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1
Tadic, Milutin, and Aleksandar Petrovic. "Mathematical-geographical intention in orienting mediaeval churches of the Serbian monastery Gradac." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 91, no. 4 (2011): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd1104141t.
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The subject of the paper is an exact analysis of the orientation of the Serbian monastery churches: the Church of the Virgin Mary (13th century), St. Nicholas' Church (13th century), and an early Christian church (6th century). The paper determines the azimuth of parallel axes in churches, and then the aberrations of those axes from the equinoctial east are interpreted. Under assumption that the axes were directed towards the rising sun, it was surmised that the early Christian church's patron saint could be St. John the Baptist, that the Church of the Virgin Mary was founded on Annunciation day to which it is dedicated, and that St. Nicholas' Church is oriented in accordance with the rule (?toward the sunrise?) even though its axis deviates from the equinoctial east by 41? degrees.
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GRANSDEN, ANTONIA. "The Cult of St Mary at Beodericisworth and then in Bury St Edmunds Abbey to c. 1150." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, no. 4 (October 2004): 627–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904001472.
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This paper argues that the earliest church at Beodericisworth, the later Bury St Edmunds, was dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Probably in the reign of Athelstan, the (supposed) body of St Edmund, king and martyr, was translated into this church. The cult of St Edmund burgeoned and before the end of the eleventh century St Edmund's shrine had become one of England's foremost pilgrim centres and attracted the wealth which helped pay for the great Romanesque church built to house it. Nevertheless, a wide variety of sources, both written and visual, demonstrate that the cult of St Mary retained much vitality, becoming the pre-eminent secondary cult in Bury St Edmunds, one especially fostered by Abbot Anselm (1121–48). Finally, similar examples are cited of other churches where dedications to saints like St Mary, who enjoyed widespread veneration, were replaced by those of saints of more local fame but whose (supposed) bodies those churches possessed.
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Płotkowiak, Maciej. "Concept And Its Implementation During The Reconstruction Of The Church Of Blessed Virgin Mary In Chojna." Civil And Environmental Engineering Reports 19, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ceer-2015-0055.
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Abstract St. Mary's parish church in Chojna was erected at the turn of XIV and XVc. in a shape of three aisles, hall church without transept, completed from the west with a single tower and from the east with polygonal presbytery with an ambulatory attached. The convergence of characteristic structural and decorative features with employed ones in medieval churches being attributed to Hinrich Brunsberg's fabric resulted in such a way, that also authorship of St. Mary in Chojna was assigned to this legendary architect and master builder of late Middle Ages period. The church was destroyed by fire during WWII in February 1945 and since then had remained as an open ruin. In 1997 reconstruction procedure of the church was begun under the leadership of the author and it still continues. This text consists of the sum of experiences connected with confronting design ideas and solutions with their executions on the site during construction works.
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Sygulska, Anna. "CONTEMPORARY TWO-STOREY CHURCHES – ACOUSTIC INVESTIGATIONS." Journal of Architecture and Urbanism 39, no. 2 (June 30, 2015): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2015.1056444.
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The paper discusses the idea of two-storey churches, with insight into socio-political conditions which influenced their construction. The analysis of the issue was carried out on the basis of investigations in five two-storey churches in Poznań. The churches under investigation were: Visitation of Blessed Virgin Mary Church, Christ the King Church, Our Lady of Częstochowa Church, St. Lawrence Church, and Christ the Redeemer Church. In total, ten interiors were examined. The churches were erected in the late 70s and early 80s of the 20th century. The acoustic conditions were analyzed in terms of cubature, the shape of the interior and finishes. The upper and lower churches were compared within one building; the investigation also involved comparing the churches against each other. Moreover, functionality of the buildings was analyzed, which included aspects of acoustic as well as architectural functionality.
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OP, Gabriel Torretta. "Our Lady reconsidered: John Knox and the Virgin Mary." Scottish Journal of Theology 67, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930614000040.
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AbstractThe cult of the Virgin Mary had a complicated history in Scotland during the sixteenth century, with historical, devotional and literary evidence indicating both widespread acceptance of the church's traditional practices and growing dissatisfaction with them, particularly in elite culture. Anti-Marian polemics entered Scottish Christianity through various sources, including the Lollards around Kyle, the prominent witness of Patrick Hamilton, the preaching of Thomas Guillaume and George Wishart, the theological climate at St Leonard's college in St Andrews, as well as a number of popular works.John Knox (1514–72) incorporated many of his contemporaries’ concerns in his own treatment of the question, being trained at St Andrews University and heavily influenced by Guillaume and Wishart. Knox considered the cult of Mary using the same tool that he used to analyse the cult of the saints in general, the mass, and liturgical ritual, contending that they could not be reconciled with his stringent doctrine of sola scriptura, in particular as read through the lens of Deuteronomy 12:32.Yet for all that Mary and her place in Christian life and devotion formed a major aspect of sixteenth-century Scottish religious praxis, Knox gave little attention to her, preferring to indicate her proper place in Christian theology by presenting a vision of Christianity which omitted her almost entirely. Knox does indirectly indicate what he considers to be the proper Christian attitude towards the Virgin, however, through his explication of sola scriptura and its implications for genuine religious practice as opposed to idolatry, and his understanding of 1 Timothy 2:5 and the unique mediation of Christ. Where Knox does directly address the Marian question, he expresses his rejection of her cult in far more restrained terms than readers of his polemics against the mass may expect; while he is firm and unequivocal in denying Mary's intercessory role and in uprooting Marian devotional practice, his rhetorical restraint points to the irreducible dignity of Mary in the scriptural texts.This article analyses the theology of Mary which Knox reveals in occasional comments scattered through his writings and attempts to place his ideas in their historical and theological context. By explicating the precise nature of Knox's objection to the cult of Mary, the article attempts to open the door for future Reformed–Catholic dialogue on the person of Mary and her place in the church of Christ.
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Chojnacki, Stanislaw. "Notes on a Lesser-known Marian Iconography in 13th and 14th century Ethiopian Painting." Aethiopica 5 (May 8, 2013): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.445.
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In this article the early evolution of iconic iconography of the Virgin Mary in Ethiopia is discussed. One particular image is postulated to exist on a painted manbar at Lālibalā. The figure of the Child Mary depicted together with her mother, St. Anne, in the wall painting at the Gannata Māryām Church can also be considered iconic. In the late 14th century and the first decades of the 15th century, three specific groupings of depictions of the Virgin Mary, all clearly having iconic characteristics, have come to light: the Orant Virgin, the seated Hodegetria and the enthroned Virgin holding the Child in her lap. These three forms are characterised by the inclusion of the Archangels Michael and Gabriel, who are shown sheltering her with their outstretched wings. They are depicted holding crosses, while in a particular group of miniatures they extend their hands towards Mary in a gesture of supplication. This Orant form appears to be exceptional, and exists only in 14th century. The Hodegetria type evolved into numerous variants depending on the position of the Child, on Mary's left or right arm. The form of the Enthroned Virgin holding the Child in her lap, faded away in the early 15th century.
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Yassa, Katei, and Gehan Nagy. "Sustainable Guidelines for Enhancing Indoor Thermal Comfort in Coptic Churches in Egypt Using Passive Design Strategies; Case Study St. Barbarah and Virgin Mary Churches." WSEAS TRANSACTIONS ON ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT 17 (April 1, 2021): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.37394/232015.2021.17.21.
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Since the 20th century, the temperature has risen, worldwide, due to climate change causing global warming. Such phenomena have resulted in thermal dissatisfaction within various buildings indoor spaces including Egyptian Coptic Orthodox churches. Heritage churches designs have always implemented passive strategies to provide indoor thermal comfort. However, modern churches design tend to use active strategies to provide indoor thermal satisfaction instead of referring to the use of passive designs. Accordingly, the main purpose of this research is to identify a set of guidelines to enhance indoor thermal comfort in modern Coptic Orthodox churches using passive design strategies. The research has adapted a mixed method approach where an in-depth literature review resulting a qualitative summary of passive techniques used in heritage Coptic churches, then followed by a comparative analysis between two Egyptian case studies; the first is a heritage church (St. Barbarah church) and the other is modern which is (Virgin Mary church) based on the deducted passive strategies from the literature. Moreover, an applicable simulation for varying the methodology, using Design Builder, where the modern church will be simulated and tested for thermal comfort before and after modifying it using the passive strategies deducted from the literature. The research’s main findings were the list of passive techniques that could be used to enhance the indoor thermal comfort, while the simulation experimental results where related to a typical summer week, showing that for the average air temperature and the average solar gains, the triple glazing was the most effective in causing indoor thermal comfort. But, for the average relative humidity and average of total fresh air, insulation has shown to be most effective in providing enhanced indoor thermal comfort. To conclude, a set of guidelines has been deduced from the methods adapted in the research showing the most suitable and applicable passive design strategies that could be used inside Coptic Orthodox churches to enhance indoor thermal comfort.
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Andrejic, Zivojin. "Interpretation of the icon of Three-handed Virgin Mary of the St. Trinity church in Karan." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini, no. 46-4 (2016): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp46-6285.
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Kabatha, Zachary Ndegwa. "The Blessed Virgin Mary As Our Mother. The Lucan Marian Perspective." Studia Theologica Varsaviensia 57, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/stv.2019.57.1.04.
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The person of the Blessed Virgin Mary among Christians has been throughout Christian tradition a source of inspiration as far as the Christian faith is concerned. Many papal Encyclicals, Apostolic exhortations, conciliar and post conciliar documents have all made reference to our blessed mother due to her close proximity to her son our Lord Jesus Christ. She is thus not a foreigner to the people of faith. The modern man today looks forward for a person who is both faithful and trustworthy to accompany him or her in the earthly life and offer an assurance of everlasting joy. Examining the role of Mary in the writings of St Luke in the New Testament we see Mary as the one who fits in this desire of the modern man. Her role as a mother in the Luke’s view is very central in understanding the notion of companionship. However many people today do not understand Mary to be a faithful companion, perhaps this is due to the misunderstanding of Mary’s position in the Salvation History. Moreover the Sacred Scriptures from the infancy narratives to the neophyte church in Acts of the Apostles Mary makes a journey of faith with Jesus and his disciples. Thus in this article we examine briefly the companionship of the blessed Mary to the Word of God as we invoke her companionship to our Christians today on their pilgrimage to the Promised Land.
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Zajec, Vlasta. "Štuko dekoracija stropa crkve Blažene Djevice Marije od Karmela (sv. Marije od Puka) u Novigradu u Istri." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 47 (2016): 421–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.47.26.
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Sobota Matejčić, Gordana. "Institute for History of Art, Zagreb." Ars Adriatica, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.447.
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In 2005, during the composing of the Inventory of the Moveable Cultural Heritage of the Church and Monastery of St Francis of Assisi at Krk, three wooden statues were found in the attic. These had once belonged to a lavish Renaissance triptych at the centre of which was a figure of the Virgin (107 x 45 x 27 cm), flanked by the figures of St John the Baptist (c. 105 x 28 x 30 cm), an apostle with a book (c. 93 x 32 x 22 cm), and, in all likelihood, St James the Apostle. A trace of a small left foot in the Virgin’s lap indicates that the original composition was that of the Virgin and Child. It is highly likely that these statues originally belonged to the altar of St James which mentioned by Augustino Valier during his visitation of the Church of St Francis of Assisi in 1579 as having a pala honorifica . Harmonious proportions, fine modelling of the heads, beautifully and confidently carved drapery of the fabrics, together with almost classical gestures, all point to a good master carver who, in this case, sought inspiration in Venetian painting of the 1520s and 1530s. When attempting to find close parallels in the production of Venetian wood-carving workshops from the first half of the sixteenth century, without a doubt the best candidates are two signed statues from the workshop of Paolo Campsa de Boboti: the statue of the Risen Christ from the parish church of St Lawrence at Soave in Italy, dated to 1533, and the statue of the Virgin and Child in a private collection in Italy, dated to 1534. To these one can add a statue from the Gianfranco Luzzetti collection at Florence, which has been attributed to Campsa’s workshop. Judging from all the above, the statues from St Francis’ might be dated to the 1540s. In the parish church of Holy Trinity at Baška is a wooden triptych which, according to a nineteenth-century record, was inscribed with Campsa’s signature and the year 1514. When Bishop Stefanus David visited the Chapel of St Michael at Baška in 1685, he described in detail this wooden and carved palla on the main altar dedicated to St Michael, noting that the altar is under the patronage of the Papić family who had founded it and made considerable donations to it. The high altar in the Church of St Mary Magdalene at Porat, also on the island of Krk, has a polyptych attributed to Girolamo and Francesco da Santa Croce. Until now, it has been dated to 1556 - the year of the dedication of the altar and the church. However, more frequently than not, a number of years could pass between the furnishing of an altar and its dedication. With this in mind and having re-analyzed the paintings, the polyptych can be dated as early as the previous decade. Until now, the Renaissance statue of St Mary Magdalene (105 x 25 x 13 cm), originally part of an altar predella but today housed in the Monastery’s collection, was not discussed in the scholarly literature save for its iconography. Based on the morphological similarities between the statue of St Mary Magdalene and the three statues at Krk, it can be concluded that they were carved by the same master carver. Written sources inform us that after 1541 Paolo Campsa was no longer alive. Great differences between the works signed by Campsa have already been the subject of scholarly debate and it is known that due to high demand, his workshop included a number of highly skilled wood carvers. In the case of Krk, perhaps the master carver was an employee at Campsa’s workshop who outlived him and who, after its closure, went his own way and was considered good enough to be hired by fellow painters from the Santa Croce workshop. Installing a statue in a predella was a rare occurrence in sixteenth-century Croatia and Venice alike. Even in the case of Campsa. Reliefs were used more frequently. However, this arrangement was customary on contemporary flügelaltaren in the trans-Alpine north. It ought to be considered whether this northern altar design might provide a trail which would lead to a more specific location of a possible master carver.
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Zinko, Yuriy, Marta Malska, and Taras Hrynchyshyn. "Religious-pilgrim tourism in the west of Ukraine: main centres and shrines." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography 53 (December 18, 2019): 144–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2019.53.10671.
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This study analyzes the formation factors and major centres and shrines of pilgrimage and religious tourism in the Western region of Ukraine. The article presents structure of the religious space of 8 regions of Western Ukraine in the context of major Christian denominations. According to the latest statistics in the West of Ukraine, among the Christian denominations we can see dominance of believers and communities of the Ukrainian Greek-Catholic Church, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate and the Roman Catholic Church. The main pilgrimage centres that represent the Christian denominations of the region are characterized by attracting their faithful and at the same time serving as religious tourism centres for a wider range of people. These include, among others: Univ Lavra, Krekhiv and Hoshiv Monasteries, the Marian Spiritual Centre in Zarvanytsia (Greek-Catholic Church); Maniava Skete, St. George Monastery on the Cossack Graves (Orthodox Church of Ukraine); Pochayiv Lavra, Zymne and Mezhyrich Monasteries, Monasteries in Bukovyna and Transcarpathia (Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate). At the same time, the Roman Catholic Church is represented by sanctuaries: Basilica of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Lviv, churches in Stryi, Bilshivtsi, Chortkiv, Letychiv and other settlements. The annual number of visitors to these major centres is between 30 and 100 thousand people a year. Regarding non-Christian religions, there are important shrines in the region for Hasidic pilgrims in Belz, Medzhybizh and other towns. At the same time, a number of regional centres are important destinations. There are many temples in Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Lutsk, Ternopil, which, given the presence of objects of religious worship and significant architectural appeal, perform both a pilgrimage and a religious-tourist function. Religious shrines, which are primarily of natural origin, are often an important component of the pilgrimage-tourist movement in the West of Ukraine. These include the appearance of the Virgin Mary, including individual hills or springs, as well as ancient cave monasteries. Numerous pilgrimage and travel agencies actively promote visits of believers and tourists to them. Development of religious and pilgrimage centres is related to the development of service infrastructure, service complexes and a network of different types of accommodation. It may be recommended to organize more educational and scholarly events of ecumenical nature and meetings of faithful of different denominations in the well-known religious centres of the region. Key words: pilgrimage, religious tourism, denominations, temple, shrine, pilgrimage centre, infrastructure.
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Salvador González, José María. "Iconography of The Birth of the Virgin Mary on the Basis of a Homily of St. John Damascene." Eikon / Imago 5, no. 2 (December 9, 2016): 39–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/eiko.73494.
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As a consequence of the fact that the New Testament mentions few episodes and very few details of the real life of the Virgin Mary, among the Eastern Christian communities several apocryphal legends, that tried to supply this hermetic silence around the birth, infancy, youth, adulthood and death of the Mother of Jesus, arose during the first centuries of Christianity. These apocryphal accounts were then taken up and interpreted catechetically as a useful devotional matter by many Church Fathers, theologians and ecclesiastical writers. The reflections of these prestigious thinkers formed a solid corpus of doctrine, from which very important Marian devotions and liturgical feasts would soon follow. A primordial milestone in this “imaginary” life of Mary is her supernatural birth, after her miraculous conception in the bosom of her old and sterile mother Anne. As a natural fruit of these heterogenous literary and theological sources, from the tenth-eleventh centuries the medieval Byzantine and European artists approached with remarkable enthusiasm the iconographic theme of the Birth of the Virgin Mary as a significant episode of her life. On this basis, in this article we propose a triple complementary objective. First of all, after outlining the essential content of the apocryphal sources, we will broadly analyze the various theological theses that we believe are deductible from the emotional reflections that St. John Damascene expresses in a homily on the subject. Secondly, we will analyze some Byzantine and European paintings on the Birth of Mary, in order to determine to what extent the apocryphal accounts and the doctrinal statements of the Damascene are reflected in the characters, situations, attitudes, accessories and scenographic elements represented in these depictions. Finally, we will state some conclusions that we believe to be plausible in relating the Damascenian texts and the pictorial works of reference.
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Damjanović, Dragan. "Polychrome Roof Tiles and National Style in Nineteenth-century Croatia." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 70, no. 4 (December 1, 2011): 466–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2011.70.4.466.
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Gothic architecture, revived and decorated with motifs borrowed from folk art, provided the foundation for the creation of a Croatian national style in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Dragan Damjanović explains how the Viennese architect Friedrich Schmidt and his student and collaborator Herman Bollé created the signature architecture of this movement, the brilliantly colored and boldly patterned tile roofs of St. Mark's church (restored 1875–82), Zagreb cathedral (restored 1878–1902), and the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Marija Bistrica (restored 1878–85). In Polychrome Roof Tiles and National Style in Nineteenth-century Croatia, this architecture is placed in the context of the Gothic Revival in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and the collecting and analysis of traditional textiles by the amateur ethnographer Felix (Srećko) Lay.
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Barashkov, Viktor V. "THE MAIN TRENDS OF AESTHETICAL MODERNIZATION OF CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS IMAGES IN EUROPE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2018): 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2018.2.122-130.
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The article deals with the problem of dialogue between the church and contemporary art in Europe on the example of art installations in church space. The author analyses works of three contemporary artists: Christian Boltanski (“Na” - Old church in Amsterdam, 2017-2018), Bill Viola (“Martyrs”, 2014-, and “Mary”, 2016-, St. Paul Cathedral in London) and Stefan Knor (“Himmelwerd’s”, Cathedral in Bamberg, Germany, 2012). Christian Boltanski uses the fundamental theme of human obliteration for his art, strengthened by the space of the cathedral, functioned a long time as a crypt. Bill Viola gives a new interpretation of traditional Christian images of martyrs and Holy Virgin. The technique of video-art makes images dynamic, so spectator can “live” in that space. Stefan Knor aims by the means of contemporary art to actualize the fundamental theological ideas, for example, the idea of stairway to heaven. For the best acceptance of his works he collaborates with church members. The author claims that these artists become the religious owing to such characteristics as depth and sincerity in the interpretation of fundamental anthropological problems and the absence of irony (which is frequent for contemporary art). The article’s author shows that the interiors of the churches can harmoniously accept the works of contemporary artists, provided that the artists have to respect the religious traditions and sacred space of these churches.
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Westbrook, Donald A. "Our Lady of Zeitoun (1968–1971)." Nova Religio 21, no. 2 (November 1, 2017): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2017.21.2.85.
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This article situates the mass mariophanies reported at Zeitoun (Cairo), Egypt, from 1968 to 1971 in their historical, political, interfaith, and ecumenical contexts. The series of luminous apparitions above St. Mary’s Coptic Orthodox Church were first observed by nearby Muslim public transit workers. Soon after, the site attracted tens of thousands of Christian and Muslim pilgrims, many of whom observed bright light in the form of the Virgin Mary in addition to other manifestations, such as dove-shaped lights hovering above or near the church. Miraculous healings were also reported. The Zeitoun apparitions serve as a unique instance within the broader study of Marian apparitions by providing a non-Catholic example that took place within a Muslim-majority nation over a span of nearly three years. Moreover, full contextualization of the events in Zeitoun requires interdisciplinary attention spanning Middle Eastern, Islamic, and ecumenical studies; as such, the apparitions invite further and fuller examination in the secondary literature.
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Dzik, Janina. "The Reception of the Engravings of Gottfried Bernhard Göz’s Marian Series in the Monumental Painting of the Lviv Circle in the 18th Century." Roczniki Humanistyczne 67, no. 4 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 30, 2019): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.68.4-1en.
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The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 63, issue 4 (2015).
The graphic series dedicated to the Mother of God, defined as Sub tuum praesidium confugimus, by Gottfried Bernhard Göz (1708–1774) was an inspiration for the monumental painting of the Rococo period in Poland in the times of the Saxon kings. The series of engravings with a devotional character made with the stipple engraving technique presents 12 signed Marian scenes: the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Mary’s Birth, the Presentation of Mary, Mary and Joseph’s Matrimony, the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Purification, the images of Our Lady of Sorrows, and the Assumption. Other scenes are connected with Mary’s patronage – as the Queen of the Rosary—and her intercession. The prints, as researchers of Göz’s work assume, prove his mature style that was shaped in the years 1737–1740, when he formed a publishing “company” together with the Klauber brothers, Joseph Sebastian and Johann Baptist. He used the motifs occurring in the series many times e.g. on the vault of the nave in the Dominican nuns’ St Stefan Church in Habsthal (1748; Upper Swabia), in the sketch and painting for the Cistercian monastery in Birnau (1748–1750). These motifs were also found in Bavarian Marian shrines, e.g. Frauenchiemsee, Maria Mitleid Kapelle and Mater Dolorosa Kapelle with paintings by Balthasar Furtner (1761) and in a church in Niederaschau and Kleinmariazell (1763–1765). References to the series may also be found in the area of Slovenia, i.e. on the vault of Grajska Kapela in Novo Celje (1758–1763).
The prints were known to the circle of Lviv artists active in the 18th century and they were used as models for numerous figural compositions. First of all the Lviv painter Stanisław Stroiński (1719–1802) used them for the decorations, among others, of the interior of the Franciscan Marian sanctuary in Leżajsk, in the Franciscan Holy Spirit Church in Krystynopol (1756–1759 (now Chervonohrad in Ukraine), and in the decoration of St Anne’s Chapel in the Holy Trinity Benedictine Church in Przemyśl. The series of prints was also used by the painter Gabriel Sławiński in the decoration of the chancel in St Lawrence Parish Church in the village of Żółkiewka and on the vault of the post-Pauline St Louis Church in Włodawa.
The engravings are a significant model for Polish painting because of their style, technique and original approach to the conventional religious theme.
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Kirkus, M. Geoffrey. "‘Yes, My Lord’: Some Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Bishops and the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary." Recusant History 24, no. 2 (October 1998): 171–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002466.
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That we may freely and consistently persevere in our intention … we will that … all and each of ours shall make a vow never to seek directly or indirectly nor to allow others to seek … that except the Chief Pontiff to whom alone we humbly beg to be subject, any religious order whatsoever or any person whomsoever or any bishop or any one else appointed by the Pope to visit us, should have us so committed to his charge as to exercise over us authority, power, or jurisdiction.(Memorial of Mary Ward, translated from the Latin original, Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu, Anglia 31, 11, pp. 675-685).The above are strong words, even from a forthright Yorkshirewoman, and they are almost startling when one considers how submissive, personally, was their author to all authority in the Church. But, in this Memorial, Mary Ward describes the constitution she envisages for her Institute. The firm lines she draws are even more accentuated in her Third Plan of 1622: ‘We most humbly beg that the entire hierarchical structure of this work should depend entirely on the Holy See and not on any other authority’. Another document headed Reasons why we may not alter makes it clear that the proposals admit of no compromise. The genesis of this attitude is not far to seek. Mary Ward considered she had received divine intimation that she was to undertake some new work to the greater glory of God and for this she was to follow St. Ignatius’ Society of Jesus with its direct responsibility to the Holy See. Sr. Immolata Wetter points out that Mary Ward’s ideas were further sharpened by the contemporary situation of the Catholic Church in England: ‘adherence to the primacy of the Pope distinguished the English martyrs and confessors of the faith. For their loyalty to the Vicar of Christ these brave men and women suffered restrictions both in public and private life.
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Lux-Sterritt, Laurence. "Mary Ward's English Institute: The Apostolate As Self-Affirmation?" Recusant History 28, no. 2 (October 2006): 192–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011249.
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Mary Ward (1585–1645) is known as the foundress of the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary, an Order of women which continues to educate thousands of girls around the world. During the first decades of the seventeenth century, her foundation was a religious venture which aimed to transform the Catholic mission of recovery into one that catered for women as well as men. It maintained clandestine satellites on English soil and opened colleges on the Continent, in towns such as St Omer (1611), Liège (1616), Cologne and Trier (1620–1), Rome (1622), Naples and Perugia (1623), Munich and Vienna (1627) and Pressburg and Prague (1628). There, it trained its own members and undertook the education of externs and boarders. The Institute's vocation was not only to maintain the faith where it was already present but also to propagate it; as such, it went far beyond the accepted sphere of the feminine apostolate and its members were often labelled as rebels who strove to shake off the shackles of post-Tridentine religious life. To some modern historians, Mary Ward was an ‘unattached, roving, adventurous feminist’; to others, she was a foundress whose initiative deliberately set out to lay tradition to rest and begin a new era for the women in the Church.
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Dulibić, Ljerka, and Iva Pasini Tržec. "Austrijski slikar Leopold Kupelwieser i biskup Josip Juraj Strossmayer." Ars Adriatica, no. 6 (January 1, 2016): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.186.
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All 20th-century chronologies of the collector’s activity of Bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer (1815-1905) and overviews of the evolution of today’s Strossmayer’s Gallery of Old Masters at the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts mention the bishop’s cooperation with the Austrian Nazarene painter Leopold Kupelwieser (1796-1862), father of Paul Kupelwieser, the former owner of the Brijuni islands. This episode from the “prehistory” of Strossmayer’s Gallery has hitherto been known only as a brief notice repeated in almost identical formulations: “In 1857, the bishop sent the first larger group of paintings to Vienna in order to be restored under the supervision of painter Leopold Kupelwieser.” Research of archival documents mentioning the cooperation between Bishop Strossmayer and painter Kupelwieser has now been complemented with an overview of Kupelwieser’s activity in Croatia, with an aim of promoting the preservation and evaluation of this segment of his painting oeuvre. Besides paintings ordered by Strossmayer (presently at the Diocesan Museum of Zagreb), Kupelwieser produced two paintings for Croatian churches independently of his cooperation with the bishop (for the church of St Stephen of Hungary, today’s church of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Nova Gradiška, and for the chapel of St Peter and Paul in Dvor na Uni). Two more paintings are preserved on the Brijuni islands that do not directly belong to Kupelwieser’s oeuvre yet are closely linked to him.
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Emanov, Alexandr G., and Ivan P. Komarov. "Sacred Objects of the Livonian Order." Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 5, no. 3 (October 30, 2019): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2019-5-3-133-145.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the sacred patronage in Livonian order. There are 350 sacred objects in Livonia in the 14th-16th centuries, such as altars, chapels, churches, monasteries, and hospitals. Half of them have the saints patrons which have been identified. A third was inherited from old religious and secular keepers, while the rest were founded by the Livonian order. The most prominent among the saint patrons are Virgin Mary, St. George, St. John, St. Anna, St. Catherine, and St. Nicholas. They are followed by St. Andrey, Gertrud, Michael, Jacob, Margarita, and Olaf. The most observed and revered are the Biblical and early Christian saints, equally celebrated in the Western and Eastern Christian churches.
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Banić, Silvija. "Zadarski gotički vezeni antependij u Budimpešti." Ars Adriatica, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.490.
Full textAbstract:
The Museum of Applied Arts (Iparművészeti Múzeum) at Budapest houses an embroidered Gothic antependium which belonged to the church of St Chrysogonus, which was the seat of the Benedictine Abbey at Zadar. At an unspecified time, the antependium became part of the collection of Zsigmund Bubics, an art historian, collector and the bishop of Košice in present-day Slovakia from 1887 to 1906, and was donated to the Museum of Applied Arts in 1909. It measures 94 by 190 cm. The majority of the antependium’s surface is filled with the figures of saints set beneath three pointed, Gothic arches. The central field is occupied by the enthroned Virgin with the Christ Child, in the left field is St Chrysogonus and in the right St Benedict. In the upper section of the antependium one can see the busts of two saints who might be identified as St Gregory the Pope and St Donatus. Along the lateral edges of this triptych-like antependium are vertical borders, at the centres of which are niches with two small standing female saints who wear crowns (St Scholastica and St Anastasia). To the left of the Virgin’s throne is the figure of a donor depicted kneeling with his hands clasped in prayer, which has unfortunately not been provided with an inscription. It is clear, however, that he is wearing the Benedictine habit with a somewhat over-emphasized hood falling down his back. The Benedictine donor might be identified as one of the abbots of the monastery of St Chrysogonus. It is suggested in the article that this may have been John de Ontiaco (Joannes de Onciache) from the bishopric of Lyon, who was the abbot of the monastery of St Chrysogonus from 1345 to 1377. The author argues that the antependium was produced in a weaving workshop in Venice during the late 1360s or early 1370s, on the basis of comparisons with similar contemporary painted and embroidered artworks. Based on the iconographic programme which was depicted on the antependium, but also on the information found in archival records, the author proposes that the antependium was made for the altar of St Chrysogonus which stood in the north apse of the abbey church. Although it has not been established when the antependium left Zadar, based on the similarities between the crimson satin fabric, which replaced the original surface on which the embroidery was applied, on the antependium from the Church of St Mary at Zadar, and the antependium from the Church of St Chrysogonus, it is stated that both interventions were made in the Benedictine Convent of St Mary at Zadar during a short period of time in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. This is also understood as evidence that at that time the antependium from the Church of St Chrysogonus was still being carefully kept at Zadar.
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Shin, Junhyoung Michael. "Avalokiteśvara's Manifestation as the Virgin Mary: The Jesuit Adaptation and the Visual Conflation in Japanese Catholicism after 1614." Church History 80, no. 1 (March 2011): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640710001575.
Full textAbstract:
Since St. Francis Xavier landed in Kagoshima in 1549, the Jesuit mission in Japan had achieved an amazing number of conversions, even though their activity lasted for merely about fifty years. Their great success came to an abrupt end in 1614 when the Bakufu government began the full proscription and persecution of the religion. An earlier ruler, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, had already banned Christianity and ordered the expulsion of foreign missionaries in 1587, but without strict enforcement. Since the 1630s, the former Christians were required to enroll in local Buddhist temples and annually go through the practice of treading on Christian icons in order to prove their apostasy. However, many Christians secretly retained the faith by disguising their true religious identity with Buddhist paraphernalia. These so-called “underground” (or sempuku) Christians survived more than two hundred years of persecution, and today some groups still continue to practice their own religion, refusing to join the Catholic Church. The present-day religion of the latter, called “hidden” (or kakure) Christians to distinguish them from the former, has drawn the attention of ample anthropological as well as religious studies.
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Frances, Ann. "William John Butler and the revival of the Ascetic Tradition." Studies in Church History 22 (1985): 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000807x.
Full textAbstract:
William John Butler, sometime vicar of Wantage in Berkshire and founder of the Community of St Mary the Virgin, gave a concrete and contemporary expression to an aspect of the ascetic idea current among followers of the Oxford Movement, which was revealed in their desire to restore monastic life in the Church in England. The Community founded by Butler was one of the earliest of the indigenous Anglican communities for women. In no way could the desert ideal or the later pre-Reformation models of religious life be reconstructed, nor would they have been appropriate in the climate of the time. However Butler believed, as had Newman, Pusey and others, that the basic principles of monastic life remained valid and they could and should find their place in the contemporary Church of England. It was believed that the Church had the grace and the resources of devotion within itself to give birth to the religious life anew, to continue its nurture and promote its development. Certainly the enhanced spirituality resulting from the example of deep devotion of the Tractarians themselves and that of their followers engendered a religious atmosphere in which new spiritual adventures were made possible.
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Wiraszka, Marta. "ANTONI MESSING, WSPÓŁTWÓRCA POMNIKA NAJŚWIĘTSZEJ MARYI PANNY PRZED KOŚCIOŁEM REFORMATÓW I SERII WZOROWANYCH NA NIM NAGROBKÓW WZNIESIONYCH NA CMENTARZACH WARSZAWY." Saeculum Christianum 23 (September 22, 2017): 208–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2016.23.16.
Full textAbstract:
Antoni Messing (ca. 1821-1867) the owner of the stone workshop located in Warsaw on 6 Powązkowska Street (mtge. 27C) is currently most famous for one monument- the Statue of the Virgin Mary of Immaculate Conception which was placed in front of the Church of St Antony of Padua on Senatorska Street (1851). What made this monument different from other independently standing monuments was the use of lanterns which at evening time illuminated the statue of the Virgin (1853). The innovative idea spread not only around Warsaw, but also outside the city boundaries. References to the monument elevated by Messing were not limited to the way and form of illuminating the statue. The inventory research conducted on Warsaw cemeteries enable the extraction of a group of tombstones imitating the shape and the decor of the plinth of the statue of the Virgin. The number of examples of this collection of tombstones numbers 19. Their execution dates back to the period 1853-1874 - with one exception only, all of them were elevated during the period of Antoni Messing’s ownership of the stone workshop. All of them represent the same commemoration in the form of a crucifix located on a plinth. Examples can be separated into two groups. One, comprising 8 tombstones, the closest to the original, the other, comprising 11 examples preserves the architectural structure without the sculptural decor. The origin of the formal concept is to be traced in the project of Henryk Marconi’s garden vase designed for Wilanowski Park (ca. 1845-1851) as well as the finishing elements of the Stanisław and Antoni Potocki’s tombstones. Consequently, the contribution of Messing consists in the creation of the series of tombstones modeled on the statue of the Virgin Mary rather than the originality of the project.
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Todic, Branislav. "Frescoes in the Virgin Peribleptos Church referring to the origins of the archbishopric of Ohrid." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 39 (2001): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0239147t.
Full textAbstract:
In the year 1294/95, in the church of the Virgin Peribleptos in Ohrid, figures of the apostles Peter and Andrew were painted in the bottom register of wall paintings of the south wall, in front of the altar space (fig. 1), while those of St. Clement of Ohrid and St. Constantine Kabasilas appeared on the opposite, north wall (fig. 2). Their choice and placement on such a conspicuous location have already been the subject of interest of scholars who attempted to explain their iconography and unveil the reasons behind their appearance in this Ohrid church. The image of apostle Peter is related to the text of Mt. 16, 18 and this apostle is thus represented as carrying a church on his back while trampling on Hades who, at the same time, is being pierced by an angel bearing a lance. From above, Christ, shown in bust, addresses St. Peter with the gospel text written out in fresco above his image. This rare representation could be interpreted as an image referring to the founding of the church on earth by Christ. The gospel text which inspired it was one of the main arguments in the primacy doctrine of the Roman church. In Byzantium, on the other hand, the equality of all apostles was underlined, and Peter shared his place of honor with Paul and, at times, Andrew. This can explain the presence of the latter by Peter's side in the mentioned Ohrid church. On the opposite wall we find figures of saints who held in particular reverence in the Ohrid area, namely those of Clement and Constantine Kabasilas. St. Clement (whose relics were treasured in Ohrid) was a bishop in nearby Velika in the X century, and his cult developed shortly after his death. On the other hand, at the end of his lifetime Constantine Kabasilas, an archbishop of Ohrid from the middle of the XIII century, was very devoted to the emperor Michael VIII and that seems to have decisively contributed to the early development of his cult. We can basically except the opinion of those among the scholars who associated the images of the mentioned saints with Christ's founding of the church on earth and the spreading of Christianity among the Slavs. However, since the archbishopric of Ohrid had no direct apostolic origins, and since even St. Clement was actually its founder, the wall paintings of the Virgin Peribleptos should be viewed in a somewhat different light. It is well known that the Archbishopric was founded by emperor Basil II who, in the second sigillium (1020), associated it with the earlier existing Bulgarian archbishopric. However, in the XII century, if not already at an earlier date, the archbishopric of Ohrid began to be associated also with Justiniana Prima, the archbishopric founded by emperor Justinian in 535. The first to include it in his title was the archbishop of Ohrid John Komnenos, in 1157, and many of his successors followed his example. Formulas such as Bulgarian and Prima Justiniana which appear in their titles were of a legal and canonic nature and were used in defending the autocephalos rights of the Archbishopric from both the Roman and the Constantinopolitan church. This prompts us to explain the wall paintings of the eastern part of the naos of the Virgin Peribleptos as a result of intentions of the archbishops of Ohrid to underline the ties of their church with Justiniana Prima and the Bulgarian archbishopric. The image of the founding of the church upon St. Peter is not only a universal image of Christ's founding of the church on earth but also a reminder that the archbishopric of Ohrid was formed on the territory of ancient Illyricum which once belonged to Rome and was handed over as a result of an agreement between pope Vigilius and emperor Justinian for the purpose of founding the autocephalos church of Justiniana Prima. Supposedly, the independence and high rank of the archbishopric of Ohrid found justification in those facts. In his letter to patriarch Germanos II (from the 1220's), the archbishop of Ohrid Demetrios Chomatenos goes on to say that the emperor Justinian, in establishing the hierarchy of the most ancient and great patriarchal sees, called the pope of old Rome the first among priests, the patriarch of Constantinople the second and directly after him made mention of the see of the Bulgarian archbishopric, i.e. Ohrid. In the fresco decoration of the Virgin Peribleptos these references to the Roman and Constantinopolitan church were substituted by images of their founders, a common procedure in Byzantine iconography. Just as it did in Chomatenos's letter, the presence of the apostle Andrew was there to point out that the church of Ohrid belonged to the Orthodox world. The second argument upholding the ancient origins and independence of the church of Ohrid - reflected by both the title of its prelates and the wall paintings of the Peribleptos - is based on its ties with the ancient archbishopric of Bulgaria. That is why its archbishops strove to develop the cults of "Bulgarian" saints, primarily that of St. Clement. The text of his vita (XII century), ascribed to Theophylaktos of Ohrid, celebrates him as the most commendable missionary of the Bulgarian people, and in the Catalogue of Bulgarian archbishops (from the same century) he is mentioned in such a manner that one gets the impression that Clement was the first prelate of the territory of the future archbishopric of Ohrid. Such a calculated treatment of St. Clement was especially intensified in the XIII century, as attested in particular by his synaxarion vita and service, in which he is referred to as the thirteenth apostle. A similar phenomenon developed also in the decoration of the church of the Virgin Peribleptos in which Clement plays the role of the first prelate of Ohrid and the perpetuator of the activities of the apostles painted on the wall opposite his image. In order to express clearly and most thoroughly the idea of the origins and the nature of the Archbishopric, it was also necessary to include in this group an image of one archbishop of Ohrid and so the choice fell on Constantine Kabasilas, whose memory was still alive and who, moreover, was the only actually canonized archbishop of Ohrid. Finally, we should also inquire why this ideologically colored fresco decoration appeared in 1294/95 in the church of the Virgin Peribleptos. The theory of the supposed origins of the archbishopric of Ohrid greatly gained in importance in the course of the events related to the Union of Lyon. This time it was suitably used in an attempt to abolish the Serbian archbishopric and the Bulgarian (Trnovo) patriarchate, founded at a somewhat earlier date and for the most part on the one-time territory of the archbishopric of Ohrid. Such pretensions appeared openly in the charter issued by emperor Michael VIII to the archbishopric of Ohrid (1272) and in his memorandum to the pope, read at the Council of Lyon in 1274. Moreover, in 1282 the Serbian king Milutin conquered vast Byzantine territories so that certain administrative units of the archbishopric of Ohrid were not only dislocated within a different state but also became a part of a different, Serbian church. So while the Byzantine emperor attempted to recapture these territories by military force, the archbishop of Ohrid, Makarios, strove to demonstrate visually on the walls of the church of the Virgin Peribleptos the supposed origins of his archbishopric and thus also to claim its rights, through the images of the apostles Peter and Andrew and saints Clement and Constantine Kabasilas. Because of its political engagement, this painted decoration remained unique in medieval art and should thus find explanation in particular ideological and political motives.
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Bravermanová, Milena, and Helena Březinová. "The Fate of the Remains and Funerary Equipment of Czech Rulers and Their Family Members." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica, no. 35 (December 30, 2020): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6034.35.07.
Full textAbstract:
Prague Castle was the most important burial site of the Czech rulers and their relatives. The graves are located in the Church of the Virgin Mary, in St. George Church and Convent, and, in the greatest numbers in the St. Vitus Cathedral.
Reliquary tombs of the most important Czech patron saints are also located at Prague Castle – in St. George Basilica, in St. Vitus Cathedral and in All Saints Church. We also know the graves of 12 Prague bishops that are located in the St. Vitus Cathedral.
The majority of the aforementioned graves have been opened several times in the past for a variety of reasons, that caused various problems, the most serious of which involved the confusion of relics.
The first systematic anthropological investigations were conducted at the beginning of the 20th century. The remains of nearly all historical personalities buried at Prague Castle were available for another anthropological study conducted in the 1960s. Currently, the research continues with modern nature science analyzes.
In the past, removed grave goods did not receive proper care for the most part, mainly due to a lack of understanding as to what constituted correct procedures for handling artefacts deposited for years in the unsuitable conditions of graves and tombs. The grave goods themselves were often restored in an inappropriate manner. The restoration situation improved significantly after the establishment of restoration and conservation workshops in 2000.
The opening of graves is problematic and, from an ethical point of view, should be performer only to a very limited extent. Necessary construction work is a common reason for disruption, and in this case remains should be treated with respect. And if grave goods are removed, they must be cared for in a proper manner, as these artefacts are often irreplaceable heritage whose scientific study is a legitimate pursuit. The mere lust for knowledge, often connected with efforts to generate sensation, does not entitle us to disturb the resting place of our ancestors with ill-considered interventions.
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Tkachenko, Victoria Vladimirovna. "Russian history in “Lives of the Saints” of St. Dimitry of Rostov." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2020): 118–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.4.33427.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of this research is the largest printed compilation of the lives of the saints venerated by the Russian Orthodox Church – “Lives of the Saints” by St. Dimitry of Rostov (1689-1705). Despite a widespread opinion that the only printed book on the Russian history until the middle of the XVIII century was the “Synopsis” by Innokenty Gizel, the author refers to “Lives of the Saints” as a landmark of historical writing that reflects crucial events in the Russian history from ancient times until early XVIII century. Traditionally viewed as a literary and hagiographical landmark, “Lives of the Saints” by St. Dimitri Rostov were out of the scope for the researchers of Russian historiography. This article is the first to conduct comprehensive analysis of historical records contained in the lives of Russian saints as part of the compilation “Live of the Saints”. Emphasis is places on the representation of events of the past. The research demonstrates that “Lives of the Saints” included descriptions of the milestones in Church and political history. Featuring certain aspect of scientific writings (accuracy of dates, critical analysis of sources, reference apparatus), they conveyed a special, Christian perception of Russian history as a chain of miracles of the saints and the Virgin Mary. The conclusion is made on the considerable importance of “Lives of the Saints” in proliferation of information on the Russian past among broad population, and formation of historical memory of the Russian society of the XVIII – XIX centuries.
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Czyż, Anna S. "Program ikonograficzny wystroju wnętrza kościoła pw. Wniebowzięcia Najświętszej Maryi Panny i św. Augustyna w Kraśniku (wiek XVII i XVIII)." Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne 108 (December 20, 2017): 63–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/abmk.12169.
Full textAbstract:
Modern furnishings of the church dedicated to the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary and St. Augustine in Kraśnik were created over three hundred years. However, the oldest trace of the decor from the 16th century is scant. In the first half of the 17th century they were exchanged, and it was at the time when the monastery in Kraśnik joined the Cracow Congregation. The 1630s were particularly important in the creation of the new decor of the church as the following things were founded: choir stalls, including collator ones, paintings by Dolabella as well as the high altar and brotherhood’s one. The above-mentioned elements of the interior were means of conveying the most important themes: canonic (Ordo apostolicus, the patrons of the Cracow Congregation), Passion, Eucharistic, Marian (including SalvatorMundi and MaterMisericordiae) as well as patronal. It cannot be ruled out that intensive artistic investment was connected with the plan to convene the General Chapter in Kraśnik in 1635. In the following decades, especially in the mid-eighteenth centuries, the interior was supplemented and developed, within the aforementioned themes, through the foundations of new altars, a pulpit and paintings in the chancel. Comparing the themes of the church decoration in Krasnik with other churches of the Canons Regular of the Cracow Congregation, it should be noted that they are typical. They referred to monastic life, including the spirituality of the canons and the "primacy" of the congregation, as well as the pastoral ministry being developed on the basis of Passion, Eucharistic and Marian themes. They were presented in the context of the changes taking place in the life of the Church after the Council of Trent, the trend which was also adopted by the Cracow Congregation of Corpus Christi, which co-created a new model of the sacred art in the Republic of Poland.
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Goja, Bojan. "Pietro Sandrioli indorador iz Venecije i drvene oltarne pale u Rabu i Šibeniku." Ars Adriatica, no. 3 (January 1, 2013): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.467.
Full textAbstract:
Based on new archival research, the article focuses on previously unknown information about wooden altarpieces in Rab and Šibenik. The documents created by the Rab notary Ivan Božidar Kašić, which are keptin the State Archive at Zadar, contain a contract about the making of a wooden superstructure (palla) for the high altar in the Church of St. Andrew and its original altar painting. The contract bears the date of 19 April 1623 and obliges Piero Sandrioli, an indorador and resident of Zadar, to make an altarpieces according to a set design, fifteen-feet high and nine-and-a-half-feet wide, together with a canvas painting of the Blessed Virgin Mary and paintings depicting the scenes of the Most Holy Rosary. He was required to paint the figure of St. Dominic to the right of the Virgin, the figure of St. Catherine of Siena to her left, and, next to the Virgin’s feet at the bottom of the painting, the scenes on the topic of the Most Holy Rosary. The rest of the altarpieces had to correspond to the aforementioned design in all respects. The whole structure (probably referring to the wooden superstructure and the painting) had to be carved, delivered to the Church of St. Andrew and set up on the altar at the expense of Pietro Sandrioli. Once in Rab, after the delivery of the wooden altarpiece and the painting, Sandrioli was also required to gild the altarpiece. The entire task had to be completed by the following December. As soon as the work was completed, Sandrioli was to be paid the amount of 250 ducats and here it is mentioned that he had already received 360 lire. Apart from the described altar superstructure from Rab, the same mistro Pietro Sandrioli da Venecia indorador is mentioned in connection to the making of the former high altar in the Church of St. Dominic at Šibenik. This document of 13 June 1628 has been preserved in the records of the Šibenik notary Ante Vrančić which are also kept in the State Archive at Zadar. The document states that Lorenzo Corradis, a representative and intermediary on behalf of the confraternity of the Virgin of the Most Holy Rosary from the Church of St. Dominic, paid Pietro Sandrioli, the indorador of Venice, 376 lire which is also confirmed by a receipt issued for the services of carving and painting undertaken in Venice for the wooden high altar of the Virgin of the Most Holy Rosary.As confirmed by Pietro Sandrioli himself, only 180 of those 376 lire had been spent and he owed Lorenzo Corradis the amount of 196 lire. In other words, he owed him the amount which could be somewhat higher or lower than the stated sum but which would correspond to the amount of money that was actually spent. The next step was to see a Venetian notary who was to issue Corradis with a confirmation that the amount of 180 lire was spent to pay for the work of the master craftsman, and this would guarantee that the money was indeed spent. For this purpose, the indorador Pietro Sandrioli, in the company of the aforementioned witnesses, promised and committed to provide a trustworthy and original confirmation issued by a Venetian notary in which these master carvers and painters would state the exact cost of their work while under oath. Then, he would bring or send this confirmation from Venice by the end of the following January. In the event of Sandrioli’s failure to send or bring the confirmation by the end of the following January, he was to be replaced by another master indorador, Zuanne Voicovich, who would be responsible for the payment of the 196 lire in full. Although this document merely regulates some expenditures, it can still be used to establish that the work on the wooden high altar for the Church of St. Dominic at Šibenik was begun before 13 June 1628 when, it seems, it was still ongoing; that the majority of work was done in Venice, and that the indoradori Pietro Sandrioli and Zuanne Voicovich were involved in the production together with numerous unnamed master wood-carvers and painters. It may be concluded that Sandrioli and Voicovich were at that time in Šibenik together, and that they worked on the completion of the altar, decorating it with gilding. Since Pietro Sandrioli was mentioned in the Rab document of 1623 as a resident of Zadar, it can be suggested with a high degree of certainty that he worked for the commissioners who were based in the capital of Dalmatia and its environments. In Venice, the term indoradóri or doradóri denoted those craftsmen who used gold or silver foils to decorate various hand-made objects, most frequently those made of wood. The Indoradóri did not have a guild of their own but formed one of the branches of the confraternity of painters, a member ofwhich, between 1597 and 1610, was a certain Piero de Zen Sandrioli, probably the same master craftsman who worked on the wooden altarpieces at Rab and Šibenik. On the basis of the analysis of archival records and other examples of the production of carved and gilded wooden altars in seventeenth-century Venice and Dalmatia, it is concluded that the making of the wooden altar superstructure from Rab was a task shared by a number of master craftsmen who specialized in the various aspects of carpentry such as the marangoni, tornitori, figuristi, ornatisti and indoradori. Pietro Sandrioli, apart from being responsible for the tasks of an indorador, probably acted as an intermediary of sorts between them and the commissioners. After Pietro Salamone (Hvar, Zadar) and Jacopo Costantini (Trogir), Pietro Sandrioli is the third Venetian indorador to have worked for Dalmatian patrons in the late sixteenth and the early decades of the seventeenth century. Since the indorador Costantini also made the canvas painting of the Virgin and Child with St. Dominic and a donor for the wooden altar in the Dominican church at Trogir, it can be assumed that the indorador Sandrioli may have also been responsible for the painting of the now lost Virgin of the Most Holy Rosary with SS Dominic and Catherine of Siena, which was inset in the wooden altar superstructure of the main altar of the Church of St. Andrew.
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Motušić, Eugen. "Porušena crkva Rođenja Blažene Djevice Marije u Silbi." Ars Adriatica, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.508.
Full textAbstract:
It is known that the Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary at Silba was demolished in 1828 so as to provide the necessary building material for the completion of the new parish church which inherited the dedication from the old one. As we learn from the archival records, the demolition was authorized by the Archbishop of Zadar Josip Nowak who stipulated that the Franciscan Church of Our Lady of Carmel would function as the local parish church while the new one was being built. All that remains from the old church today is the bell tower which continued to be used by the new parish church. It is obvious from the schematic ground plan and the dimensions of the demolished church, recorded in the now lost document from the parish church archive, that it was a single-nave longitudinal structure with a rectangular sacristy to the east, two shallow chapels extending from the lateral walls and a porch of the lopica type (resembling a loggia) at the front which abutted onto the corner of the bell tower with its own south corner. Apart from the high altar, placed against the back wall, the church had three pairs of side altars. The analysis of the canonical visitations carried out during the second quarter of the seventeenth century demonstrates that the church, recorded for the first time in 1579, was a modest building in which the oil for the anointment of the sick was being kept because the local parish church of that time, dedicated to St Mark, was too far from the village. The church was provided with five side altars put up by the more distinguished individuals and members of the lay fraternities the most prominent of which was that of Our Lady of the Rosary after which the church was called by eighteenth-century locals. Based on the analysis of the 1670 visitation of Archbishop Evangelisto Parzaghi who described the renovation during which certain altars changed their places, the article argues that the church was completed just before this visit. The bell tower was mentioned as a campanile for the first time in 1678.By means of comparative analysis, it can be established that the Church of the Nativity of the Virgin at Silba belonged to the same architectural type as a large group of simple yet spacious churches which were built in rural communities along the east Adriatic coast by local masters during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The activity of such masters on the island of Silba is corroborated by contemporary birth, marriage and death records as well as a number of monuments such as a tombstone in the Church of St Mark and the door lintel in the house of master builder Franić Lorencin (1660), both of which depict building and carving tools. The analysis of the land registry maps and topographical drawings of 1824 and 1833 shows that the church’s south wall, to the east of the chapel of Our Lady of the Rosary, was laid in a different direction compared to that of the rest of the wall, indicating that this portion belonged to an earlier layer of the building which, judging from everything, seems to have been medieval. Therefore, the wall was widened and extended towards the west during the rebuilding documented in the visitation of 1670. This possibility, which a future excavation of the site ought to be confirm, is strengthened by the frequency of such alterations as can be seen on the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century churches on the island of Ugljan and in particular on the Church of St Lawrence at Lukoran, built in 1632, which is the best example of that architectural type.Another feature of these churches is the lopica-type porch which stands out as an architectural element typical of Istria and the Quarnero gulf to which, geographically speaking, the island of Silba gravitates. The lopica porch of the Church of the Nativity at Silba had a particularly elongated plan and featured two symmetrical sets of three supports and an axial main entrance into the porch, that is, the church. It is unlikely that the porch was added prior to the late seventeenth century because during that time, Silba was exposed to the raids of the Turkish pirates who threatened it directly. It is certain that the bell tower was used for defensive purposes and the addition of a porch would have diminished its importance as a fortification structure and hampered the visual communication with the entrance to the church.The examination of the architecture of the bell tower revealed two different building phases: an earlier one which included the body of the bell tower and a later one which saw the addition of the pyramidal structure together with a shallow square drum. In its original form, the bell tower had a compact body featuring a round-headed opening at the centre of each side of the two topmost storeys. Their stylistically undefined morphology corresponds to modest bell towers which were built in this area from the late sixteenth to the eighteenth century. The original pyramidal top had to be dismantled in 1858 due to wear and tear and it was replaced by the present one which has oval openings at the bottom of each side of the drum. This structure is almost identical to the top of the bell tower of the Church of Our Lady of the Rosary at Preko on the island of Ugljan which was built in 1844.Based on the archival records, the article also establishes that the substantially repainted image of the Virgin and Child with SS Mark and Matthew, today at the high altar of the parish church, was originally larger. It was the object of ex-voto veneration and numerous offerings had been placed in its glass case. The painting was cropped so that it could be inserted into the niche of the marble altar piece designed by Ćiril M. Iveković (1898) which meant the loss of the two evangelists. According to the preserved contract and drawing, the lower part of the altar was set up in 1860 by Giovanni dalla Zonca, an altar maker from Vodnjan, and it featured the still preserved wooden statues of SS Peter and Paul which are dated to the mid-seventeenth century on the basis of their stylistic features. Therefore, it can be concluded that painting and the statues were taken from the high altar of the demolished church.
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Taylor, Thérèse. "‘So Many Extraordinary Things to Tell’: Letters from Lourdes, 1858." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46, no. 3 (July 1995): 457–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900017759.
Full textAbstract:
In 1858 Lourdes was the site of a famous series of apparitions of the Virgin Mary to Bernadette Soubirous (1844–79). These visions became the basis of one of the major religious shrines of the contemporary world. The miraculous spring at the Grotto of Lourdes is visited by tens of thousands of pilgrims every year and the story of St Bernadette and Our Lady of Lourdes has been thoroughly disseminated throughout the Catholic world. Despite the fame of Lourdes, and despite the dramatic foundation of the shrine during the mid nineteenth century, the events at Lourdes have received relatively little attention from historians. A scholarly consideration of Lourdes is included in Thomas Kselman's Miracles and prophecies in nineteenth-century France. This book initiated research into several neglected fields and until it appeared writers who made mention of Lourdes, such as Marina Warner and Judith Devlin, were obliged to rely upon works of Catholic history. The apparitions at Lourdes and the life of Bernadette have given rise to a vast devotional literature, some of which has been carefully researched, but it serves the purposes of hagiography rather than historical enquiry. A voluminous quantity of contemporary documents relevant to these events is in existence in the archives of both Church and State, and some collections of these primary sources have been published.
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Petrenko-Tseunova, Olha. "THE STATUS OF CAPITAL IN THE “KYIV’S TEXT” OF THE BAROQUE EPOCH." City History, Culture, Society, no. 8 (June 16, 2020): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mics2020.08.011.
Full textAbstract:
Urban studies are a multidisciplinary area, but experts in different fields conclude that the city is worth considering in the categories of text. Moreover, urban studies in literary criticism are distinguished by the fact that the phrase “a city as a text” for philologists is not only a beautiful metaphor. The fiction space, including urban space, is a separate reality that exists according to its own rules, depending on the epoch style and the genre of a particular piece of writing. In the Baroque times, a city is a place of creation and functioning of culture. In the XVII century in Ukrainian cities appeared many educational institutions, thanks to patrons, numerous churches were built, which was reflected in panegyrics. At the same time, the large number of Kyiv Rus’ buildings had been reconstructed, and there are mentions of the Russ past of the city in polemical literature, school dramaturgy and chronicles. In Kyiv, the glory of the “capital”, “Jerusalem of the Russ land” is affirmed. The purpose of the author is to explore the mechanism of rethinking the past and its role in the construction of an artistic model of the city in the Baroque epoch. The ways of transcoding Kyiv Russ urban motifs into the language of Baroque culture are considered in the paper. In the early 1600s, Kyiv remained a capital status in the minds of citizens, despite the decline and destruction of the past. At the turn of the 16–17th centuries the idea of continuity of the history and glory of Kyiv from the Middle ages became widespread among intellectuals. In times of statelessness, the current becomes relative and unimportant, while the past is considered to be the actual reality. This article aims to examine how the urban space becomes the embodiment of collective memory: through the buildings of St. Sophia’s Cathedral, St. Michael’s Cathedral, the Desiatynna Church, the Church of Virgin Mary Pyrohoshcha, the Cathedral of the Dormition in the Kyiv-Pechersk Monastery, the holiness and centrality of the city are transmitted in sacral and profane levels. The author pays particular attention to the analysis of the opposite self-image of Kyiv citizens as residents of the “city on the outskirt”, on the border of Wild Field.
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Odrekhivskyi, Roman. "LIGHTING IN THE INTERIOR DESIGN OF RELIGIOUS BUILDINGS IN GALICIA (THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19th AND THE FIRST THIRD OF THE 20th CENTURIES)." CULTURE AND ARTS IN THE MODERN WORLD, no. 22 (June 30, 2021): 223–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31866/2410-1915.22.2021.235918.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article is to analyse the typology, design features and carved decor of the wooden lamps in the interiors of the religious buildings in Galicia. The research methodology is based on the general principles of scientific work: consistency, authenticity, historicism, logic. The author of the article applies a comparative and typological method to analyse the design features of the lamps. And the methods of hermeneutics and semiotics were used to analyse ornamental and compositional systems of decoration. The scientific novelty of the work is the introduction of the unknown artefacts of church art into the scientific circulation. The author collected these data himself during his scientific expeditions to museums or directly in churches — both in Ukraine and abroad. Conclusions. The study of the design features and decor of the analysed lamps has shown that table lamps, as a rule, are smaller than candelabras (stavnyk), although sometimes according to the principle of composition, they are the same as candelabras, as, for example, the candelabra from the Kryvorivnia Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The study has confirmed that the lamps harmoniously fit into the design of the church interior, complementing the ensemble. For example, in the church in the village of Duliby or Pozdiach. In fact, the design ensembles of these religious sites are made in the same style. The author of the article provides an analysis of the image design solution and the nature of the decor of specific samples of the lamps, and argues that the development of the lamp art (as well as other elements of church equipment) occurs in two directions: imitation of historical styles in line with eclectic versions and the use of ornamental and compositional structures of traditional folk art. The features of a successful combination of these trends in the image solution of the spider chandelier from Galicia, which is kept in the collection-exposition of the National Museum in Lviv, have been demonstrated. The study has shown the original use of Hutsul folk carving traditions in the decoration of the spider chandelier from the Church of St. George in the village of Duliby, made by the famous master Vasyl Turchyniak: he used traditional geometric ornaments with ancient symbols. The significance of the © Roman Odrekhivskyi, 2021 The article was received by the editorial office: 11.08.2020 study lies in the possibility of using the processed material in the restoration of the old and construction of the new churches.
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Hematang, Yashinta Irma Pratami, and Yosehi Mekiuw. "Pemberian Pelayanan Jasa Kepada Masyarakat: Desain Goa Maria Gereja St. Mikhael, Kampung Kweel, Merauke." IGKOJEI: Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat 2, no. 1 (February 3, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.46549/igkojei.v2i1.127.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT
Prayer activities, specifically for Catholics, are carried out through the Virgin Mary at a certain pilgrimage area. The Catholic Church of St. Michael in Kweel Village has a problem in planning for the construction of Maria Cave. As a form of Higher Education Tri Dharma, activities are carried out to provide cave design services along with the preparation of Budget and Cost Plans (RAB). The methods of implementing the activities include site/site data collection, analysis, drafting of design concepts, drawings, and ending with the making of the RAB. The result of the activity is the design of a Maria Cave measuring 8 X 5 m without roofing with geometric shapes consisting of public and private zones with the concept of utility lighting and resulting in building cost calculation with a value of Rp. 42,900,000.
Keywords: Pilgrimage; Orison; Catholic Christianity
ABSTRAK
Kegiatan-kegiatan doa secara khusus bagi umat katolik adalah dengan melalui perantara Bunda Maria, pada suatu kawasan ziarah. Gereja Katolik St. Mikhael di Kampung Kweel memiliki permasalahan dalam perencanaan pembangunan Goa Maria. Sebagai salah satu bentuk Tri Dharma Perguruan Tinggi, maka dilakukan kegiatan pemberian pelayanan jasa desain goa dan penyusunan Rencana Anggaran dan Biaya (RAB). Metode pelaksanaan kegiatan meliputi: pengumpulan data site/tapak, analisis, penyusunan konsep desain, drawing, dan diakhiri dengan pembuatan RAB. Hasil kegiatan adalah desain suatu bangunan Goa Maria berukuran 8 X 5 m tanpa pernanungan dengan bentuk geometris yang terdiri atas zona publik dan privat dengan konsep utilitas pencahayaan lampu dan juga menghasilkan perhitungan biaya pembangunan goa maria dengan nilai bangunan adalah Rp. 42.900.000.
Kata kunci: Ziarah; Doa; Kristen Katolik
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Markovic, Miodrag. "An example of the influence of the gospel lectionary on the iconography of medieval wall painting." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 44 (2007): 353–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0744353m.
Full textAbstract:
The influence of the Gospel lectionary (evangelistarion) on the iconography of medieval wall painting was rather sporadic. One of the rare testimonies that it did exist, nevertheless, is the specific iconographic formula for the scene of Christ in the house of Martha and Mary, preserved in a number of King Milutin's foundations - Gracanica (ca. 1320), Chilandar katholikon (1321) and St. Nicetas near Skopje (ca. 1324). In all three churches, the iconographic formula corresponds for the most part to the description in the Gospel (Lk 10, 38-42). A large number of figures were painted against an architectural background, intimating that the action in the event was taking place indoors (draw. 1, figs. 1, 2). Among the figures, only Christ is marked by a halo. He is sitting on a small wooden bench, and addressing a woman, who is standing in front of him. This is certainly Martha. Her sister Mary is sitting at the feet of Christ. Next to Christ is Peter, and one or two more disciples, while numerous onlookers, men and women, are depicted behind Martha. There is no mention of either them or the apostles in the Gospel of Luke. The appearance of the disciples' figures, however, is easy to explain because they appear usually in greater or lesser numbers with Christ, in the scenes from the cycle of Christ's Public Ministry. In addition to this, this passage from the Gospel intimates that Christ entered the village in the company of his disciples. As for the figures behind Martha, at a first glimpse, one would assume that they are Judeans, the same ones that sometimes, according to the Gospel of John (11:19-31), appear in the house of Martha and Mary in the episodes painted next to the Raising of Lazarus. Still, such an assumption is not plausible because among the mentioned figures in the depictions in Gracanica, Chilandar and St. Nicetas, one can distinguish a woman above the other figures, her right arm raised, addressing Christ. This figure enables an explanation for the unusual iconographic formula and indicates its connection with the evangelistarion. The section of the Gospel that speaks of Christ's visit to Martha and Mary (Lk 10:38-42) is read out during the liturgy of the feasts of the Birth and the Dormition of the Virgin and, in the lectionary, these five verses are accompanied by a reading of two another verses the Gospel of Luke (Lk 11:27-28). The two verses recount the conversation of Christ and a woman during the Saviour's address to the assembled crowd who tempted him, demanding a sign from Heaven. Recognizing the Lord, the woman raised her voice so as to be heard above the crowd and said: 'Blessed is the mother who gave you birth and nursed you'. Two different events and two separated passages from Luke are joined in the lectionary in such a way that from the combination of the readings, it proceeds that the mentioned woman is addressing Christ while he is speaking to Martha. As a result, an iconographic formula emerged that was applied in Gracanica, the Chilandar katholikon and in St. Nicetas near Skopje. Judging by the preserved examples, this formula was characteristic only of the painting in the foundations of King Milutin. None of the other known depictions of Christ's visit to Martha and Mary, Byzantine or Serbian included the figure of a third woman, singled out from the mass of onlookers speaking to Christ. With minor variations, the text of the closing verses of Chapter 10 of the Gospel of Luke was, in the main, almost literally illustrated. The origin of this unique iconographic formula in several of King Milutin's foundations remains unknown. The most logical thing would be that the combined illustration of the two separate passages from Luke's Gospel came from an illuminated lectionary of Byzantine origin. However, the quests for such a manuscript so far have not confirmed this assumption. In the only lectionary, known to us, which depicts Christ in the house of Martha and Mary - the Dionysiou cod. 587 - the iconographic formula is the pictorial expression of the last verses of Chapter 10 of the Gospel of Luke. The two verses of Chapter 11 in Luke's Gospel, which are also included in the text of the lection, read out during the liturgy of the Birth and of the Dormition of the Virgin, had no effect on the iconography of the scene of Christ in the house of Martha and Mary in the famous Dionysiou lectionary, even though in it, the mentioned scene illustrate this very lection. The scene is located in the place where the said lection appears for the first time in the lectionary, within the framework of the readings envisaged for the feast of the Birth of the Virgin (September 8). The second part of the lectionary which refers to the same lection, i.e. to its reading for the feast of the Dormition (August 15), is illuminated with the representation of the death of the Virgin. The Dormition of the Virgin is painted in the corresponding place in several more lectionaries, while beside the pericope that is read during the liturgy of the feast of the Birth of the Theotokos, sometimes there was an appropriate depiction of the Birth of the Virgin, or simply a single figure of the Virgin. Most often, however, that part of the lectionary was left without an illustration, which can be explained by the fact that the vast majority of illuminated Byzantine lectionaries either did not have any figural ornamentation or merely contained the portraits of the evangelists. The absence of narrative illustrations is particularly characteristic of the Byzantine lectionaries that originate from the Palaeologan era. The illumination of Serbian lectionaries from that epoch is also reduced to ornamental headpieces, initials, and, in some cases, the evangelist portraits. Nevertheless, one should not altogether exclude the possibility that in some unknown or unpublished Byzantine or Serbian manuscripts of the evangelistarion, there was an iconographic formula that was applied in the painting of King Milutin's foundations. In any case, it does not seem plausible that this unusual iconographic formula may have arrived from the West. The scene of Christ's visit to Martha and Mary was also presented in the Latin lectionaries based on the five Gospel verses in which it was described (Lk 10:38-42) even though, in the appropriate pericope of the lectionaries of the Roman Church, these five verses are also accompanied by a reading of two another verses the Gospel of Luke (Lk 11:27-28). The influence of the lectionaries is not visible even in the presentations of Christ's visit to Martha and Mary that are preserved in the medieval wall painting of the western European countries.
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Ivanchenko, Lesya. "FROM THE DUBOVICHI LIFE: REPRESSIONS AGAINST THE CHURCH IN THE 1920-1930'S." Journal of Ukrainian History, no. 40 (2019): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-4611.2019.40.16.
Full textAbstract:
In the article, the author reveals fragments of the study about repressions of the 1920s and 1930s against the churches, as an institution of society, against the clergy, church services, active parishioners of one of the settlements in Sumy Region(Dubovichi village). Self-identification and peaceful living under the laws of honor in the socialist regime led to the destruction of employed citizens and clergy who lived by vocation and by traditional moral principles. After all, it was they - conscious citizens, intellectuals, who "threaten" the terrorist plot of the Bolshevik authorities on the territory of Ukraine. Special attention was to the citizens who supported Tikhonovsk and Ukrainian autocephalous Orthodox churches. The parishioners of these churches were in principle affirmative. "Tikhonovtsi" decided religious uncompromising, "autocephalous" were nationalistic. Those and others did not perceive the Bolsheviks. Both opposed the political regime. Everyone who was in contact or was attached to these groups was prosecuted and arrested with special severity. Under the repressions were relatives and neighbors. Blackmail of single persons and family, voluminous and falsification documents, taking hostages. That was happening with all who was not controlled during the formation of the Soviet power. Over the 50 people from Dubovichi village and their families fell under the pressure of repressions. Most of them were sentenced to death. Just few of them returned from exile and settled in distant places from their native village. Dubovichi village has a centuries-long history. Best known it is in the religious environment through the icon of Dubovytsi's Mother of God. The miraculous image of the Virgin was discovered in the middle of the 17th century. And the glory about it spread far beyond the then Russian empire. Church leaders from Kiev, from Chernigov gathered at the procession during the celebrations of 1861. The pilgrimage to the icon in Dubovich was round-the-year. Copies from the list of the Virgin Mary Dubovitskaya were in the St. Sophia Cathedral of Kyiv. Information about the icon was printed in church calendars and metropolitan directories of pilgrims. The grand stone church of the Nativity of the Virgin in 1777 in the center of the village, it was the pease of architectural art that was rare in the countryside. As evidenced by foreign sources, the parish church was kind of fortress. It was surrounded by a brick fence with four towers in corners. The entrance to the churchyard was through the gates that were under the bell. There were burials around the temple. Marble monuments were raised on the graves. Icons in the temple were in different kyots, precious stones. Church property included a number of priest clothing, silverware. In the village there were three temples. This provided the opportunity for the parish to have six priests, several clerks and psalms in the state. All were destroyed until 1940, despite the architectural value of the builders and the ancients. Dubovichi parish numbered more than three thousand people at the beginning of the twentieth century. It was glorified by the numerous, beautiful choir, active citizens. The church library was more than 2000 volumes. The priests performed not only the need. Archpriest Gusakovsky was the head of refuge. The village choir numbered more than 60 people. There was a spiritual orchestra, a theater group, a hut-reading room, a rural school and a parochial school, and a folk school in the village. Also there was paramedic station, veterinarian, pharmacy. The hospital unit numbered up to 10 beds. Tolerance and high moral consciousness were typical for the people of Dubovichi. Not only Orthodox lived in the village . Archival documents indicate that the daughter of the priest was offended with the Catholic. Jews lived in Dubovichi. The social group was represented. There were Gypsies among the participants of the school. Those were posterity of that who survived and took good place in life of theatre. Able to analyze falsifications of the campaign to destroy the Dubovichi parish, the destruction of church buildings- works of architectural art. Information from directories, archival documents and old people's buildings allows us to reconstruct conditionally events of those times. The author for the first time highlights this page of the Dubovichi life. As well as information from recently declassified documents from archives of higher authorities on the repressed residents of Dubovichi village. Human losses, disadvantaged families, tales of reletives about Soviet Union. All this make a mosaic of the historical stratum of our country. The coverage of this problem somehow outlines the massive crimes of Soviet politics in the 1920's and 1930's. It is a tribute to those who sacredly keep memories of the repressed.
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Kulesz, Aleksandra, and Jakub Michalik. "Modern Shoe Buckles from Archaeological Research in Gniew and Piaseczno (Pomerania Province, Poland)." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica, no. 35 (December 30, 2020): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6034.35.10.
Full textAbstract:
During archaeological research carried out from 2009 to 2016 in the Church of St. Nicholas in Gniew, a set of three metal buckles was found. Then, in 2017, excavations were conducted in crypts of the Church of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the village of Piaseczno, in the Gniew District. Two other pairs of buckles were uncovered at this site. All the buckles found differ considerably. Thanks to this, one can get an impression that apart from holding the shoe on the foot, they also served decorative purposes. One can distinguish two main types of buckles: those made of iron and those made of a copper alloy. The latter, considering ornaments, could be more valuable than their iron counterparts. Regardless of the alloy used, manufacturing techniques differed, some of which were those used in the case of buckles from Gniew and Piaseczno: wire forging, cutting out of thick metal sheet, and folding thin metal sheet.
On account of their jewellery-like character, this small collection of buckles discussed could be bequeathed, while most grave shoes were only fastened with tailor’s pins or put on the feet of the dead without fastening. This practice particularly concerned shoes with textile uppers, which mostly meant women’s shoes. It may suggest that the items in question were rather owned by men. The buckles described could be thus elements of the everyday attire.
Issues connected with a formal and typological interpretation of the buckles found indicate interpretive problems faced by archaeologists dealing with these aspects of costume studies. Modern shoes, due to the scarcity of artefacts in archaeological collections, remain mysterious and puzzling objects.
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Hilje, Emil. "Slika Bogorodice s Djetetom u The Courtauld Institute of Art u Londonu - prijedlog za Petra Jordanića." Ars Adriatica, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.496.
Full textAbstract:
A painting of the Virgin and Child, signed as “OPVUS P. PETRI”, from the former Fareham Collection (today at the Courtauld Institute of Art), has been known in the scholarly literature for a long time but has only been subject to tangential analyses. These studies attempted to attribute it to painters meeting relatively dubious criteria: that their name was Peter (Petar) and that they could be linked to the painting circle of Squarcione or, more specifically, to that of Carlo Crivelli with whose early works, especially the Virgin and Child (the Huldschinsky Madonna) at the Fine Arts Gallery in San Diego, the Courtauld painting shares obvious connections. Roberto Longhi ascribed it to the Paduan painter Pietro Calzetta in 1926, while Franz Drey, in 1929, considered it to be the work of Pietro Alemanno, Crivelli’s disciple, who worked in the Marche region during the last quarter of the fifteenth century. After the Second World War, the Courtauld painting was almost completely ignored by the experts. The only serious judgement was that expressed by Pietro Zampetti, who established that it was an almost exact copy of Crivelli’s Huldschinsky Madonna, meaning that if Calzetti had painted it, he would have done it while Carlo was still in the Veneto, before he went to Zadar.The search for information which can shed more light on the attribution of the Virgin and Child from the Courtauld is aided by the valuable records in the Fondazione Federico Zeri at the Università di Bologna. The holdings of the Fototeca Zeri include three different photographs of the Courtauld painting with brief but useful accompanying notes. Of particular importance is the intriguing inscription on the back of one of the photographs, which points to the painting’s Dalmatian origin. In a certain way, this opens the possibility that it might be linked to another painter who was close to the Crivelli brothers: the Zadar priest and painter Petar Jordanić. That he may have been the one who painted it is indicated by the signature itself, which could be read as “OPVUS P(RESBITERI) PETRI”.Archival records about Petar Jordanić provide almost no information about his work as a painter. Apart from his signature of 1493 on a no-longer extant polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar, the only record of his artistic activities is one piece of information: that in 1500 he took part in a delegation which was sent from Zadar to its hinterland charged with the task of making drawings of the terrain which could be used to help defend the town against the Ottoman Turks. However, more than thirty documents which mention him do paint a picture of his life’s journey and his connection with Zadar. The most important basis for any consideration of a possible connection between Petar Jordanić and Carlo Crivelli can be found in the will of his father Marko Jordanov Nozdronja (in late 1468) where Petar was named as the executor, meaning that at this point he was of age. Therefore, it can be concluded that he was born between 1446 and 1448. This makes him old enough to have been taught by Carlo during his stay in Zadar from c. 1460 to 1466. Although relatively modest, the oeuvre of Petar Jordanić demonstrates striking connections with the paintings of Carlo and Vittore Crivelli, and Ivo Petricioli has already put forward a hypothesis that he may have been taught by one of the brothers.The comparison between the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art in London and the known works of Petar Jordanić (the Virgin and Child from a private collection in Vienna; the Virgin and Child from the Parish Church at Tkon; fragments of a painted ceiling from Zadar Cathedral; the lost polyptich from the Church of St Mary at Zadar) reveals a multitude of similar features. Apart from the general resemblance in the physiognomies of the Virgin and Christ Child which represent the most conspicuous analogies, a number of very specific “Morellian” elements can also be noted in the manner in which the faces were painted. These similarities are particularly apparent when one compares the head of the Christ Child on the painting from London and his head on the one from Tkon, which are almost identically depicted. Further similarities between the London painting and the one at Vienna can be seen in the way in which landscapes were painted and in the similar decorations of the gold fabrics in the backgrounds with their undulating scrolls and sharp almond-shaped leaves.However, with regard to visual characteristics, it is apparent at first sight that the quality of the London painting is markedly higher and that it is stylistically more advanced than those works which are attributed with certainty to Jordanić. These differences can be explained by the possibility that this was a more or less direct copy of one of Carlo Crivelli’s painting, probably not the Huldschinsky Madonna but one that was very similar to it and subsequently lost.Naturally, if the London painting is attributed to Petar Jordanić, meaning that it was produced in Zadar, then the argument on the basis of which the Huldschinsky Madonna has been dated to the time before Crivelli’s arrival in Zadar becomes a counter-argument, and, in that way, corroborates the possibility that the Huldschinsky Madonna, which shares a large number of similar elements with the painting from the Courtauld Institute of Art, was created while Carlo was in Zadar.
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Degórski, Bazyli. "Il mistero dell’incarnazione nel commento al “Simbolo Apostolico” di san Quodvultdeus di Cartagine." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3708.
Full textAbstract:
The first Commentaries to the “Apostolic Symbol”, written in a quite simple language, spread about the IV century among the Latin Churches, which were accustomed to use professions of faith reproducing the “Roman Symbol”, a model for the textus receptus of the “Symbol” so called “of the Apostles”, an excellent summary of the revealed truths. St. Quodvultdeus of Carthage, in his Sermones de Symbolo, comments the first article of the “Apostolic Symbol” by affirming that it contains the whole faith in the Trinity and the plan of salvation. In commenting the second article, St. Quodvultdeus of Carthage explains how the Incarnate Son is the Messiah announced by the prophets of the Old Testament. Such Incarnation constitutes the second birth of the Word of God after that from the Father without any participation from a mother. He further highlights the great dignity of Mary, playing a quite active role in the work of the Incarnation by giving birth to her Creator. The coming of the Son of God into the world was carried out in a miraculous way, by the work of the Holy Spirit and without the participation of man. For this reason Mary remains virgin and the true Son of God becomes a true man, while still remaining equal to the Father in his divinity. By assuming the human nature in the Incarnation, the Son of God took on Himself all that constitutes a true human being: the soul and the body, already redeemed and sanctified in the very moment of the Incarnation.
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Peter, Nockles. "Oriel and the Making of John Henry Newman—His Mission as College Tutor." Recusant History 29, no. 3 (May 2009): 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320001222x.
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From 12 April 1822 when John Henry Newman was elected a Fellow until 3 October 1845 when he tendered his resignation to Provost Hawkins, Oriel College was to be the centre of Newman's life. As Newman later recorded:he ever felt this twelfth of April, 1822 to be the turning point of his life, and of all days most memorable. It raised him from obscurity and need to competency and reputation. He never wished anything better or higher than, in the words of the epitaph, 'to live and die a fellow of Oriel'. Henceforth his way was clear before him; and he was constant all through his life, as his intimate friends knew, in his thankful remembrance year after year of this great mercy of Divine Providence, and of his electors, by whom it was brought about.Newman went on to assert that but for Oriel, he would have been nobody, entirely lacking in influence. It was through Oriel (and the pulpit of the Oriel living of St. Mary the Virgin) that he was able to exert such a dominant religious and pastoral influence on his academic generation and those that followed. It was through Oriel that he would be in a position to emerge by 1833 as the well-known leader of that great movement of religious revival in the Church of England known as the ‘Oxford Movement’ or ‘Tractarianism’ (the name being coined in consequence of the series of Tracts for the Times published by Newman and his cohorts).
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Tulić, Damir. "Prilozi ranom opusu Giovannija Bonazze u Kopru, Veneciji i Padovi te bilješka za njegove sinove Francesca i Antonija." Ars Adriatica, no. 5 (January 1, 2015): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.523.
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Stylistic changes in a sculptor’s oeuvre are simultaneously a challenge and a cause of dilemmas for researchers. This is particularly true when attempting to identify the early works of a sculptor while the influence of his teacher was still strong. This article focuses on the Venetian sculptor Giovanni Bonazza (Venice, 1654 – Padua, 1736) and attributes to him numerous new works both in marble and in wood, all of which are of uniform, high quality. Bonazza’s teacher was the sculptor Michele Fabris, called l’Ongaro (Bratislava, c.1644 – Venice, 1684), to whom the author of the article attributes a marble statue of Our Lady of the Rosary on the island of San Servolo, in the Venetian lagoon, which has until now been ascribed to Bonazza. The marble bust of Giovanni Arsenio Priuli, the podestat of Koper, is also attributed to the earliest phase of Bonazza’s work; it was set up on the façade of the Praetorian Palace at Koper in 1679. This bust is the earliest known portrait piece sculpted by the twenty-five-year old artist. The marble relief depicting the head of the Virgin, in the hospice of Santa Maria dei Derelitti, ought to be dated to the 1690s. The marble statue of the Virgin and Child located on the garden wall by the Ponte Trevisan bridge in Venice can be recognized as Bonazza’s work from the early years of the eighteenth century and as an important link in the chronological chain of several similar statues he sculpted during his fruitful career. Bonazza is also the sculptor of the marble busts of the young St John and Mary from the library of the monastery of San Lazzaro on the island of San Lazzaro degli Armeni in the Venetian lagoon, but also the bust of Christ from the collection at Castel Thun in the Trentino-Alto Adige region; they can all be dated to the 1710s or the 1720s. The article pays special attention to a masterpiece which has not been identified as the work of Giovanni Bonazza until now: the processional wooden crucifix from the church of Sant’Andrea in Padua, which can be dated to the 1700s and which, therefore, precedes three other wooden crucifixes that have been identified as his. Another work attributed to Bonazza is a large wooden gloriole with clouds, cherubs and a putto, above the altar in the Giustachini chapel in the church of Santa Maria del Carmine at Padua. The article attributes two stone angels and a putto on the attic storey of the high altar in the church of Santa Caterina on the island of Mazzorbo in the Venetian lagoon to Giovanni’s son Francesco Bonazza (Venice, c.1695 – 1770). Finally, Antonio Bonazza (Padua, 1698 – 1763), the most talented and well-known of Giovanni Bonazza’s sons, is identified as the sculptor of the exceptionally beautiful marble tabernacle on the high altar of the parish church at Kali on the island of Ugljan. The sculptures which the author of the article attributes to the Bonazza family and to Giovanni Bonazza’s teacher, l’Ongaro, demonstrate that the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian masters are far from being closed and that we are far from knowing the final the number of their works. Moreover, it has to be said that not much is known about Giovanni’s works in wood which is why every new addition to his oeuvre with regard to this medium is important since it fills the gaps in a complex and stylistically varied production of this great Venetian sculptor.
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Tulić, Damir. "Prilozi ranom opusu Giovannija Bonazze u Kopru, Veneciji i Padovi te bilješka za njegove sinove Francesca i Antonija." Ars Adriatica, no. 5 (January 1, 2015): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.937.
Full textAbstract:
Stylistic changes in a sculptor’s oeuvre are simultaneously a challenge and a cause of dilemmas for researchers. This is particularly true when attempting to identify the early works of a sculptor while the influence of his teacher was still strong. This article focuses on the Venetian sculptor Giovanni Bonazza (Venice, 1654 – Padua, 1736) and attributes to him numerous new works both in marble and in wood, all of which are of uniform, high quality. Bonazza’s teacher was the sculptor Michele Fabris, called l’Ongaro (Bratislava, c.1644 – Venice, 1684), to whom the author of the article attributes a marble statue of Our Lady of the Rosary on the island of San Servolo, in the Venetian lagoon, which has until now been ascribed to Bonazza. The marble bust of Giovanni Arsenio Priuli, the podestat of Koper, is also attributed to the earliest phase of Bonazza’s work; it was set up on the façade of the Praetorian Palace at Koper in 1679. This bust is the earliest known portrait piece sculpted by the twenty-five-year old artist. The marble relief depicting the head of the Virgin, in the hospice of Santa Maria dei Derelitti, ought to be dated to the 1690s. The marble statue of the Virgin and Child located on the garden wall by the Ponte Trevisan bridge in Venice can be recognized as Bonazza’s work from the early years of the eighteenth century and as an important link in the chronological chain of several similar statues he sculpted during his fruitful career. Bonazza is also the sculptor of the marble busts of the young St John and Mary from the library of the monastery of San Lazzaro on the island of San Lazzaro degli Armeni in the Venetian lagoon, but also the bust of Christ from the collection at Castel Thun in the Trentino-Alto Adige region; they can all be dated to the 1710s or the 1720s. The article pays special attention to a masterpiece which has not been identified as the work of Giovanni Bonazza until now: the processional wooden crucifix from the church of Sant’Andrea in Padua, which can be dated to the 1700s and which, therefore, precedes three other wooden crucifixes that have been identified as his. Another work attributed to Bonazza is a large wooden gloriole with clouds, cherubs and a putto, above the altar in the Giustachini chapel in the church of Santa Maria del Carmine at Padua. The article attributes two stone angels and a putto on the attic storey of the high altar in the church of Santa Caterina on the island of Mazzorbo in the Venetian lagoon to Giovanni’s son Francesco Bonazza (Venice, c.1695 – 1770). Finally, Antonio Bonazza (Padua, 1698 – 1763), the most talented and well-known of Giovanni Bonazza’s sons, is identified as the sculptor of the exceptionally beautiful marble tabernacle on the high altar of the parish church at Kali on the island of Ugljan. The sculptures which the author of the article attributes to the Bonazza family and to Giovanni Bonazza’s teacher, l’Ongaro, demonstrate that the oeuvres of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Venetian masters are far from being closed and that we are far from knowing the final the number of their works. Moreover, it has to be said that not much is known about Giovanni’s works in wood which is why every new addition to his oeuvre with regard to this medium is important since it fills the gaps in a complex and stylistically varied production of this great Venetian sculptor.
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Danieluk, Janusz. "Stan badań nad dokumentacją zabytków powiatu bielskiego." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.23.
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This paper constitutes a critical analysis of a two-volume publication: Katalog zabytków sztuki. Województwo podlaskie (białostockie). Powiat bielski [A Catalogue of Artistic Monuments. Podlaskie (Białystok) Voivodeship. Bielsk County], published in a series “A Catalogue of Artistic Monuments in Poland” by the Institute of Art at the Polish Academy of Sciences. The author of this article presents the contents of the Catalogue and evaluates its usefulness for further, detailed research on regional history. He draws attention to a high substantive level of the reviewed work which was based on rich source material acquired by means of queries conducted in the Polish archives (e.g., State Archives in Białystok), foreign ones (Russian State Historical Archive in St. Petersburg), and other cultural institutions (e.g. Voivodship Office for the Protection of Historical Monuments in Białystok). The Catalogue also uses data from numerous scientific monographs, articles, and elaborations containing over 300 references. One of its assets, apart from the scientific content, is high editorial quality. The Catalogue presents rich illustrative material provided with detailed descriptions in the form of historical outlines of seventy-two settlements with the characteristics of included monuments, depicted in 1,427 colourful photographs. The author expands information on some of the monuments described in the Catalogue using archive materials stored in the National Archives in Białystok. These are e.g.: 20th-century photographs showing the town hall in Bielsk Podlaski and archival files on the technical condition of the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary from Mt. Carmel in Bielsk Podlaski after the First World War. The potential reader of the discussed review article is offered a synthesis of the Catalogue’s contents. It also highlights its scientific usefulness for art historians and regionalists.
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Puzovic, Ljiljana. "An attempt of reconstruction of the collection of manuscripts of Devic monastery." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 81 (2015): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1581093p.
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The Serbian monastery Devic was built in 1434, in Drenica, a hilly region where Kosovo and Metohija meet, and where St. Joannicius of Devic lived his ascetic life, passed away and was buried. This great Serbian hermit, under the patronage of Despot Djuradj Brankovic, built the original church dedicated to the Presentation of the Virgin which gathered the whole monastic family. Probably at the same time the first collection of manuscripts was built, since the elementary liturgical books were needed for the regular liturgical life. Different conserved manuscripts between the 16th and 19th century attest transcription activities in the monastery, and, at the same time, confirm that Devic Monastery was highly estimated among the Orthodox Christians. First information about the literary fund of the monastery originate in the mid-19th century when many researchers and antique lovers visited the monastery. Testimonies about the scope and content of the Devic collection of manuscripts are quite contradictory, however we are going to try to determine in this paper which manuscripts were undoubtedly in the collection with particular attention to the ones written in the monastery. Despite very poor conditions this collection survived until the 20th century. For safety reasons one part of the collection, which was transferred in the National Library of Serbia, got destroyed during the bombing in April 1941. The rest, which was held in the monastery, was burnt down, including the temple church and the whole monastery complex, by the Albanian Fascists. What remained from the former collection were just a few copies of books which were taken out of the Devic before 1941. The monastery continues to exist till the present day, despite vandalization in 2004.
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Woźniak, Robert J. "Stanisław Ludwik Piech, Parafia na świętojakubowym szlaku. Dzieje parafii Najświętszej Maryi Panny Matki Kościoła i św. Jakuba Apostoła w Brzesku 1385-2010 [Parish on the St. James' Way: The History of the Parish of Blessed Virgin Mary, Mother of the Church and St. James the Apostle in Brzesko 1385-2010], Brzesko 2012." Roczniki Teologiczne 64, no. 4 English Online Version (2017): 174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rt.2017.64.4-11en.
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Fisković, Igor. "Lopudski oltari Miha Pracata." Ars Adriatica, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.448.
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Three cinquecento polychrome wood-carved altars have been preserved on the island of Lopud near Dubrovnik, the most monumental of which is situated in the parish church of Our Lady of Šunj. Its retable was constructed to resemble a classical aedicule, with an intricately carved frame and a central figural depiction of the Assumption of the Virgin, complemented by a complex iconographic programme in the symmetrically arranged adjoining scenes. Filling the small cassettes of the predella are reliefs of the Annunciation and Christ as the Man of Sorrows, together with perspectively rendered narrative scenes of the Last Supper and the Washing of the Feet, while in the pediment is a frontal depiction of the Coronation of the Virgin by the Holy Trinity. In the narrow side wings between the columns and pilasters are four bas-reliefs of local patron saints depicted half-turned towards the central image, and thus achieving an overall plastic harmony for a demanding content. In terms of space, the main scene is well-developed through a pronounced sculptural modelling of the figures of the eleven apostles in the round, the most prominent of which is that of St Peter, placed in the foreground and turned to face the nave of the church, while the others are consumed by the miraculous assumption of the Virgin into heaven. She is followed high up by a pair of small angels and several tiny symbolical cherubim heads, all of which helps to achieve an extremely convincing religious scene. Its attractiveness is significantly heightened by the all’antica realism and pedantic Roman-inspired modelling which highlight the skill of a highly trained and talented master wood carver, which leaves no doubt that this is a special work of art, and indeed, the most beautiful carved wood retable in the east Adriatic which has survived to date. In this first complete study of the altar, the author traces historical records in which it is mentioned without the exact year of its creation, origin or carver being cited. He dispels the tradition that the altar was brought from England, supposedly from the Chapel of Henry VIII, and explains this tradition as having been based on the discovery of an alabaster altar, a typical product of late Gothic workshops at Nottingham, several examples of which exist in Dalmatia. From the seventeenth-century records, on the other hand, we learn that the altar in the church of the „Madonna del Sugni” (a vernacular Italo-Croatian transformation of the word Assunta) was dedicated in 1572. An examination of comparative material establishes that the altar’s compositional scheme draws upon altarpieces painted by Alvise Vivarini around 1480, while its morphological features find their closest parallel in the activities and mannerisms of the Venetian workshop of Paolo Campsa, who worked from the 1490s to the early 1550s, and who sold his works in the wide area under the government of La Serenissima. The Republic of Venice profited a great deal from this export, while its urban centre’s innumerable wooden altars disappeared following subsequent changes of fashion. A group of securely attributed works shows that Paolo Campsa frequently borrowed formulas and idioms from Venetian painters of the older generation; analogies with two of Vivarini’s altar paintings confirm that he repeated this technique on the Lopud altar, even though altars as complex as this are not found in the surviving oeuvre of this artist. An overview of the extremely numerous works attributed to this fecund wood carver has not led to a secure attribution of this scenically developed altar to his hand. However, an analytical observation points to significant similarities with individual figures considered by scholars of Renaissance wooden sculpture to be products of his workshop - more a factory, in fact - or of his circle which, without a doubt, Paolo stamped with his mark. Apart from the assumption that there are master wood carvers who have not been identified, or formally and clearly differentiated, who followed his teachings and mannerisms, this paper opens the possibility of locating more exactly the place of the altar’s creation. Since Campsa’s workshop was active even after his death, it can be assumed that the altar was made in the 1560s or 1570s, and that it was transported and assembled on the island of Lopud for its dedication of 1572. Furthermore, the author observes the meaning of the subsequent addition of the background, which was painted once the altar reached its destination; it shows a summarized depiction of the scenery of Lopud and a tiny settlement with a precisely and proportionately drawn sailing ship docked at the island’s bay. The background reveals that the nature of the work was votive and, by identifying the layers of local historical circumstance and by combining them with the relevant written sources, it can be connected to the activities of the distinguished ship owner Miho Pracat, the richest citizen of the Republic of Dubrovnik during the cinquecento. Two more wooden sculptures can be added to Miho Pracat’s donation to his home island: the figures of St Catherine and St Roch which were also made in Venice and which had originally belonged to a small altar of his family in the local church of St Francis, known from archival records. This altar was composed of an older polychrome triptych, now unfortunately lost, and which, together with a pair of side statues, formed a piece resembling a number of altarpieces from Paolo Campsa’s workshop. Thus, the analysis of these works of art reveals key components of visual culture, and a peculiar mosaic of sixteenth-century artistic production in a peripheral community of the small island of Lopud under the government of the Republic of Dubrovnik.
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Arlow, Ruth, and Will Adam. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Oxford." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 11, no. 2 (April 28, 2009): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x09002129.
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Arlow, Ruth, and Will Adam. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Ashford." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 1 (December 13, 2010): 120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x1000102x.
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Arlow, Ruth. "Re St Mary the Virgin, Monkseaton." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000238.
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