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1
Weeks, James. "840 series, St James' Church, Islington, London." Tempo 70, no. 275 (December 7, 2015): 90–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298215000728.
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They say London is dying (again): this time smothered by affluence, its youth fleeing for affordable refuge in the provinces, its culture concreted over by the corporate Cyclops. As far as new music goes, these are tough times in the capital, for sure (where are they not?), but the established ensembles and organisations cling on like the tenacious buddleias on the walls fringing suburban train lines, and here and there new cracks appear in the pavement, energetic wildflowers springing up through them to take their chance in the light.
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Mason, Garth John. "The Difficulty of Reconciliation after the St James Church Attack." Religion & Theology 25, no. 1-2 (June 20, 2018): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-02501007.
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Abstract This article is a comparative reading of the autobiography Child of this Soil: My Life as a Freedom Fighter by Letlapa Mphahlele and the memoir by Charl van Wyk, Shooting Back: The Right and Duty of Self-Defence. The two texts culminate in recounting of the St. James Church attack in 1993 and the two men’s subsequent reconciliatory meetings. Mphahlele ordered the attack as an APLA commander and Van Wyk was the parishioner who fired back at the APLA attackers. Of interest are the conditions of possibility for dialogue between Van Wyk and Mphahlele in the context of the national narrative of reconciliation.
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Jackson, Neil. "James Wild, Egypt, and St John's Church, Hampstead: A Postscript to Christ Church, Streatham." Architectural History 45 (2002): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1568793.
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Aslet, William. "Situating St Mary-le-Strand: The Church, the City and the Career of James Gibbs." Architectural History 63 (2020): 77–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/arh.2020.3.
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ABSTRACTJames Gibbs's church of St Mary-le-Strand has often been interpreted as an expression of his training in Rome, his Tory politics and his Roman Catholic faith. These factors, as well as the growing clout of the Palladian movement, all supposedly contributed to the architect's dismissal from the Commission for Fifty New Churches. In fact, the design was discovered slowly and by compromise, and Gibbs's dismissal was brought about by a change of monarchy, the demise of his original patrons and by the cost-cutting agenda of the new Whig regime. Rather than recent Italian sources, St Mary-le-Strand derives many of its features from the architecture of London, particularly St Paul's Cathedral. The siting of the church on the royal processional way from Westminster to St Paul's Cathedral explains many of Gibbs's design choices. Queen Anne, under whose reign the church was conceived, used the route frequently.
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Christianto, Victor. "Kesatuan dan Perbedaan dalam Gereja Perdana." Indonesian Journal of Theology 2, no. 2 (February 13, 2015): 179–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.46567/ijt.v2i2.74.
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Two interesting questions in relation to the Early Church history are the extent of unity or diversity among Peter, James, and Paul; and also how Paul's thoughts have shaped the direction of the Church in later periods. Answers to these questions will be very helpful in order that we can give a proper response to "Paulinism", an accusation which some non-Christian thinkers often have towards Christians (c.f. Tom Jacobs). Such an accusation (Paulinism) basically says that Christianity is a religion created by St. Paul, not Jesus Christ. In order to respond to such an accusation, in this article the writer will describe: what was the historical truth concerning relation between St. Paul and the Jerusalem Church generally, and especially the relation between St. Paul and James the brother of Jesus. It will be shown that the relationship between St. Paul and the Jerusalem Church did not indicate separation or conflict, but unity in diversity. This article is written with a purpose to open a new constructive way of interfaith dialogue; nonetheless, this is just preliminary research, therefore, this article may not give the last word or a definitive answer to the problems posed above.
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Mróz, F., and Ł. Mróz. "Pilgrimage and religious tourism on the Way of St. James - the first European cultural route." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography 2, no. 43 (October 19, 2013): 366–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2013.43.1742.
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Since last two decades we notice an intensive growth of the pilgrimage movement along the Way os St. James. This route connecting furthests places in Europe and ending in Santiago de Compostela is based on a medieval transportation route called The Royal Route – Via Regia. The route exists for over 1000 years and is constantly developed thanks to actions taken by the authorities of the Catholic Church, governments and non-government organizations, as well as numerous enthusiastics of the Way of St. James. Keywords: The Way of St. James - Camino de Santiago, the route Via Regia, European Cultural Routes, pilgrimage, religious tourism, cultural tourism.
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Byng, Gabriel. "THE CONTRACT FOR THE NORTH AISLE AT THE CHURCH OF ST JAMES, BIDDENHAM." Antiquaries Journal 95 (February 18, 2015): 251–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581514000730.
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The contract for the building of the north aisle at St James’s Church, Biddenham, Bedfordshire, in 1522 is an exceptional document that escaped the surveys of L F Salzman, John Harvey and most later scholars. Unlike other surviving medieval building contracts, it is the rough draft of an indenture, showing the alterations and changes that were made before it was copied into a neat final version and sealed. By surveying these changes it is possible to delineate, for the first time, the process of negotiation engaged in by its patron, Sir William Butler, and the mason, John Laverok. Unusual too are the details it provides of Butler’s collaboration with the parish in building the well-constructed aisle that would bear his arms. This went further than simply defraying the cost of the work, and is of significance for our wider understanding of the organisation and financing of parish church construction in the sixteenth century. Most importantly, it demonstrates the breadth and complexity of forms that co-operation could take between gentry and parish, and shows that projects with the arms of a single family could nevertheless be funded collaboratively.
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Geary, Medora Bross. "St. James' Church in the City of New York, 1810-2010 (review)." Catholic Historical Review 97, no. 4 (2011): 855–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2011.0188.
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Ariotti, Alexandra. "Rediscovering an Anzac souvenir from the Holy Land: The St James’ Church mosaic fragment." Journal of Australian Studies 31, no. 91 (January 2007): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443050709388133.
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Gordin, Alexander M., and Tatiana V. Rozhdestvenskaya. "‘When Going to Saint James’: An Old Russian Graffito from the 12th Century in Aquitania." Slovene 5, no. 1 (2016): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2016.5.1.4.
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In 2015 in Pons, in the former province of Saintonge, an Old Russian pilgrim graffito was found on the wall of the parish church of St. Vivien, a monument of the mid-12th century. It is the second graffito found in France after the one discovered at St. Gilles Abbey. The town of Pons is located on the westernmost route of Santiago de Compostela (via Turonensis) and is noteworthy because of the preserved pilgrim almshouse of the latter half of the 12th century. On the walls of its long archway are horseshoe drawings made by medieval pilgrims, the latest of which, dating from the 16th–17th centuries, bends around a name that is also apparently written in Cyrillic script. The earlier inscription, which appears at the base of the northern end wall of the original façade of the St. Vivien church, is made in the name of one Ivan Zavidovich: “Ivano ps[а]lo Zavi|doviche ida ko | svętomu Ię|kovu” (= ‘Ivan Zavidovich wrote this when going to Saint James’). The most probable palaeographic dating is in the 1160s–1180s. As suggested by birch bark manuscripts, the name of Ivan’s father, Zavid, was popular among Novgorod boyars. Novgorod is also the place with the greatest indirect evidence of the occurrence in Old Russia of the western cult of St. James. This well preserved inscription is an important epigraphic discovery, but its main value lies in the direct evidence of pilgrimages by Russians to the shrine of St. James in Galicia.
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S. Araujo, Ana, Paulo B. Lourenco, Daniel V. Oliveira, and Joao Leite. "Seismic Assessment of St James Church by Means of Pushover Analysis – Before and After the New Zealand Earthquake." Open Civil Engineering Journal 6, no. 1 (November 16, 2012): 160–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874149501206010160.
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The paper presents a numerical study for the seismic assessment of the St James Church in Christchurch, New Zealand affected by the recent 2011 earthquake and subsequent aftershocks. The structural behavior of the Church has been evaluated using the finite element modelling technique, in which the nonlinear behavior of masonry has been taken into account by proper constitutive assumptions. Two numerical models were constructed, one incorporating the existing structural damage and the other considering the intact structure. The validation of the numerical models was achieved by the calibration of the damaged model according to dynamic identification tests carried out in situ after the earthquake. Non-linear pushover analyses were carried out on both principal directions demonstrating that, as a result of the seismic action, the Church can no longer be considered safe. Pushover analysis results of the undamaged model show reasonable agreement with the visual inspection performed in situ, which further validates the model used. Finally, limit analysis us-ing macro-block analysis was also carried out to validate the main local collapse mechanisms of the Church.
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Tilson, Donn James. "Religious-Spiritual Tourism and Promotional Campaigning: A Church-State Partnership for St. James and Spain." Journal of Hospitality & Leisure Marketing 12, no. 1-2 (June 30, 2005): 9–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j150v12n01_03.
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Škvařil, Lumír. "Musicologically relevant sources from the manuscript collection of the parish church of St. James in Brno." Musicologica Brunensia, no. 1 (2016): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/mb2016-1-11.
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Morrissey, Thomas J. "A Man of the Universal Church: Peter James Kenney, S.J., 1779–1841." Recusant History 24, no. 3 (May 1999): 320–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002545.
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Kenney, Peter James (1779–1841), was born in Dublin, probably at 28 Drogheda Street, on 7 July, 1779. His father, Peter, and his mother, formerly Ellen Molloy, ran a small business. Apart from Peter, the other known children were Anne Mary, who joined the convent of the Sisters of St. Clare, and an older brother, or half-brother, Michael, who set up an apothecary’s shop in Waterford.Peter was born, therefore, in the decade which saw the American Revolution, the Suppression of the Jesuits and, in Ireland, the birth of Daniel O’Connell—destined to become ‘The Liberator’. The need to keep Ireland quiet during the American conflict, led to concessions to the Catholic population. The first of these was in 1778. Others followed when the French Revolution raised possibilities of unrest. In 1792 the establishment of Catholic colleges was allowed, and entry to the legal profession. These led to the founding of Carlow College and to Daniel O’Connell’s emergence as a lawyer. The following year the Irish parliament was obliged by the government to extend the parliamentary franchise to Catholics. Increased freedom, however, and the government’s connivance at the non-application of the penal laws, led to increased resentment against the laws themselves and, among middle-class Catholics, to a relishing of Edmund Burke’s celebrated reminder to the House of Commons in 1780, that ‘connivance is the relaxation of slavery, not the definition of liberty’.
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Laing, Annette. "“Heathens and Infidels”? African Christianization and Anglicanism in the South Carolina Low Country, 1700–1750." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 12, no. 2 (2002): 197–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2002.12.2.197.
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In early 1710, a small group of parishioners approached Francis Le Jau, the Anglican missionary to St. James Parish in South Carolina. He recognized them all as regular churchgoers, and he was pleased when they asked him to admit them to Holy Communion. Yet he hesitated, because the men admitted that, having been “born and baptized among the Portuguese,” they were Roman Catholics. Le Jau was always cautious in such cases, he assured church authorities in London. He told the men that he would need them first to renounce “the errors of the Popish Church” before he would allow them the sacrament. He then suggested that they give the matter some thought over the next few months.
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Fielding, Henry. "A Charge Delivered to the Grand Jury, At the Sessions of the Peace Held for the City and Liberty of Westminster, &c. On Thursday the 29th of June, 1749." Camden Fourth Series 43 (July 1992): 325–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068690500001690.
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of our Lord the King, holden at the Town Court-House near Westminster-Hall, in and for the Liberty of the Dean and Chapter of the Collegiate Church of St. Peter, Westminster, the City, Borough, and Town of Westminster, in the County of Middlesex, and St. Martin le Grand, London, on Thursday the Twentyninth Day of June, in the Twenty-third Tear of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Second, King of Great-Britain, &c. before Henry Fielding, Esq; the Right Hon. George Lord Carpenter, Sir John Crosse, Baronet, George Huddleston, James Crofts, Gabriel Fowace, John Upton, Thomas Ellys, Thomas Smith, George Payne, William Walmsley, William Young, Peter Elers, Martin Clare, Thomas Lediard, Henry Trent, Daniel Gach, James Fraser, Esquires, and others their fellows, Justices of our said Lord the King, assigned to keep the Peace of the said Liberty, and also to hear and determine divers Felonies, Trespasses, and other Misdeeds done and committed within the said Liberty.
17
Jackson, Neil. "Clarity or Camouflage? The Development of Constructional Polychromy in the 1850s and Early 1860s." Architectural History 47 (2004): 201–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066622x00001751.
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My earlier article inArchitectural History43, ‘Christ Church, Streatham, and the Rise of Constructional Polychromy’, showed that James Wild’s church of 1840–42 was, in its use of coloured masonry, far ahead of its time (Fig. 1). It preceded, by about a decade, the High Victorian fashion for constructional polychromy usually associated with John Ruskin’s pronouncements on colour, contained inThe Stones of Venice(1851 and 1853) and William Butterfield’s contemporaneous church of All Saints, Margaret Street (1849–59). The article argued that the interest in polychromy had, in fact, started much earlier in the century. The use of colour in ancient Greek architecture had been investigated and debated by the Institute of British Architects, under the guidance of Thomas Leverton Donaldson, in the 1830s while, in the 1840s, Augustus Welby Northmore Pugin gave constructional polychromy a moral quality — an expression of honesty in construction — at the Grange and St Augustine’s Church, at Ramsgate (1845–50).
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Ali, Jason R., and Peter Cunich. "The Church East and West: Orienting the Queen Anne Churches, 1711-34." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 64, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25068124.
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This article presents the results of an investigation carried out to determine the orientation of seventeen churches and one church plan that are directly or indirectly associated with the 1711 and 1712 Acts for Building Fifty New Churches (for London). The buildings represent an important episode in the history of western ecclesiastical architecture, the visible manifestation of a Tory government-High Church plan to rekindle a "purer form of Christianity" based on the "primitive churches" of the Near East. Our data indicate that few, if any, of the buildings were aligned using the rising or setting sun on important Christian feast days, the method adopted by many of the medieval church builders. Whether this break with tradition was deliberate or not is a matter for conjecture. Nicholas Hawksmoor seemed particularly keen on getting a "correct" alignment and did so for three of his six sole-author buildings. In fact, we suggest that two of Hawksmoor's churches at St. Anne Limehouse and Christchurch Spitalfields, and James Gibbs's St. Martin-in-the-Fields, were so accurately aligned that the only feasible technique for achieving this was through the use of declination-corrected compasses. We speculate that the scientist Edmond Halley provided information and logistical assistance to Hawksmoor.
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Bambrough, Renford. "Does Philosophy ‘Leave Everything as it is’? Even Theology?" Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 25 (March 1989): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x00011342.
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Does photography leave everything as it is? Clearly not. It scalps Uncle George, as he stands at the church door, proudly, innocently, in the role of bride's father, and it decapitates his nephew James, who had until now been a head taller than any other member of the wedding group. It reduces to two dimensions, and to black and white, such solid three-dimensional objects as the Rocky Mountains and St Paul's Cathedral, such colourful scenes and sights as the Aurora Borealis and sunset in the desert.
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STRONG, ROWAN. "‘A Church for the Poor’: High- Church Slum Ministry in Anderston, Glasgow, 1845–51." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, no. 2 (April 1999): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999001670.
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In December 1845 Bishop Michael Russell of Glasgow and Galloway wrote to a keen young Episcopalian layman, Alexander James Donald D'Orsey, a teacher at the High School in Glasgow, suggesting ordination. Conscious of the growing numbers of immigrant Episcopalians in the western suburbs of Glasgow, the bishop's intention was to stimulate a new congregation for ‘the wants of the poorer class there’. Evidently D'Orsey was already known to the bishop for he mentions him as pleading ‘with your usual eloquence’ the cause of the Episcopalian Church Society, which would raise part of the £80 stipend. Russell envisaged that D'Orsey would work in this new congregation for a year or two until something more worthy of the young man's talents came up. D'Orsey wrote stating that the proposal was attractive, not least because it was a congregation which would primarily be comprised of the ‘humbler classes’. He would continue in his present work and undertake the congregational duties part-time. His present income made it preferable to refuse the stipend, suggesting that it should go to augment the livings of poorer clergy. As a new priest D'Orsey went on to create the congregation that eventually became St John's, Anderston, and to become embroiled with Russell's successor, Bishop Walter Trower, over ritualism in the parish. The deposit of D'Orsey's correspondence with these two bishops in the National Library of Scotland provides the opportunity for a localised insight into the emergence of Episcopalian ministry to the poor in nineteenth-century Scotland's most industrialised city, and to the connection of such ministry with ritualism.
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Sobota Matejčić, Gordana. "Institute for History of Art, Zagreb." Ars Adriatica, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.447.
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In 2005, during the composing of the Inventory of the Moveable Cultural Heritage of the Church and Monastery of St Francis of Assisi at Krk, three wooden statues were found in the attic. These had once belonged to a lavish Renaissance triptych at the centre of which was a figure of the Virgin (107 x 45 x 27 cm), flanked by the figures of St John the Baptist (c. 105 x 28 x 30 cm), an apostle with a book (c. 93 x 32 x 22 cm), and, in all likelihood, St James the Apostle. A trace of a small left foot in the Virgin’s lap indicates that the original composition was that of the Virgin and Child. It is highly likely that these statues originally belonged to the altar of St James which mentioned by Augustino Valier during his visitation of the Church of St Francis of Assisi in 1579 as having a pala honorifica . Harmonious proportions, fine modelling of the heads, beautifully and confidently carved drapery of the fabrics, together with almost classical gestures, all point to a good master carver who, in this case, sought inspiration in Venetian painting of the 1520s and 1530s. When attempting to find close parallels in the production of Venetian wood-carving workshops from the first half of the sixteenth century, without a doubt the best candidates are two signed statues from the workshop of Paolo Campsa de Boboti: the statue of the Risen Christ from the parish church of St Lawrence at Soave in Italy, dated to 1533, and the statue of the Virgin and Child in a private collection in Italy, dated to 1534. To these one can add a statue from the Gianfranco Luzzetti collection at Florence, which has been attributed to Campsa’s workshop. Judging from all the above, the statues from St Francis’ might be dated to the 1540s. In the parish church of Holy Trinity at Baška is a wooden triptych which, according to a nineteenth-century record, was inscribed with Campsa’s signature and the year 1514. When Bishop Stefanus David visited the Chapel of St Michael at Baška in 1685, he described in detail this wooden and carved palla on the main altar dedicated to St Michael, noting that the altar is under the patronage of the Papić family who had founded it and made considerable donations to it. The high altar in the Church of St Mary Magdalene at Porat, also on the island of Krk, has a polyptych attributed to Girolamo and Francesco da Santa Croce. Until now, it has been dated to 1556 - the year of the dedication of the altar and the church. However, more frequently than not, a number of years could pass between the furnishing of an altar and its dedication. With this in mind and having re-analyzed the paintings, the polyptych can be dated as early as the previous decade. Until now, the Renaissance statue of St Mary Magdalene (105 x 25 x 13 cm), originally part of an altar predella but today housed in the Monastery’s collection, was not discussed in the scholarly literature save for its iconography. Based on the morphological similarities between the statue of St Mary Magdalene and the three statues at Krk, it can be concluded that they were carved by the same master carver. Written sources inform us that after 1541 Paolo Campsa was no longer alive. Great differences between the works signed by Campsa have already been the subject of scholarly debate and it is known that due to high demand, his workshop included a number of highly skilled wood carvers. In the case of Krk, perhaps the master carver was an employee at Campsa’s workshop who outlived him and who, after its closure, went his own way and was considered good enough to be hired by fellow painters from the Santa Croce workshop. Installing a statue in a predella was a rare occurrence in sixteenth-century Croatia and Venice alike. Even in the case of Campsa. Reliefs were used more frequently. However, this arrangement was customary on contemporary flügelaltaren in the trans-Alpine north. It ought to be considered whether this northern altar design might provide a trail which would lead to a more specific location of a possible master carver.
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Schultz, Joshua A., and Viktoria Henriksson. "Structural assessment of St. Charles hyperbolic paraboloid roof." Curved and Layered Structures 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cls-2021-0015.
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Abstract At the time of completion in 1961, the roof of St. Charles Church became the largest unbalanced hyperbolic paraboloid structure in the United States and the only shell structure in Spokane, WA. Situated on an 8-acre site on the north side of the city, St. Charles is a modernist structure designed through partnership of Funk, Molander & Johnson engineers, architect William C. James and in consultation with Professor T.Y. Lin of the Structural Engineering Laboratory at the University of California, Berkeley. This asymmetric structure spans over 33.5 m (110 ft) and utilizes folded edge beams that taper from 1067 mm (42 in) at the base to a 76.2 mm (3 in) thickness at the topmost edge using regular strength reinforcing steel and concrete load carrying components. The novelty of the pre-stressed shell structure serves both architectural and structural design criteria by delivering a large, uninterrupted interior sanctuary space in materially and economically efficient manner. This structural assessment summarizes the roof’s historic design and construction according to the original construction documents, newspaper reports and historic photographs. The FEA is completed using UBC 1955 design loads and ACI 334 Concrete Shell Structures provisions.
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Maňas, Vladimír. "The choir lofts in the church of St. James in Brno : (between the late 15th and the 19th centuries)." Musicologica Brunensia, no. 1 (2016): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/mb2016-1-8.
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Bauwens, Michal, and Annelies Somers. "The Institutional Nature of Parishes and the Restoration of the Church after Iconoclasm. The Case of St James and St Pharahild in Ghent (1566-1614)." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 93, no. 3 (2015): 669–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2015.8799.
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Holmes, Stephen Mark. "Historiography of the Scottish Reformation: The Catholics Fight Back?" Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002205.
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In 1926 the Revd James Houston Baxter, Professor of Ecclesiastical History at the University of St Andrews, wrote in the Records of the Scottish Church History Society: ‘The attempts of modern Roman Catholics to describe the Roman Church in Scotland have been, with the exception of Bellesheim’s History, disfigured not only by uncritical partisanship, which is perhaps unavoidable, but by a glaring lack of scholarship, which makes them both useless and harmful.’ The same issue of the journal makes it clear that Roman Catholics were not welcome as members of the society. This essay will look at the historiography of the Scottish Reformation to see how the Catholics ‘fought back’ against the aspersions cast on them, and how a partisan Protestant view was dethroned with the help of another society founded ten years before the Ecclesiastical History Society, the Scottish Catholic Historical Association (SCHA).
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NOCKLES, PETER. "CHURCH OR PROTESTANT SECT? THE CHURCH OF IRELAND, HIGH CHURCHMANSHIP, AND THE OXFORD MOVEMENT, 1822–1869." Historical Journal 41, no. 2 (June 1998): 457–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98007821.
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The Church of Ireland has been regarded as almost devoid of a high church element and as unreservedly hostile to Tractarian claims. This article questions these assumptions. It considers the evidence for an influential, if minority, high church tradition within the Church of Ireland and shows how far its adherents during the 1830s and early 1840s looked to English Tractarians for support. The very raison d'être of the Irish church was questioned under the reforming and erastian pressures unleashed by a whig ministry in the early 1830s. Tractarian rhetoric stressing apostolical descent and continuity was echoed by Irish high churchmen in their concern to demonstrate that they belonged to a church that was not a creature of the state and was no mere Protestant sect; Irish high churchmen held many theological and spiritual ideals in common with the early Tractarians, but guarded their independence. Irish high churchmen and English Tractarians nevertheless became estranged: the Protestant credentials of Irish high churchmen were suspect as a result of the low church and Evangelical backlash against ‘Puseyism’; Irish high church attempts to put church principles into practice, notably over the foundation of St Columba's as an establishment to educate Roman Catholic converts in high church teaching, were cold-shouldered by English Tractarians. The Irish high church tradition survived but was weakened by Roman Catholic undermining of its assumption of apostolical continuity as well as by ultra-Protestant critiques. Disestablishment in 1869 paved the way not for a high church ‘restoration’ on the Caroline model, as Irish high churchmen wished and as early Tractarian rhetoric assumed, but for the completion of an Evangelical ascendancy rooted in the Irish Articles of 1615 and the church of James Ussher.
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Brech, Alison, and Anita McConnell. "The Pigott Family: Eighteenth Century Connections with Church, Science and Law." Recusant History 25, no. 3 (May 2001): 449–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030302.
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This branch of the Pigotts can be traced back to Adam Pigott (d.?1737), a London merchant, member of the Cutlers’ Company where his mark of a dolphin was registered in 1664, who was residing near Temple Gate in 1676. In 1678 Adam Pigott and James Allen negotiated a lease from the Duke of Bedford for the construction of Covent Garden Market, with the obligation to pave the area and construct houses and shops. Adam’s wife is not mentioned in his will and presumably predeceased him, but there were at least two sons, Nathaniel (1661–1737) who died shortly after his father, but through whom this story continues, and Adam (1673–1751) who entered the Society of Jesus at Watten, near St. Omer, was professed in 1694 and, after serving as chaplain at Calehill, Kent, the home of the Darell family, died at Crondon Park, Essex, the seat of the Petre and Mason families, on 30 April 1751. In common with virtually every priest of the period, Adam Pigott used an alias for security reasons, this alias being in many cases the mother’s maiden name. Adam Pigott’s alias was Griffin, which may therefore have been his mother’s original surname.
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TORRES, SANTIAGO RUIZ. "New evidence concerning the origin of the monophonic chants in the Codex Calixtinus." Plainsong and Medieval Music 26, no. 2 (October 2017): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137117000031.
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ABSTRACTThe recent discovery of several fragments of an antiphoner in the Archive of the Cathedral of Sigüenza (Guadalajara) with repertoire for the feast of St James the Apostle sheds new light on the origin of the monophonic chants of the Codex Calixtinus. The dating of the fragments to c.1100 demonstrates the existence of an officium proprium prior to the writing of the famous Compostelan codex, a fact hitherto unknown. Part of the repertoire collected in the Sigüenza manuscript, particularly the antiphon Honorabilem eximii and the responsory Alme perpetue, evidence textual and melodic concordances with Calixtinus. Moreover, some chants in the Sigüenza Antiphoner, and not in Calixtinus, were widely known across the Iberian Peninsula before the Tridentine liturgical unification. This evidence suggests that the compilers of the monophonic Office in the Codex Calixtinus knew the version transmitted in the recently discovered fragments. The consequent remodelling of the St James Office was probably due to the fact that it incorporated many legendary elements. At the beginning of the twelfth century, the Church of Compostela was actively seeking to legitimise its apostolicity, which Rome seriously questioned. To do so, it was essential to offer a liturgical corpus of proven authority, based on the Bible and the patristic literature.
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Wadkins, Timothy H. "King James I Meets John Percy, S.J. (25 May, 1622.)." Recusant History 19, no. 2 (October 1988): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020203.
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IN May 1622 a series of private discussions on religion was held in London between representatives of the Anglican Church and the Jesuit, John Percy, alias Fisher. The occasion was the announcement by the Countess of Buckingham, mother of King James I’s favourite, George Villiers, Marquess (later Duke) of Buckingham, of her intention to become a Catholic. The King and the Marquess arranged the discussions which occupied three successive days, the 24th, 25th and 26th of May. Two eminent Anglican divines were enlisted to debate with Percy. On the first day the Anglican case was argued by Francis White, at this time a royal chaplain and later a bishop. He was opposed by Percy, in the presence of the Countess, the Marquess and Marchioness (Lady Catherine, who had also influenced her husband's decision to hold these discussions by declaring her intention to return to the Catholic faith in which she had been brought up), Bishop John Williams, (the Lord Keeper), and—possibly—the King. On the second day the King himself took the leading part in putting the Anglican case. On the third day the chief Anglican protagonist was William Laud, at this period Bishop of St. David's, who took the place of Francis White.
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Godts, Sebastiaan, Roald Hayen, and Hilde De Clercq. "Investigating salt decay of stone materials related to the environment, a case study in the St. James church in Liège, Belgium." Studies in Conservation 62, no. 6 (October 14, 2016): 329–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393630.2016.1236997.
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JENKINS, GEORGE, HD ‘PETER’ WALTON, and DAVID SPARKES. "Tributes to Professor James Malcolm Cameron given at his memorial service at St George's Parish Church, Beckenham, on 14 October 2003." Medicine, Science and the Law 44, no. 1 (January 2004): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/rsmmsl.44.1.2.
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Paczkowski, Mieczysław C. "Od „tronu świętego Jakuba” do patriarchatu jerozolimskiego." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4066.
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The place of beginning of the Christian community was called „the Upper Church of the Apostles” in Mount Zion. It became the seat of the Mother Church under the leadership of fourteen bishops of Jewish stock from the beginning until the reign of Constantine. The authority of the bishops was symbolized by the throne of St. James. The complete transformation of Jerusalem into a „Roman city” operated by Emperor Aelius Hadrian meant the end of the Jewish hierarchy in the Mother Church and the emergence of a new leadership of Gentile origin. Until the time of bishop Maximus the Holy Sepulcher became the center of the Gentile Church. In the IV century we can say the growing rivalry between Caesarea and Jerusalem and appearing of many members of the hierarchy and the monastic communities participated very energetically in the problems of the local Church. In the time of Cyril of Alexandria can be seen the support given to him by the Palestinian bishops. The alliance Jerusalem – Alexandria would last until the beginning of the council of Chalcedon. At that time Juvenal of Jerusalem was striving for the recognition of patriarchal status for the see of the Holy City, decided to go over to the opposite side, formed by Constantinople, Rome and the Antiochenes, thus abandoning the „monophysite party”. Thanks to this dramatic change, the Church of the Holy Land was able to associate itself officially with the dogmatic decision of Chalcedon and the Metropolitan of Jerusalem was elevated to the status of Patriarch.
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Crossley Evans, M. J. "The Maternal Ancestry of Sir Hans Sloane (1660–1753), and the Household of Ann Hamilton (c 1612–89), Countess of Clanbrassil." Antiquaries Journal 80, no. 1 (September 2000): 302–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500050289.
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The uncertainty about Sir Hans Sloane's maternal family already existed in his own lifetime, and it is clear that both Sir Hans, and his brother William Sloane of Chelsea, had hazy knowledge of their mother's family. In 1726, both brothers applied for a grant of arms, almost thirty-five years after their mother's death. Sir Hans's scholarly biographer, Dr E St John Brooks, states that the associated pedigree records Sir Hans's mother as one Sarah Hickes, daughter of ‘Dr Hickes, an eminent divine, prebendary of the cathedral church of Winchester, and chaplain to Dr Laud, archbishop of Canterbury; and accompanying to Ireland Anne, the eldest daughter of Henry, earl of Monmouth, and wife of James Hamilton, Lord Viscount Claneboy and earl of Clanbrazil.
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Smuts, R. Malcolm. "The Court and Its Neighborhood: Royal Policy and Urban Growth in the Early Stuart West End." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 2 (April 1991): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385977.
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The early Stuart period witnessed a startling transformation in the physical environment of the royal court. At James I's accession, Whitehall and the great courtier's palaces along the Strand still lay in an essentially rural landscape. To the south, Westminster was a compact town of perhaps 6,500 people, while to the north and east, the three Strand parishes of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, St. Mary le Savoy, and St. Clement Danes contained another 6,000, mostly concentrated in a narrow ribbon along the Strand itself. North of the Strand, the landscape remained open except for a thinner ribbon along High Holborn. Covent Garden was a pasture and orchard, containing a number of fine timber trees, St. Martin's church was still literally “in the fields“ and Lincoln's Inn Fields comprised over forty acres of open land. Dairying and market gardening were going concerns over much of what soon became the West End. Only a few years before, St. Martin's parish had experienced an enclosure riot.On the eve of the Civil War, a continuous urban landscape extended from Temple Bar as far as Soho, and ribbons of development spread along both sides of St. James's Park, as far as Knightsbridge and Picadilly. The population of old Westminster had increased by about 250 percent, while the Strand area grew even more rapidly, with St. Martin's-in-the-Fields experiencing more than a fivefold increase to as many as 17,000 people. Had they been independent settlements, all three of the large West End parishes of St. Margaret's Westminster, St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, and St. Clement Danes would have ranked among the half dozen largest English provincial cities. In all, the western suburbs' population probably stood between 40,000 and 60,000.
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Freeman, Thomas S. "The importance of dying earnestly: the metamorphosis of the account of James Bainham in ‘Foxe’s Book of Martyrs’." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013292.
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Readers of the second edition of John Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, or any of the subsequent editions of that massive history of the persecutions inflicted on the Church, popularly known as ‘Foxe’s Book of Martyrs’, would have found a coherent, lucid description, filled with circumstantial and often dramatic details, of the ordeals of James Bainham. According to this account, James Bainham, a member of the Middle Temple and the son of a Gloucestershire knight, was accused of heresy in 1531, arrested, and transported to Lord Chancellor More’s house in Chelsea. There he was tied to a tree in More’s garden and whipped; subsequently he was taken to the Tower and racked in More’s presence. Eventually, after repeated interrogations and under the threat of burning, Bainham abjured and did penance at Paul’s Cross. Yet Bainham’s conscience tormented him and, a little over a month after his release, he prayed for God’s forgiveness before an evangelical congregation, meeting secretly in a warehouse in Bow Lane. A week later, Bainham stood up on his pew in St Austin’s church, clutching a vernacular New Testament and William Tyndale’s Obedience of a Christian Man to his chest and tearfully declared that he had denied God. He prayed for the congregation’s forgiveness and exhorted them to die rather than to submit as he had done. If this defiance was not sufficiently public, Bainham sent letters proclaiming his doctrinal convictions to the Bishop of London and others. Rearrested and re-examined, he was inevitably condemned to death as a relapsed heretic.
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Cutler, L. C. "Grinling Gibbons: a Dutch master in England." Sculpture Journal: Volume 29, Issue 3 29, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/sj.2020.29.3.3.
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Grinling Gibbons’s still-life sculpture emerged out of the artistic and proto-scientific culture of the seventeenth-century Netherlands and was understood in these intellectual terms by the sophisticated, courtly consumers of his work in Restoration England. Our fondness for a myth of Gibbons as a dazzlingly skilful but intellectually vapid artist should not blind us to the intellectual focus of his sculptures. The carved frame for Elias Ashmole’s portrait in the Ashmolean collection is a sophisticated engagement with European cultures of collecting. The Cosimo panel for Charles II engages with the witty and formidably advanced scientific discourses of the Caroline court, while the limewood reredos in St James’ church, Piccadilly reaches back to the devotional roots of floral still life, reinterpreting it in the context of English Protestantism.
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Reid, Steven John. "Aberdeen's ‘Toun College’: Marischal College, 1593–1623." Innes Review 58, no. 2 (November 2007): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0020157x07000054.
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While debate has arisen in the past two decades regarding the foundation of Edinburgh University, by contrast the foundation and early development of Marischal College, Aberdeen, has received little attention. This is particularly surprising when one considers it is perhaps the closest Scottish parallel to the Edinburgh foundation. Founded in April 1593 by George Keith, fifth Earl Marischal in the burgh of New Aberdeen ‘to do the utmost good to the Church, the Country and the Commonwealth’,1 like Edinburgh Marischal was a new type of institution that had more in common with the Protestant ‘arts colleges’ springing up across the continent than with the papally sanctioned Scottish universities of St Andrews, Glasgow and King's College in Old Aberdeen.2 James Kirk is the most recent in a long line of historians to argue that the impetus for founding ‘ane college of theologe’ in Edinburgh in 1579 was carried forward by the radical presbyterian James Lawson, which led to the eventual opening on 14 October 1583 of a liberal arts college in the burgh, as part of an educational reform programme devised and rolled out across the Scottish universities by the divine and educational reformer, Andrew Melville.3
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Kubičár, Ľudovít, Ján Hudec, Danica Fidríková, Peter Dieška, and Martin Vitkovič. "Effects in Monitoring of the Thermal Moisture Regime of Cultural Objects Located in Different Climate Conditions." Advanced Materials Research 1126 (October 2015): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.1126.93.
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Historical monuments are most often built from materials (plaster, walls, rocks, etc.), which have a porous structure. The porous structure is characterized by a set of parameters that control its response to environment. In such structures, depending on the environmental conditions, we encounter with processes like vapor diffusion, adsorption, pore surface diffusion, capillary transport, etc. The processes are accompanied with the transport of heat energy and moisture. When monitoring of thermal - moisture regime of such structures we can find a wide range of effects such as wetting, drying, freezing and thawing. We have monitored several cultural objects localized in different environments, namely the Duomo Cathedral in Florence, the tower of St. Martin in Bratislava and pillar of the St. James Church in Levoča. Building components of the mentioned objects are of different nature such as masonry composed of bricks and plaster, Gioia marble and sandstone. Moisture sensors were used to monitor the thermal – moisture regime based on the hot-ball method for measuring thermal conductivity. The thermal conductivity is a function of the pore content. In the pores, depending on the thermodynamic conditions, air, vapor, water or ice can be found. Collected data are correlated with meteorological conditions.
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Lane, George. "Alexander (Sandy) Morton, 1942–2011." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 22, no. 3-4 (October 2012): 587–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186312000302.
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If the measure of the man is reflected in the circle of his friends then Sandy Morton is impressively out-size. The turn-out for his memorial service was large and varied and the prevailing mood was warm and pleasingly nostalgic. Sandy would very definitely have enjoyed it. The choice of St George's Church, Bloomsbury was appropriate and fitting as was the relaxed reception later in the British Museum's Islamic Gallery. Sandy's presence could be felt appreciatively basking in the gentle tide of warm reminiscences as friends, family, and colleagues mixed easily and exchanged anecdotes and memories. The mood was light and relaxed and it contrasted with the more respectfully sombre memorial service which had combined hymns, Persian verse and eulogies from his brothers, William and James and colleagues Narguess Farzad and Charles Melville. In St George's the atmosphere was reflective and emotions were heightened. Even Charles Melville's courtly and measured address cracked and stumbled as a particularly poignant memory broke through his famously unflappable façade. Emotional but not oppressively so, the service reminded us of our loss but also informed us of our gains and the many ways Sandy had entered and enriched our lives.
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Braun, Christian Nikolaus. "The Catholic presumption against war revisited." International Relations 34, no. 4 (October 8, 2019): 583–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819879486.
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One of the most contested arguments in contemporary just war thinking has been the question of the right starting point of analysis. On one side of the argument, one finds Catholic Church officials who argue for a ‘presumption against war’ as jumping-off point. On the other, one encounters critics of that position, led by James Turner Johnson, who defend a ‘presumption against injustice’ as the correct point of entry. Interestingly, both sides refer to St Thomas Aquinas, the key figure in the systematisation of the classical just war, as giving support to their respective position. While Johnson was vindicated as far as Aquinas’s historical starting point is concerned, debate about the contemporary purchase of the presumption against war has continued until the present day. Historical just war thinkers like Johnson have criticised the Church not only for turning the logic of the just war tradition on its head by reversing the inherited hierarchy between the so-called deontological and prudential criteria, but have also questioned the empirical evidence that has put the Church on this trajectory. In this article, I explain how the debate about the presumption against war continues to be relevant by engaging with the general direction the Catholic Church has taken up until Pope Francis and by investigating the particular example of its position on drone warfare. I point out that while the presumption against war runs counter to what Aquinas wrote during his days, Thomistic virtue ethics is generally open to development. The Church may thus claim a Thomistic patrimony in advocating for a presumption against war, but, as I demonstrate, the just war thinking that results, often referred to as modern-war pacifism, struggles to address important moral issues raised by contemporary warfare.
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Želinská, Jana, Ivana Kopecká, Eva Svobodová, Stanislava Milovská, and Vratislav Hurai. "Stratigraphic EM-EDS, XRF, Raman and FT-IR analysis of multilayer paintings from the Main Altar of the St. James Church in Levoča (Slovakia)." Journal of Cultural Heritage 33 (September 2018): 90–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.culher.2018.03.006.
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Mihoc, Daniel. "The Works and the Mystery of Salvation in the Book of Revelation. A New Contribution to an Old Polemic." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 426–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ress-2017-0029.
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Abstract Five hundred years ago, in troubling theological and spiritual developments of the Roman Church, Martin Luther critically approached its teaching about the soteriological value of works. The result of his inquiry was the famous sola fide doctrine. However he did not ignore the issue of works and tried repeatedly to explain their relationship with the faith. But, unfortunately, he did not consider the important contributions of the Epistle of St James and of St John’s Revelation. In the introduction to the Apocalypse he expressed the possibility that he was missing “more than one thing in this book”. His intuition was right. The book of Revelation conceals many mysteries, but first of all that of salvation. It speaks a lot about Christ and His salvific work, but also about the works of the faithful. In fact, the mystery of salvation is closely related to works. They play a crucial role in the preparation of the wedding of the Lamb with His bride. The accomplishment of God’s plan depends on them. The judgment will be done according to the works. Therefore, a lot of onceignored things stand before us. Have they the potential to bring more light on the much-disputed relationship between faith and works?
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Carpenter, E. S. "Between Church and State: Religion and Public Education in a Multicultural America. By James W. Fraser. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999. 278 pp. $24.95." Journal of Church and State 42, no. 4 (September 1, 2000): 872–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/42.4.872.
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Diakowska-Czamota, Anna, and Arek Werstak. "CONSERVATION AND RESTORATION OF THE MURAL PAINTINGS FROM THE CHILDREN'S CHAPEL IN THE CHURCH OF ST JAMES, KING STREET, SYDNEY LOOKING FOR THE METHOD OF TRANSFER." AICCM Bulletin 19, no. 3-4 (December 1994): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/bac.1994.19.3-4.001.
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Elliott, Bernard. "Laura Phillipps De Lisle: A Nineteenth-Century Catholic Lady." Recusant History 20, no. 3 (May 1991): 371–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005483.
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One of the most important and influential Catholic laymen of the nineteenth century was Ambrose Phillipps who in 1862 added de Lisle to his name and so is usually known as Ambrose Phillipps de Lisle. Born in 1809 an Anglican, he was received into the Catholic Church in 1825. In 1833 he married Laura Clifford, a member of one of the oldest recusant families in England and, although they were destined to have a large family, it did not impede their efforts to promote the conversion of the Midlands to Catholicism. Laura was born in Germany at Mecklenberg-Schwerin on 26 October 1811, where her father, Thomas Clifford, fourth son of Hugh, fourth Lord Clifford, was chamberlain to the Duke of Mecklenberg-Schwerin. Thomas died when Laura was only five years old and her mother did not live much longer, dying in 1822, when Laura was eleven. In 1823, Lord Clifford of Ugbrooke and Chudleigh in Devon became her guardian and entrusted her education to the Canonesses of the Holy Sepulchre at New Hall, near Chelmsford, Essex. She remained there until 27 June 1829 when she returned to live with her guardian at Ugbrooke. In 1831, she met Ambrose and two years later they married on 25 July 1833 at St. James’ Spanish Place, while the civil ceremony took place at St. George’s, Hanover Square.
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Binski, Paul. "III. Abbot Berkyng's Tapestries and Matthew Paris's Life of St Edward the Confessor." Archaeologia 109 (1991): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026134090001403x.
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According to John Flete, the fifteenth-century historian of Westminster Abbey, Abbot Richard de Berkyng (d. 1246) bequeathed to the Abbey two curtains or dorsalia which he had procured for the choir, depicting the story of the Saviour and St Edward. Nothing is known about the appearance of these textiles; but they were presumably of fine quality, befitting the patronage of a Treasurer of England, and were evidently intended to hang in the choir stalls. There they remained until after the Dissolution. According to a sixteenth-century commentary with transcriptions of the original texts in the hangings by Robert Hare, discovered by M. R. James (Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, MS 391 [611], they were of ‘faire arras worke’, and so were tapestries rather than embroideries; they were also described as ‘wrought in the cloth of Arras’ by Weever in 1631. They hung in the church until 1644, whence they were removed to the chamber of the House of Commons in the Palace; according to Brayley ‘a large remnant’ of the scene of the Circumcision was still preserved in the Jerusalem Chamber at the Abbey in the early nineteenth century. The tapestries were one of the most extensive recorded instances of English thirteenth-century textile production. They provide evidence too for a genre of monastic choir decoration analogous to the lost Old Testament narratives in the choir at Bury St Edmund's and the typological pictures formerly adorning the choir-stalls of Peterborough Abbey. Moreover, they anticipate the mixture of purely narrative material in the surviving fourteenth-century paintings above the dossals of the choir stalls of Cologne Cathedral, and especially the tapestries depicting the lives of St Piat and St Eleutherius from the choir of Tournai Cathedral, Arras work dated 1402.
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Kilroy, Gerard. "“Paths Coincident”." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 4 (July 9, 2014): 520–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00104014.
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Edmund Campion arrived in Dublin on August 25, 1570, on a travelling fellowship from St. John’s College, Oxford. This five-year leave of absence enabled him to postpone ordination in the Elizabethan church. Campion was invited to stay with the Recorder of Dublin, James Stanihurst, whose library was to satisfy his academic needs, and who was hoping that Campion might help with the university that formed a key part of the program of reform in Ireland. Campion had ignored calls from friends already at the English college in Douai to join them. Dublin was meant to be a quiet pause, allowing Campion to stay quietly within the establishment. It was not to be like that. This article argues that Ireland was the beginning and, thanks to the disastrous invasion in July 1579 by Nicholas Sander, the end of Campion’s troubles; that the rebellion stirred by Sander in Munster created such fear of an invasion in England that the Jesuit missionaries were doomed from the moment they landed at Dover one year later; that the radical arguments in favor of papal power to depose monarchs expressed in De visibili monarchia (1571), not the theological arguments for the Catholic and apostolic church in Rationes decem (1581), were at the center of Campion’s interrogations on the rack; and that the parallel lives of Campion and Sander reveal two completely contrasting views of the papacy, and of Rome.
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Vercruysse, Jos E. "A Scottish Jesuit from Antwerp: Hippolytus Curle." Innes Review 61, no. 2 (November 2010): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2010.0102.
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A memorial for Mary, Queen of Scots, and for two of her ladies-in-waiting, Barbara Mowbray-Curle, wife of Gilbert Curle, a secretary of the queen, and her sister-in-law, Elizabeth Curle is kept in St Andrew's Church in Antwerp (Belgium). The monument was founded by Barbara's son, Hippolytus. After the execution of the queen the ladies left England and settled first in Paris and afterwards in Antwerp. The article concentrates on the two sons of Barbara, who became Jesuits. Little is known about the elder, James. He died in 1615 in Spain, probably still a Jesuit student. The younger one, Hippolytus (who died in 1638), acted as a manager in the Scots College in Douai (France). He is praised as one of the principal benefactors of the college. More particularly the article comments on the testament he drew up when he joined the Jesuit order in September 1618, of which an authenticated copy is kept in the Scottish Catholic Archives. It offers a telling insight into the situation of the Curle-Mowbray family in exile. It reveals also the family's major concern: the restoration of Catholicism in Scotland through the training of a suitable clergy.
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Aston, Margaret. "Bishops, Seals, Mitres." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 183–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002519.
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The four volumes of Robert Surtees’s great History and Antiquities of the County Palatine of Durham, which were published between 1816 and 1840, included a series of engraved plates of episcopal seals. They started in the eleventh century, with the seal of William of St Carilef, and ended in the sixteenth century, with Cuthbert Tunstall. According to a note in the late volume, written by Surtees’s friend, helper, and literary executor, James Raine, in 1839, five years after the author’s death, ‘The Seals of the Bishops of Durham, after Tunstall’s period, are so devoid of taste and character, that Mr Surtees did not consider them worthy of being engraved.’ While the aesthetic judgement that explained this decision may be understandable, historical and iconographie interests now make it regrettable. For it was precisely at this time, after the death of Cuthbert Tunstall in 1559, that reforming dictates began to have an impact on episcopal seal-making. And, as was realized by G. C. Gorham less than twenty years after Raine’s note, changes in ecclesiastical seals reflect wider issues in church affairs, and may be revealing of their owners’ opinions.
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Długokęcki, Wiesław. "Przyczynki do dziejów szpitali gdańskich w średniowieczu." Studia Historica Gedanensia 11 (2020): 84–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.20.006.13612.
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Inputs to the history of hospitals in medieval Gdańsk The network of hospital in the three‑strand urban settlement unit of Gdańsk (Main Town, Old Town and Young Town) was shaped in the 14th and the start of the 15th century in accordance with a certain rule known also in other towns of the Teutonic Prussia, namely of establishing care homes intended for specific social groups. On the other hand, hospitality in Gdańsk also shows certain specificity resulting from the position of Gdańsk as the most important city in Prussia. The group of main or general hospitals included two facilities. The Hospital of the Holy Spirit established and opulently benefited by the Teutonic Order (before 1333) was given to the Main Town in 1382. It was directly controlled by the city council, which appointed hospital providers from among its ranks. Arguably, from that moment on its character began to change; gradually, among its residents the role of prebendaries –persons who had purchased a place in the home, would increase (at the beginning of the 15th century the fee amounted to 100–200 grzywna). It seems that the financial situation of the hospital in the first half of the 15th century was good and perhaps already then its extension occurred. The hospital of St. Elisabeth was of different character, also founded and opulently benefited by the Order in 1394 and run by it until 1454, previously a mansion for strangers, meaning people travelling. The sick were looked after here, as well as pilgrims and children, whereas prebendaries were not received. Its financial situation was good, incomes would systematically increase, also thanks to rich donations, such as those from Małgorzata Winterfeld. Running the facility gave the Teutonic Order the possibility to influence the society of Gdańsk, yet at the same time it created a field for conflicts due to the Order taking over financial resources of the city inhabitants. A separate group consisted of facilities for lepers of St. George (in the Main and the Young Town) and of Corpus Christi (the Old Town), as well as shelters intended for „strangers”: St. Gertrude hospital in the western suburb of the Main Town, initially the mansion of St. Elisabeth and probably the home of All God’s Angels in the Young Town. The home of St. James in New Dyke (Nowa Grobla – Łagiewniki Street), subordinate to the Teutonic Order was intended for sailors and was most probably the only „professional” shelter in the vicinity of the settlement system of Gdańsk. St. Roch hospital, as well as St. Barbara hospital in Long Gardens (Długie Ogrody) perhaps, should be excluded from the network of medieval hospitals in Gdańsk. Little is known on the subject of the genesis of hospitals for lepers and newcomers. It is likely they were established as initiatives of brotherhoods or private persons and approved by the Church and the Teutonic Order. Such facilities, except for St. Elisabeth hospital and St James hospital in New Dyke, quickly came under financial and personal control of city authorities, who appointed from among their own ranks or the ranks of burghers people who would exercise a direct control over the homes, which were under current management of hospitallers. The social position of shelter residents varied. Some of them had purchased a place in the facility and depending on the character of the emolument enjoyed lower or higher privileges. It must be highlighted that the process of buying out places also included homes which had initially been intended for those suffering from leprosy. There is no more complete information on the subject of some hospital chapels’ staff. In accordance with the privilege of Wilhelm of Modena from 1242, the right to present candidates was reserved for the Teutonic Order, whereas the institution to the bishop of Wrocław, yet there is no source information that would confirm that practice.