Academic literature on the topic 'St. Mary (Church : Snettisham)'

The second document of Tallis’s career shows him as part of a flexible roster of half a dozen musicians at the London parish of St. Mary-at-Hill. He was paid for a total of twelve months’ work across two different annual accounts. This parish expended a great deal of money and effort on music. Polyphonic music was regularly copied, chant books were bought, and the organ was maintained. There was also a small choir school for boys. By the time Tallis was there in the later 1530s, the English church had already cut all religious and administrative ties to Rome, but the full round of complex traditional music was still in place. St. Mary-at-Hill often served as a springboard to more prestigious jobs; many of Tallis’s colleagues there went on to serve at cathedrals or in the Chapel Royal.

This chapter presents a select, but crucial, set of examples of boys at verbal play. Third grade boys play the “dozens,” fifth and sixth grade boys display joke telling abilities, and a young man of fourteen skillfully coordinates a babysitting group at St. Joan of Arc Catholic Church Bingo. “Dozens” are fast and crude; jokes are a test of verbal competence (and are crude). They consist of patterned set pieces exploring sex, marriage, scatology, silly plays on words, i.e. much the same foolishness adults joke about. Gregory, the head of babysitting at St. Joan of Arc Bingo, employed humor and verbal acuity in order to control his young charges. He was adept at both Standard English and Black English vernacular and exhibited poise, a range of language abilities, and leadership qualities. Boys’ verbal play demonstrated the conservative element of schoolyard genres. “Dozens” have been collected since 1939, some of the jokes are re-cycled from the 1950s.

The parish churches in Igołomia and Wawrzeńczyce were founded in the Middle Ages. Their current appearance is the result of centuries of change. Wawrzeńczyce was an ecclesial property – first of Wrocław Premonstratens, and then, until the end of the 18th century, of Kraków bishops. The Church of St. Mary Magdalene was funded by the Bishop Iwo Odrowąż. In 1393 it was visited by the royal couple Jadwiga of Poland and Władysław Jagiełło. In the 17th century the temple suffered from the Swedish Invasion, and then a fire. The church was also damaged during World War I in 1914. The current furnishing of the church was created to a large extent after World War II. Igołomia was once partly owned by the Benedictines of Tyniec, and partly belonged to the Collegiate Church of St. Florian in Kleparz in Kraków. The first mention of the parish church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary comes from the first quarter of the fourteenth century. In 1384, a brick church was erected in place of a wooden one. The history of the Igołomia church is known only from the second half of the 18th century, as it was renovated and enlarged in 1869. The destruction after World War I initiated interior renovation work, continuing until the 1920s.

The chapter deals with the role of the Virgin Mary in the nation- state building process in Serbia. The beginning of the process of religious revival in Serbia coincided with the beginning of the social, economic and political crisis in the former Socialistic Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, which took place at the beginning of the 1990s. There was an urgent need to find new collective identity, since the earlier had been reduced to rubble. At the individual level, this process primarily implied increased participation in rites within the life cycle of an individual (baptism, wedding, and funeral), followed by popularisation of the practice of celebrating family's patron saint days and, only in the end and on the smallest scale, by an increase in the number of believers taking an active part in regular church services. On the collective level, the traditional closeness of the Serbian Orthodox Church and Serb people and the state was the basic paradigm of such restructuring. The attempt to establish continuity with the tradition of the medieval Serb state, which implied active participation of the Church in both social and political matters, as well as the grafting of this relationship in the secular state and civil society in Serbia at the end of the second millennium, turned out to be a multi-tiered issue (Jevtić 1997). At mass celebrations, as well as at revolutionary street protest rallies (which were plentiful in the capital during the last dozen years or so) and at celebrations of the town's patron saint days and various festivities, the image of the ‘Bogorodica’ [Gr. ‘Theotokos’, i.e. The Mother of God]; appears. Leading the processional walks of the towns, it emerges as a symbol which manages to mobilise the nation with its fullness and multi-layered meaning. The main thesis of the chapter is to explain the historical roots of her cult and her embeddedness in the national history and identity in Serbia. The cult of the ‘Bogorodica’ has always had greater importance on the macro than on the micro level. This is corroborated by the fact that a relatively small number of families celebrated some of the ‘Bogorodica’ holidays as their Patron St Day, while a large number of monasteries and churches, as well as village Patron St Days were dedicated to one of them (Grujić 1985: 436). On the other hand, some authors believe that, with the acceptance of Christianity, it was the cult of the ‘Bogorodica’ which was the most developed among the Serb population, because her main and most widely recognisable epithet Baba, connected to giving birth, was directly associated with the powerful female pagan divinities such as the Great Mother, Grandmother etc. (Petrović 2001: 55; Čajkanović 1994a: 339). In the folk perception, the ‘Presveta Bogorodica’ [The Most Holy Mother of God] is unambiguously connected to the phenomenon and process of birth-giving and, that is why, barren women most frequently addressed the ‘Bogorodica’ for assistance. The observance of the image of the ‘Bogorodica’ was specifically connected with the so-called miracle icons, that is, her paintings linked to some miraculous event, either locally or generally. This was most frequently related to the icons which were famous for discharging myrrh, as well as icons which would ‘cry’ in certain situations, as well as those that changed the place of residence in a miraculous manner. The use of icons in wars, either those of conquest or defensive, appears to be a widely spread practice in the Orthodox world. It was noted that Serb noblemen carried standards with images of various saints to wars, and that the cities were frequently placed under the protection of certain icons. The author shows how, travelling through towns and battlefields, throughout the decades and centuries, the ‘Bogorodica’ appeared through its holy image at the end of the second millennium as the protectress, advocate, Pointer of the Way and foster mother of those who were, possibly more than ever, in need of miracles and waymarks.