschaft. Beziehungsweisen in Heinrich von Kleists Die Verlobung in St. Domingo." Verwandtschaftsverhältnisse – Geschlechterverhältnisse im 21. Jahrhundert 11, no. 2-2019 (July 5, 2019): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/gender.v11i2.02.

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Wenn moderne Revolutionen wesentlich Verwandtschaftsverhältnisse betreffen, welche Fragen wirft dann die Haitianische Revolution als eine Selbstbefreiung von people of color von rassistischen und sexistischen Verhältnissen auf? Der Artikel geht diesem Problem anhand der Darstellung von Beziehungsweisen in Heinrich von Kleists Die Verlobung in St. Domingo (1811) nach. Narrative der Verwandtschaft werden hier anhand der Verlobung eines Mädchens aus einem revolutionären Haushalt mit einem aus der Schweiz stammenden Söldner der Konterrevolution sowie seiner patriarchalen Großfamilie präsentiert. Der Beitrag argumentiert in intersektionaler Perspektive, dass der revolutionäre Haushalt Tonis neue Verwandtschaftsformen etabliert, zugleich aber noch von den sexistischen und rassistischen Verhältnissen des Kolonialismus geprägt ist. Die Widersprüchlichkeit des Eherechts in der Übergangssituation des Jahres 1803 konterkariert den Versuch, eine neue Praxis interkultureller Verwandtschaftsformen zu begründen.

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21

Wittkowski, Wolfgang. "Justice and Loyalty. Kleist's Die Verlobung in St. Domingo." Journal of Black Studies 23, no. 2 (December 1992): 188–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479202300203.

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22

Martin, James P. "Reading Race in Kleist's "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo"." Monatshefte 100, no. 1 (2008): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mon.2008.0056.

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23

Carter, P. E., S. M. McTavish, H. J. L. Brooks, D. Campbell, J. M. Collins-Emerson, A. C. Midwinter, and N. P. French. "Novel Clonal Complexes with an Unknown Animal Reservoir Dominate Campylobacter jejuni Isolates from River Water in New Zealand." Applied and Environmental Microbiology 75, no. 19 (July 31, 2009): 6038–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/aem.01039-09.

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ABSTRACT Campylobacter jejuni is widely distributed in the environment, and river water has been shown to carry high levels of the organism. In this study, 244 C. jejuni isolates from three river catchment areas in New Zealand were characterized using multilocus sequence typing. Forty-nine of the 88 sequence types identified were new. The most common sequence types identified were ST-2381 (30 isolates), ST-45 (25 isolates), and ST-1225 (23 isolates). The majority of the sequence types identified in the river water could be attributed to wild bird fecal contamination. Two novel clonal complexes (CC) were identified, namely, CC ST-2381 (11 sequence types, 46 isolates) and CC ST-3640 (6 sequence types, 12 isolates), in which all of the sequence types were new. CC ST-2381 was the largest complex identified among the isolates and was present in two of the three rivers. None of the sequence types associated with the novel complexes has been identified among human isolates. The ST-2381 complex is not related to complexes associated with cattle, sheep, or poultry. The source of the novel complexes has yet to be identified.

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24

Byrd, Vance. "Family, Intercategorical Complexity, and Kleist's Die Verlobung in St. Domingo." Germanic Review: Literature, Culture, Theory 92, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00168890.2017.1329702.

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25

Rodgers, Shelly, Esther Thorson, and Michael Antecol. "‘Reality’ in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch." Newspaper Research Journal 21, no. 3 (June 2000): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073953290002100305.

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This study reveals that the viewpoint of women, minorities, children, adolescents and seniors is underrepresented in this metropolitan newspaper. Caucasian adult males dominate as sources and characters throughout the publication.

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26

Bokelman, Doot. "The Reception of Bartolomeo Bermejo’s Saint Augustine." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 41, no. 1 (March 16, 2015): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04101004.

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The Art Institute of Chicago’s St. Augustine (oil on panel) is a universally accepted work by the Spanish artist Bartolome Bermejo. Painted around 1475, the writing saint has been identified as various Benedictine saints and St. Augustine, but these proposals are problematic because they do not take into account all of the iconographic elements within the panel or early Renaissance liturgical practices. This essay will examine the many iconographic details of the panel and consider the surviving archival materials, including an original contract for an ecclesiastically similar figure, Sto. Domingo de Silos by Bermejo. Uncommon ecclesiastical circumstances of Sto. Domingo de Silos in Daraco found in a papal document mirror those found in St. Benedict’s foundation in Monte Cassino. These iconogaphic and textual studies in coordination with an understanding of contemporary liturgical and Benedictine practices will reveal that St. Benedict is the single figure whose personal and ecclesiastical life most closely corresponds to the evidence in the Chicago panel.

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27

Burwick, Roswitha. "Issues of Language and Communication: Kleist's "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo"." German Quarterly 65, no. 3/4 (1992): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/407590.

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28

Kaiser, Volker. "Epistemological Breakdown and Passionate Eruptions: Kleist's "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo"." Studies in Romanticism 42, no. 3 (2003): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25601630.

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Harst, Joachim. "Geköpfte Namen." Zeitschrift für Ästhetik und Allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft Band 54. Heft 1 54, no. 1 (2009): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000106151.

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Der Aufsatz verknüpft eine Lektüre von Kleists Verlobung in St. Domingo mit Benjamins Zur Kritik der Gewalt. Ausgehend von der Problematik sprachlicher Immanentisierung, die Kleists Text vollzieht, wird mit Benjamin die Frage gestellt, inwiefern eine bestimmte „reine Gewalt“ diese Immanenz brüchig werden lassen kann und von Kleist als solche auf einer sprachlichen Ebene eingesetzt wird. Reading Kleist’s Verlobung in St. Domingo« and Benjamin’s »Zur Kritik der Gewalt«, this paper proceeds from the novel’s problematic of immanence and violence to Benjamin’s question, whether violence has a linguistic structure – and whether ›pure‹ or ›divine violence‹ can rupture immanence. In this sense, Benjamin’s ›violence‹ leads back to Kleist’s and to an analysis of both as transcending effects of language.

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30

Popovic, Ivana, and Snezana Ferjancic. "A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia." Starinar, no. 63 (2013): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1363101p.

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A fragmentary marble inscription, preserved in the Museum of Srem in Sremska Mitrovica, seems to mention the basilica of St. Anastasia: [In dom]o beati[ssimae dominae nost]re Anast[asiae. This monument provides epigraphic evidence on the cult place of the martyr in Sirmium, already recorded by written sources. According to the Passion of St. Demetrius, the church of St. Anastasia had already existed in Sirmium when Leontius, praetorian prefect of Illyricum, started the construction of the basilica of St. Demetrius. Although the find spot of the plate is not known, the finds of Ostrogothic coins next to the northern city wall imply that the basilica of St. Anastasia was located in that zone of the city, as the Ostrogoths highly respected the Martyr. It is possible that it should be identified with a martyrium leaning against the northern city wall that had been unearthed and then destroyed at the end of the 19th century.

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31

Fleming, Ray. "Race and the Difference It Makes in Kleist's "Die Verlobung in St. Domingo"." German Quarterly 65, no. 3/4 (1992): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/407589.

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32

Duval, Alain. "Lacordaire et la cause polonaise. La "vie de St Dominique" menacée par l'index (1841)." Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Italie et Méditerranée 101, no. 1 (1989): 419–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.1989.5623.

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33

Heller, Jacob L. "The Health Environmental Effects of the Mt. St. Helens Volcanic Eruption of 1980." Journal of the World Association for Emergency and Disaster Medicine 3, no. 1 (1987): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00028843.

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St. Helens is one of a group of high volcanic peaks that dominate the Cascade Range between northern California and southern British Columbia, Canada. The distribution is in a band that roughly parallels the coastline of the so-called “Ring of Fire,” a near circular array of volcanoes located on islands, peninsulas and the margins of continents that rim the Pacific Ocean.

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34

van Leeuwen, Andreas. "Winfried Zillig (1905-1963): Die Verlobung in St. Domingo. Analyse und Interpretation einer vergessenen Funkoper." Acta Musicologica 72, no. 2 (2000): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/932784.

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35

Christopher Iannini. "Secret History; or, The Horrors of St. Domingo and Laura (review)." Journal of the Early Republic 28, no. 4 (2008): 703–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.0.0038.

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36

Taehan Noh. "Heinrich von Kleists Novelle Die Verlobung in St. Domingo - Tragik des Dualismus und Schwarz-Weiß-Denkens." Zeitschrift f？r Deutsche Sprache und Literatur ll, no. 54 (December 2011): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30947/zfdsl.2011..54.135.

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37

Siekmann, Henning. "Was verbindet die Paradoxic mit einem Schleier tanz? Heinrich von Kleist: „Die Verlobung in St. Domingo“." Sprache und Literatur 36, no. 2 (December 17, 2005): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890859-036-02-90000005.

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38

Ricciardi, Anthony, Fred L. Snyder, David O. Kelch, and Henry M. Reiswig. "Lethal and sublethal effects of sponge overgrowth on introduced dreissenid mussels in the Great Lakes – St. Lawrence River system." Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences 52, no. 12 (December 1, 1995): 2695–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/f95-858.

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Freshwater sponges in the Great Lakes – St. Lawrence River system overgrow and kill introduced zebra (Dreissena polymorpha) and quagga mussels (Dreissena bugensis) on solid substrates. Sponges overgrow and smother mussel siphons, thereby interfering with normal feeding and respiration. We tested the significance of sponge-enhanced mussel mortality by repeated sampling at several sites where both organisms were abundant in the upper St. Lawrence River and on an artificial reef in central Lake Erie. A small proportion (<10%) of the dreissenid population at each site was overgrown by sponge. Mussel colonies that were completely overgrown for 1 or more months invariably contained a significantly greater proportion of dead mussels than local uncovered populations. Mussels that survived prolonged periods (4–6 months) of overgrowth suffered significant tissue weight losses. Laboratory experiments and field observations suggest that dreissenids are not able to colonize sponges; therefore, sponges should always dominate competitive overgrowth situations. The overall impact of sponges on dreissenid populations in the Great Lakes – St. Lawrence River system will probably be negligible because of the high rate of mussel recruitment and the environmental constraints on sponge growth; however, our results suggest that sponges may control mussel abundance locally.

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Landing, Ed, and Stephen R. Westrop. "Upper Lower Cambrian depositional sequence in Avalonian New Brunswick." Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences 33, no. 3 (March 1, 1996): 404–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/e96-030.

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The Hanford Brook Formation (emended) is a thin (up to 42+ m), upper Lower Cambrian depositional sequence that is unconformably bounded by the lower Lower Cambrian (Random Formation) and the middle Middle Cambrian (Fossil Brook Member of the Chamberlain's Brook Formation). These stratigraphic relationships of the trilobite-bearing Hanford Brook Formation indicate deposition on the Avalonian marginal platform in the Saint John, New Brunswick, region and provide more evidence for a uniform, latest Precambrian–Cambrian epeirogenic history and cover sequence in Avalon. The Hanford Brook Formation is a deepening–shoaling sequence with (i) lower, transgressive sandstone deposited in episodically high-energy environments (St. Martins Member, new); (ii) highstand–regressive, dysaerobic mudstone – fine-grained sandstone with volcanic ashes (Somerset Street Member, new); and (iii) upper, regressive, planar and hummocky cross-stratified sandstone (Long Island Member, new). Trilobites are common in the distal Somerset Street Member, and ostracodes and brachiopods dominate the St. Martins and Long Island members. Condensation of the St. Martins Member and absence of the Long Island Member where the Random Formation and Fossil Brook Member are thinnest suggest onlap of the Hanford Brook and pronounced, sub-Middle Cambrian erosion across epeirogenically active blocks in southern New Brunswick.

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Beil, Ulrich Johannes. "A subversão da História pela Literatura: Considerações sobre O Noivado em São Domingos de Heinrich von Kleist." Pandaemonium Germanicum, no. 11 (November 5, 2007): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/1982-8837.pg.2007.62059.

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Im Unterschied zu kulturwissenschaftlichem Vorgehen, das dazu tendiert, literarische Texte genauso zu lesen und zu benutzen wie epistemologische Diskurse, zielt der vorliegende Artikel darauf ab, in Kleists Novelle Die Verlobung in St. Domingo eben jenes Potential aufzuspüren, mi t dem sich der fiktionale vom nicht-fiktionalen Text unterscheidet. So gese hen, verwendet der Text Kleists die kolonialistischen, rassistischen, historiographischen Diskurse der Zeit um 1800 nicht nur, sondern setzt sich von Anfang an dezidier t mit ihnen auseinander. Kolonialistischer Dualismus und individuelle Begegnung, rassistische Stereotypen und narrative Kontingenz, historiographischer Diskurs und unerwartetes Ereignis gehen eine paradoxe Verbindung ein. Zwar scheinen die Diskur seffekte über weite Strecken zu dominieren; im Prozess der Narration aber behauptet sich letztlich der literarische Text, indem er die Macht der Diskurse immer von neuem unterminiert und in Frage stellt.

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Vozniak, Ekaterina, Svetlana Golovina, and Maria Kolesova. "First building engineers in architectural practice of St. Petersburg at the beginning of the 19th century." E3S Web of Conferences 164 (2020): 05011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202016405011.

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The emergence of the specialty of civil engineer in the first half of the 19th century had a significant impact on architectural practice in St. Petersburg. The differentiation of the professions of engineer and architect took place for the first time; both specialists began to participate in the design. The appearance of such engineers as Augustine Betancourt, Matvey Clark, Pierre-Dominique Bazin and Wilhelm von Tretter brought about changes in all areas of architecture and construction. New building structures and materials appeared, as well as methods for checking and calculating. Designing has become comprehensive, the activities of the Committee for Structures and Hydraulic Works led by Betancourt covered urban development, individual buildings and all types of utilities. The formation of engineering education took place, which brought up the next generation of Russian engineers.The article considers the most important aspects of the activities of Augustine Betancourt, who laid the foundations for engineering education in Russia; Matvey Clark, who created the first metal beams and trusses; Pierre Dominique Bazin, who continued the development of engineering education, as well as Wilhelm von Tretter, one of the founders of iron bridge construction in Russia.

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42

Malacatus, Paúl, Erika Chamorro, and Gabriela Orellana. "Análisis de eficiencia de remoción de contaminantes de los sistemas de tratamiento de aguas residuales en extracción de aceite de palma." FIGEMPA: Investigación y Desarrollo 1, no. 2 (December 6, 2016): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.29166/revfig.v1i2.888.

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El presente estudio se realizó en tres extractoras de aceite de palma ubicadas en las provincias de Pichincha, Santo Domingo y Esmeraldas, con el propósito de analizar la eficiencia de remoción de contaminantes en los sistemas de tratamiento de aguas residuales. En la evaluación se establecieron puntos de muestreo en cada sistema y se realizaron tres mediciones, analizando los parámetros: aceites y grasas, DQO, DBO5, Sólidos Suspendidos Totales, Sólidos Totales y Nitrógeno Total Kjeldahl (NTK). Se obtuvieron las siguientes eficiencias de remoción: Extractora 1: Aceites y grasas 99,16%, DBO5 94,71%, DQO 94,14%, SST 92,99%, ST 82,80%, NTK -944,44%; Extractora 2: DBO5, 99,45%, DQO 99,42%, SST 96,22%, ST 93,10% y NTK 75,55%; Extractora 3: Aceites y grasas 99,91% DBO5 96,88%, DQO 96,03%, SST 95,56%, y NTK -2279,97%. Las etapas de los sistemas de tratamiento presentan alta eficiencia con relación a fuentes bibliográficas, sin embargo, las descargas incumplen la normativa ambiental vigente.

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43

Fischer, Bernd, and Almute Wedekind. "'Die Verlobung in St. Domingo': Kleist's 'Novelle' in Translation and as a Basis for Opera and Drama." German Quarterly 60, no. 3 (1987): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/407223.

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44

KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 77, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2003): 295–366. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002526.

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-Edward L. Cox, Judith A. Carney, Black rice: The African origin of rice cultivation in the Americas. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2001. xiv + 240 pp.-David Barry Gaspar, Brian Dyde, A history of Antigua: The unsuspected Isle. Oxford: Macmillan Education, 2000. xi + 320 pp.-Carolyn E. Fick, Stewart R. King, Blue coat or powdered wig: Free people of color in pre-revolutionary Saint Domingue. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2001. xxvi + 328 pp.-César J. Ayala, Birgit Sonesson, Puerto Rico's commerce, 1765-1865: From regional to worldwide market relations. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications, 200. xiii + 338 pp.-Nadine Lefaucheur, Bernard Moitt, Women and slavery in the French Antilles, 1635-1848. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001. xviii + 217 pp.-Edward L. Cox, Roderick A. McDonald, Between slavery and freedom: Special magistrate John Anderson's journal of St. Vincent during the apprenticeship. Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 2001. xviii + 309 pp.-Jaap Jacobs, Benjamin Schmidt, Innocence abroad: The Dutch imagination and the new world, 1570-1670. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001. xxviii + 450 pp.-Wim Klooster, Johanna C. Prins ,The Low countries and the New World(s): Travel, Discovery, Early Relations. Lanham NY: University Press of America, 2000. 226 pp., Bettina Brandt, Timothy Stevens (eds)-Wouter Gortzak, Gert Oostindie ,Knellende koninkrijksbanden: Het Nederlandse dekolonisatiebeleid in de Caraïben, 1940-2000. Volume 1, 1940-1954; Volume 2, 1954-1975; Volume 3, 1975-2000. 668 pp. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2001., Inge Klinkers (eds)-Richard Price, Ellen-Rose Kambel, Resource conflicts, gender and indigenous rights in Suriname: Local, national and global perspectives. Leiden, The Netherlands: self-published, 2002, iii + 266.-Peter Redfield, Richard Price ,Les Marrons. Châteauneuf-le-Rouge: Vents d'ailleurs, 2003. 127 pp., Sally Price (eds)-Mary Chamberlain, Glenford D. Howe ,The empowering impulse: The nationalist tradition of Barbados. Kingston: Canoe Press, 2001. xiii + 354 pp., Don D. Marshall (eds)-Jean Stubbs, Alejandro de la Fuente, A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001. xiv + 449 pp.-Sheryl L. Lutjens, Susan Kaufman Purcell ,Cuba: The contours of Change. Boulder CO: Lynne Rienner, 2000. ix + 155 pp., David J. Rothkopf (eds)-Jean-Germain Gros, Robert Fatton Jr., Haiti's predatory republic: The unending transition to democracy. Boulder CO: Lynn Rienner, 2002. xvi + 237 pp.-Elizabeth McAlister, Beverly Bell, Walking on fire: Haitian Women's Stories of Survival and Resistance. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 2001. xx + 253 pp.-Gérard Collomb, Peter Hulme, Remnants of conquest: The island Caribs and their visitors, 1877-1998. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. 371 pp.-Chris Bongie, Jeannie Suk, Postcolonial paradoxes in French Caribbean Writing: Césaire, Glissant, Condé. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. 216 pp.-Marie-Hélène Laforest, Caroline Rody, The Daughter's return: African-American and Caribbean Women's fictions of history. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. x + 267 pp.-Marie-Hélène Laforest, Isabel Hoving, In praise of new travelers: Reading Caribbean migrant women's writing. Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 2001. ix + 374 pp.-Catherine Benoît, Franck Degoul, Le commerce diabolique: Une exploration de l'imaginaire du pacte maléfique en Martinique. Petit-Bourg, Guadeloupe: Ibis Rouge, 2000. 207 pp.-Catherine Benoît, Margarite Fernández Olmos ,Healing cultures: Art and religion as curative practices in the Caribbean and its diaspora. New York: Palgrave, 2001. xxi + 236 pp., Lizabeth Paravisini-Gebert (eds)-Jorge Pérez Rolón, Charley Gerard, Music from Cuba: Mongo Santamaría, Chocolate Armenteros and Cuban musicians in the United States. Westport CT: Praeger, 2001. xi + 155 pp.-Ivelaw L. Griffith, Anthony Payne ,Charting Caribbean Development. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001. xi + 284 pp., Paul Sutton (eds)-Ransford W. Palmer, Irma T. Alonso, Caribbean economies in the twenty-first century. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002. 232 pp.-Glenn R. Smucker, Jennie Marcelle Smith, When the hands are many: Community organization and social change in rural Haiti. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 2001. xii + 229 pp.-Kevin Birth, Nancy Foner, Islands in the city: West Indian migration to New York. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001. viii + 304 pp.-Joy Mahabir, Viranjini Munasinghe, Callaloo or tossed salad? East Indians and the cultural politics of identity in Trinidad. Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 2001. xv + 315 pp.-Stéphane Goyette, Robert Chaudenson, Creolization of language and culture. Revised in collaboration with Salikoko S. Mufwene. London: Routledge, 2001. xxi + 340 pp.

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45

Palmer, M. E., and Anthony Ricciardi. "Community interactions affecting the relative abundances of native and invasive amphipods in the St. Lawrence River." Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences 62, no. 5 (May 1, 2005): 1111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/f05-012.

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The Eurasian amphipod Echinogammarus ischnus is reportedly replacing the common native amphipod Gammarus fasciatus in the Great Lakes St. Lawrence River system. A potential mechanism for this replacement is competition mediated by resident species. Other Eurasian invaders, dreissenid mussels (Dreissena polymorpha and Dreissena bugensis), dominate rocky substrates throughout the system and might be promoting the rapid expansion of E. ischnus by providing habitat and refugia from predation. Using an in-situ predator-exclusion experiment, we tested the hypothesis that E. ischnus is better able than G. fasciatus to use Dreissena spp. colonies as refugia and thus is less susceptible to predators in the St. Lawrence River. Co-occurring E. ischnus and G. fasciatus showed similar increases in density in the presence of Dreissena spp., in spite of E. ischnus having evolutionary experience with Dreissena spp. Predators reduced the density of both amphipod species, but E. ischnus was more susceptible to predation on dreissenid substrates, which suggests that predation mediates the coexistence of G. fasciatus and E. ischnus in the river.

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Kwon, Hyuck Zoon. "Die Modernität von Kleists Texten - Der Identitätskonflikt im Rassen- und Genderdiskurs der Novelle Die Verlobung in St. Domingo." Deutsche Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaft 26, no. 3 (September 30, 2018): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24830/kgd.26.3.1.

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Adams-Campbell, Melissa. "Romantic Revolutions: Love and Violence in Leonora Sansay's Secret History, or The Horrors of St. Domingo." Studies in American Fiction 39, no. 2 (2012): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/saf.2012.0009.

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48

Stone, Diana, Margaret Davis, Katherine Baker, Tom Besser, Rohini Roopnarine, and Ravindra Sharma. "MLST Genotypes and Antibiotic Resistance ofCampylobacterspp. Isolated from Poultry in Grenada." BioMed Research International 2013 (2013): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/794643.

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This study determined whether multilocus sequence types (MLST) ofCampylobacterfrom poultry in 2 farms in Grenada, West Indies, differed by farm, antimicrobial resistance and farm antibiotic use. Farm A used fluoroquinolones in the water and Farm B used tetracyclines. The E-test was used to determine resistance of isolates to seven antibiotics. PCR of theIpxAgene confirmed species and MLST was used to characterize 38 isolates. All isolates were eitherC. jejuniorC. coli. Farm antibiotic use directly correlated with antimicrobial resistance ofCampylobacterisolates. Almost 80% of the isolates from Farm A were fluoroquinolone resistant and 17.9% of the isolates from Farm B were fluoroquinolone resistant. AllCampylobacterisolates from Farm A were tetracycline sensitive, whereas 35.7% of isolates from Farm B were tetracycline resistant. Six previously recognized sequence types (STs) and 2 novel STs were identified. Previously recognized STs were those overwhelmingly reported from poultry and humans globally. Isolates with the same ST did not always have the same antibiotic resistance profile. There was little ST overlap between the farms suggesting that within-farm transmission ofCampylobactergenotypes may dominate. MLST typing was useful for trackingCampylobacterspp. among poultry units and can help elucidateCampylobacterhost-species population structure and its relevance to human health.

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Диденко and Valeriy Didenko. "Culture and civilization in the XXI st century. Technosphere. Noosphere. Pneumosphere (on the occasion of the 150-th anniversary of V.I. Vernadsky´s Birth)." Administration 1, no. 2 (December 3, 2013): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1984.

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The issue of complex and contradictory interplay between Culture and Civilization is explored in the stage framework, given that ideas of scientism, pragmatism and monetarism dominate the socio-cultural development. The author makes the case of comprehension and insight into tendencies of both technosphere and noosphere transforming in pneumosphere.

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Cowling, Richard M., Caryl Logie, Joan Brady, Margie Middleton, and B. Adriaan Grobler. "Taxonomic, biological and geographical traits of species in a coastal dune flora in the southeastern Cape Floristic Region: regional and global comparisons." PeerJ 7 (July 31, 2019): e7336. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.7336.

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In Mediterranean-Climate Ecosystems (MCEs), Holocene coastal dunes comprise small, fragmented and dynamic features which have nutritionally imbalanced and excessively drained, droughty, sandy soils. These characteristics, along with summer drought and salt-laden winds, pose many challenges for plant colonization and persistence. Consequently, MCE dune floras are likely to be distinctive with a high proportion of habitat specialists and strong convergence in growth form mixes. Very little research has compared the species traits of dune floras within and across MCEs. This paper contributes to filling that gap. Here, we analyze the taxonomic, biological and geographical traits for all 402 species in a flora from a dune landscape (Cape St Francis) in the southeastern Cape Floristic Region (CFR) and compare patterns with the trait profiles of other dune floras at a regional (CFR) and global (MCE) scale. Within the CFR, the southeastern (all-year-rainfall) flora at Cape St Francis had a similar trait profile to western (winter-rainfall) dune floras, except for having a lower representation of species belonging to CFR-endemic clades, and higher number of species associated with tropical lineages. The St Francis flora, in common with other CFR and MCE floras, was dominated by members of the Asteraceae, Fabaceae and Poaceae. Some 40% of the St Francis flora was endemic to the CFR, typical of the high rate of MCE-level endemism elsewhere in the CFR, and in other MCEs. About 30% of the flora was confined to calcareous sand, a value typical for many other MCE sites. The St Francis flora, as well as other CFR dune floras, differs from those of other MCEs by having many species associated with shrubby lineages, and by the relatively high incidence of species associated with tropical lineages. The growth form profile of the St Francis and other CFR floras shows strongest similarity with that of Australian MCE dunes in that in both regions, evergreen hemicryptophytes and shrubs share dominance, and annuals are floristically and ecologically subordinate. The least similar of MCEs to the St Francis trait profile is the Mediterranean Basin where annuals are the most frequent growth form while shrubs are subordinate. California and Chile dune floras appear to occupy an intermediate position, in terms of growth form mix, between the Cape and Australia on the one hand, where dune floras have retained features typical of nutrient-poor soils, and the Mediterranean Basin, where dwarf, deciduous shrubs and annuals dominate the life form spectrum. All MCE dunes are threatened by alien plants, infrastructure development, tourism demands and rising sea levels. The high incidence of species of conservation concern in CFR dune floras underestimates the exponentially increasing threats to their habitats, which are already historically at a much-reduced extent. All remaining coastal dune habitat in the CFR, and probably in other MCEs, should be conserved in their entirety.

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