Journal articles on the topic 'St Peter's Church (Belgrave)'

Thirteen architectural drawings by four architects-Bramante, Baldassare Peruzzi, Giuliano da Sangallo, and Antonio da Sangallo the Younger-all dating from the period between early 1505 to 18 April 1506, all except one in the Gabinetto dei Disegni e Stampe of the Uffizi, and all connected with the earliest proposals for the new St. Peter's, are examined to establish their authorship and date and the exact sequence in which they were executed. Beyond that, the chronological alignment of the drawings enables us to follow the process of visualizing and creating a building of an unprecedented type and an extraordinary scale. The ground plans of several small-scale prototypes-such as the Audience Hall of the Piazza d'Oro at Hadrian's Villa, the Oratorio of Santa Croce (a tiny 2nd- or 5th-century structure that stood near the Lateran Baptistery until the end of the 16th century), and the 9th-century San Satiro in Milan-are combined with elements of larger-scale prototypes such as San Lorenzo in Milan and the cathedrals of Milan, Pavia, and Florence in the search for a plan and elevation that are both spacious and structurally sound, that sum up both Roman architectural achievement and the heightened unities of Renaissance church design. The main concern in most of these drawings is the delineation of the crossing, the baldacchino formed by the great piers and the dome they support, protecting the tomb of St. Peter and the altar of the Early Christian church. Although in nearly every drawing some attention is paid to the outer perimeters of the building and its internal spatial divisions, many of those decisions are left in suspense, particularly the question of whether the building is to be centralized or longitudinal. Bramante's main concern was to establish the scale of the crossing, the size and shape of the piers and their distance from each other. This nucleus, constructed up through the pendentive level during his lifetime, set the scale for everything that was to follow. In the absence of a definitive plan attributable to the Bramante/Peruzzi team, the pier designs of Uff. 529 A verso and of f. 1466 verso of the Rothschild drawing book, and the interior of the crossing as it appears in the perspective drawing Uff. 2 A, are the best evidence of Bramante's permanent contribution. The drawings considered here trace the experiments with shape and scale that led to the establishment of these elements.

The nineteenth century witnessed almost unprecedented church building activity in Hampshire. New district churches appeared in rapidly expanding urban parishes and most existing structures, including those in rural areas, underwent substantial restoration, refurbishment and enlargement. This paper compares two of these churches from the 1840s: St. Peter's, Southampton and St. Nicholas', Newnham. Despite their apparent differences, they share a number of characteristics in common, most obviously their Romanesque style and inclusion of a Rhenish helm spire. The history of their construction will be examined in the context of the contemporary revival of medieval ecclesiastical architecture and developments in Ecclesiology (the study of church buildings, furnishings and decoration). Consideration will be given to how the Rhenish helm came to be adopted at both churches and to what extent St. Peter's influenced the design and arrangements at Newnham. This article will also consider whether the same architect was involved.

The article St. Peter’s Chair in the Teaching of Optatus of Mileve as the Final Criterion of Authenticity of the Church is particularly about certain period in the catholic Church history in IV century, which was experienced in the Latin Africa by schism of the Donatists. In order to prevent the division Saint Optatus broadcasted the extremely mature conception of the Saint Peter's chair, that was based on Saint Cyprian's idea. Optatus describes this power/chair as a first gift for the Church - meaning Saint Peter, who is a source of the rest of gifts such as baptism and penance. This chair was transmitted to the Saint Peter's successors as a source and tool for the Church union. Everyone who wanted to be in the harmony with me Church should maintain complete union with bishop of Rome.

The arrival of St Augustine in England from Rome in 597 was an event of profound significance, for it marked the beginnings of relations between Rome and Canterbury. To later generations this came to mean relations between the papacy in its universal role, hence the throne of St Peter, and the metropolitical see of Canterbury and the cathedral priory of Christ Church, for the chair of St Augustine was the seat of both a metropolitan and an abbot. The archiepiscopal see and the cathedral priory were inextricably bound in a unique way.Relations with Rome had always been particularly close, both between the archbishops and the pope and between the convent and the pope. The cathedral church of Canterbury was dedicated to the Saviour (Christ Church) as was the papal cathedral of the Lateran. Gregory had sent the pallium to Augustine in sign of his metropolitan rank. There had been correspondence with Rome from the first. In Eadmer's account of the old Anglo-Saxon church, it was built in the Roman fashion, as Bede testifies, imitating the church of the blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, in which the most sacred relics in the whole world are venerated. Even more precisely, the confessio of St Peter was copied at Canterbury. As Eadmer says, ‘From the choir of the singers one went up to the two altars (of Christ and of St Wilfrid) by some steps, since there was a crypt underneath, what the Romans call a confessio, built like the confessio of St Peter.’ (Eadmer had both visited Rome in 1099 and witnessed the fire that destroyed the old cathedral some thirty years before in 1067.) And there, in the confessio, Eadmer goes on to say, Alfege had put the head of St Swithun and there were many other relics. The confessio in St Peter's had been constructed by Pope Gregory the Great and contained the body of the prince of the Apostles and it was in a niche here that the pallia were put before the ceremony of the vesting, close to the body of St Peter. There may be, too, another influence from Rome and old St Peter's on the cathedral at Canterbury. The spiral columns in St Anselm's crypt at Canterbury, which survived the later fire of 1174, and are still standing, were possibly modelled on those that supported St Peter's shrine. These twisted columns were believed to have been brought to Rome from the Temple of Solomon. At the end of the sixth century, possibly due to Gregory the Great, they were arranged to form an iconostasis-like screen before the apostle's shrine. Pope Gregory III in the eighth century had added an outer screen of six similar columns, the present of the Byzantine Exarch, of which five still survive. They are practically the only relics of the old basilica to have been preserved in the new Renaissance St Peter's.

SummaryThis paper reports excavations in 1977 and 1978 at the chapel and adjoining cemetery of St Patrick's, Heysham, and an architectural survey of the nearby church of St Peter's. The chapel initially comprised a single-celled, stone-built structure, plastered inside and out. Associated with it were pieces of painted plaster, two bearing letters, and, in all probability, a stone carved with a bird's head, perhaps of late seventh- to late eighth-century date. The chapel was subsequently enlarged. One burial included a bone comb of Anglo-Scandinavian type, and calibrated radiocarbon dates for three skeletons range between AD 960 and 1185.This report was submitted for publication in March 1992.

The construction of a Roman Catholic church dedicated to St Peter in Stari Trg near Trepča can be related to the presence of Catholic migrants, Saxon miners and merchants from Dubrovnik and Kotor, who colonized the area around the rich mine during the medieval period. This article focuses on the role of the Ragusan colony in the construction and furnishing of the Kosovo church. Judging from the remnants of the church, it may be presumed that it was a three-nave structure, with a dome above the last bay of the central nave, same as the cathedrals of Dubrovnik and Kotor, and that a workshop from the littoral probably also decorated the church with paintings. The fact that in 1487 the parish priest at St Peter's church commissioned the altar polyptych from the Ragusan painter Stjepan Ugrinović shows that architects and painters may have been invited from Dubrovnik in the earlier centuries as well, and that there may have been continuity in their work on St Peter’s church in Trepča.

Abstract This article explores a dispute between the clergy and choir of St. Peter's church, Drogheda, in November 1645. At first sight this seems little more than a local row over pay and conditions, but the dispute also sheds light on relations between the town and its royalist governors, the difficulty of the marquess of Ormond's political position in a crucial period, and the collaboration between Ormond and the primate of Ireland, Archbishop Ussher. It also reveals much about the condition of the Church of Ireland outside the Irish capital in a time of uncertainty and upheaval in Church and State.

Leon Battista Alberti based his treatise “On the Art of Building” on close examination of a great many buildings. His survey of Old St. Peter's was especially thorough. He not only investigated the structure, but also ransacked written sources to re-create the church's original décor and to reconstruct the ways in which early popes had celebrated Mass and delivered sermons. Like Lorenzo Valla, he offered a suggestive and polemical history of the church. His ideas seemingly shaped the ways in which Pope Pius II restored the basilica, and his example shows that serious efforts to trace the history of Christianity long predated the Reformation.

Lewis Gilbertson (1815–1896) was one of the most prominent Anglo-Catholic clergy of St David's' diocese. He became the first incumbent of the new church at Llangorwen just outside Aberystwyth, built by Matthew Davies Williams, eldest brother of the Tractarian poet Isaac Williams (1802–65). Gilbertson adopted ritualist practices and Tractarian theology, which later influenced the church he was to build in Elerch (also known as Bont Goch) where his father, William Cobb Gilbertson (1768–1854), had built his house in 1818. After a brief survey of the development of Tractarianism in Wales, the paper discusses the building of the church at Llangorwen, which had the first stone altar since the Reformation in the Diocese of St David's, before discussing Gibertson's ministry in the parish. From Llangorwen Gilbertson moved to Jesus College, Oxford where he served as vice-principal and where he became increasingly convinced of the need for a new church and parish for his home village. He had earlier built a National School in 1856 commissioning the well-known Gothic revival architect G. E. Street. For St Peter's church, completed in 1868, he turned to William Butterfield, who had built the Tractarian model church of All Saints', Margaret Street in London. Gilbertson, who appointed himself as first incumbent for a brief period, set the ritualist tone of the parish while at the same time ensuring regular Welsh-language services to attract villagers from what he called the 'broken shadow of practices of the primitive Church' of the Welsh Methodists. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of Gilbertson's later career before assessing the impact of Tractarianism in west Wales, especially the confident and idealistic vision of a return to the apostolic faith for all the people of Wales on which it was established.

The Main purpose of the study is an analysis of influence of the image of St. Peter's Basilica on the Roman church architecture of the 12th-13th centuries. It is possible to search the special type of the presbytery, characterized by uniting of the altar on the pedestal and the reliquary “confession” in the general vertical composition. The congregation of these churches had opportunities to see the process of worship and approach the saint relicts. The altar stood so that the Priest served the mass facing the worshippers, as it was in San Pietro. So, this important monument of Rome could be a model for the other churches of the Middle Ages. Among the churches of this period, such features have the altar space of San Giovanni in Laterano, as well as the basilicas of San Giorgio in Velabro, Santa Maria Assunta in Anagni and Santi Giovanni e Paolo in Ferentino. All these buildings was connected with the Power of Papa.

In The Society's Journal of 1944, G. C. Dunning F.S.A. published a brief article, with a map, entitled ‘The distribution of black Tournai Fonts’. There has been no other view published since that occasion (at least not in Britain) and indeed J. R. Blatchly and Birkin Haward (1983), writing some forty years later on the font in St Peter's church, Ipswich, reproduced Dunning's map. The body of knowledge of Tournai fonts has advanced considerably since the war and this article offers a more up to date picture. As discoveries of fragments of fonts continue to be made, it does not claim to be exhaustive, though it is most unlikely that there are any more complete bowls to be found (see map fig. 1). In fact further research may show that the list published here may need to be reduced by three or four examples, which are discussed below.

The article examines some problems of temples of the late 20th - early 21st centuries, in which modern architectural ideas, modern design components appeared together with new design solutions. The study uses a set of general scientific (empirical and theoretical) and special research methods (method of visual and instrumental surveys, historical and comparative analysis, art analysis, method of thermal monitoring and calculation). A comprehensive study was conducted on the example of St. Peter's Church in Ternopil (architect Serhiy Hora, designer Józef Simels). It is established that its modern stylistic image, modern formative components are combined with the traditional plan, which has historically developed in church construction. The facilitation of the main load-bearing structures was made possible by the use of exceptional metal curved trusses and a reinforced concrete belt. A comprehensive analysis of the condition of the church building revealed a number of problems typical for churches of this period of construction: the progressive spread of efflorescence, mycological damage to the plaster, premature destruction of building materials and destruction of structures; loss of insulative properties of structures and increase in energy consumption, deterioration of acoustic characteristics in the church space, loss of uniformity of sound distribution over its area. The dependence of these problems on changes in temperature and humidity in the temple building has been established. According to the results of instrumental research, a correlation analysis was performed to assess the degree of relationship between the distribution of moisture and temperature with the peculiarities of operation, the nature of operation and the level of thermal insulation of enclosing structures. The consequences of further moistening of the inner surfaces of the fences have been established: consequences for the interior; microclimatic (hygienic) consequence; constructive consequences; effects on energy consumption and acoustic effects. As a result of the calculations, recommendations for troubleshooting were provided. Using in this context a systematic interpretation of case studies, the study of actions that would help increase the level of comfort in churches and their preservation, the authors propose a reconstruction with an assessment of the quality of intervention at each stage.

AbstractIn 1910 the print room at Dresden acquired an unsigned portrait drawing of the clergyman Johannes Junius (c.1587-1635). The drawing has been successively attributed to Hendrick Goltzius and Jacob Matham and is currently regarded as the work of Matthias van den Bergh (1617-1665). In this article it is proposed to attribute the drawing to Pieter Saenredam (1597-1665). Junius' portrait was drafted in black chalk. At a later stage this chalk drawing was worked up in pen and brown ink. The ink version differs from the chalk drawing in a few important details. The figure is placed in an oval with a rectangular surround. Everything outside that surround is treated sketchily or left as it was. This suggests that the drawing was a preliminary study for an engraving. A caption at the top identifies the sitter as Johannes Junius at the age of 45 in 1632. To the left of the head the date is more specific: 'Anno 1632 den 5 Julij'. Jan Pietersz de Jonge (Johannes Petri Junius) was born in Assendelft c. 1587 and returned to his native village as a minister of the church in 1618. In 1630 he moved to Bois-le-Duc, which had been conquered by Frederik Hendrik a year previously and was now in sore need of clergymen. Junius worked in's-Hertogenbosch until his death in 1635. Assendelft was also the birthplace of Pieter Saenredam, a second cousin of Junius. In the summer of 1632 Saenredam spent a month in Bois-le-Duc. Twelve of the drawings he executed there have been preserved. They are views of the town and architectural studies of the town hall, St. John's Cathedral and St. Peter's Church. The first drawing dates from June 29), the last from July 23. The portrait of Junius dated July 5 1632 thus fits exactly into Saenredam's Bois-le-Duc period. It was drawn a mere five days earlier than Sacnredam's first drawing of St. Peter's, the church where Junius was a minister. The handwriting on Junius' portrait bears a close resemblance to the handwriting on other drawings by Saenredam. The same applies to the way the date is written. Unfortunately there is virtually no material for stylistic comparison. Portraits are rare in Saenredam's oeuvre. The only extant portrait acknowledged as his work is a chalk drawing of Jan Jansz. van Ermelo of 1636. There arc however a few engravings after Saenredam which are closely related to the portrait of Junius. In 1629 Jan van de Velde made four engravings of Counter-Reformational ministers and in 1632 a portrait of the historian Antonius Bor, all after designs by Saenredam. The poses of the sitters and the oval framework correspond to Junius' portrait. The ministers have a common background too, for they were all orthodox Calvinists. The portrait of Junius may have been a design for a print. Direct evidence of this is found not only in the composition of the drawing with its distinctive oval and the rectangular surround, but also in lines quoted from a poem by Wilhelmus Suerendonck in Jan van Oudenhoven's history of Bois-le-Duc of 1649 - lines eminently appropriate to an engraving of Junius. No such engraving has surfaced as yet, however.

As we read in their introductions, papal encyclicals are documents aimed at not only the clergy, but all the faithful of Catholic Church as well as at people of goodwill. All the more, should the thoughts handed down by St Peter's successors be not only the source of information but most of all the material for in-depth analysis or commitment. It strangely happens that the nation declaring in majority its affiliation to Catholic Church, the nation being so fortunate by giving the world this great witness of God's love to man, shows hardly any interest in his teachings. We prefer to remember the Pope John Paul II as the moral and scientific authority, not knowing exactly what hidden massages are implicit in these notions, as well as worship him on posters and T-shirts. In an international competition concerning John Paul II.s teaching, it could turn out that his countrymen know very little of what he had to tell us. The author of the article wishes to draw readers' attention to some key elements of papal teaching, among which the focal points are subjective . personal role of man in the world, transcendental dimension of human being, personalistic perspective of man with his relation to work and the status of the latter, as well as its significance in man´s development. Tomasz Tadeusz Brzozowski has made these issues the subject of his analysis, which has been detailed and deepened by relating them to John Paul II's teaching expressed in his social encyclical, also provided with the author's commentary. If the content of this article influences at least to a small extent a bit deeper reception of papal teachings, it will accomplish its aim filling its author with satisfaction.

In the year 1294/95, in the church of the Virgin Peribleptos in Ohrid, figures of the apostles Peter and Andrew were painted in the bottom register of wall paintings of the south wall, in front of the altar space (fig. 1), while those of St. Clement of Ohrid and St. Constantine Kabasilas appeared on the opposite, north wall (fig. 2). Their choice and placement on such a conspicuous location have already been the subject of interest of scholars who attempted to explain their iconography and unveil the reasons behind their appearance in this Ohrid church. The image of apostle Peter is related to the text of Mt. 16, 18 and this apostle is thus represented as carrying a church on his back while trampling on Hades who, at the same time, is being pierced by an angel bearing a lance. From above, Christ, shown in bust, addresses St. Peter with the gospel text written out in fresco above his image. This rare representation could be interpreted as an image referring to the founding of the church on earth by Christ. The gospel text which inspired it was one of the main arguments in the primacy doctrine of the Roman church. In Byzantium, on the other hand, the equality of all apostles was underlined, and Peter shared his place of honor with Paul and, at times, Andrew. This can explain the presence of the latter by Peter's side in the mentioned Ohrid church. On the opposite wall we find figures of saints who held in particular reverence in the Ohrid area, namely those of Clement and Constantine Kabasilas. St. Clement (whose relics were treasured in Ohrid) was a bishop in nearby Velika in the X century, and his cult developed shortly after his death. On the other hand, at the end of his lifetime Constantine Kabasilas, an archbishop of Ohrid from the middle of the XIII century, was very devoted to the emperor Michael VIII and that seems to have decisively contributed to the early development of his cult. We can basically except the opinion of those among the scholars who associated the images of the mentioned saints with Christ's founding of the church on earth and the spreading of Christianity among the Slavs. However, since the archbishopric of Ohrid had no direct apostolic origins, and since even St. Clement was actually its founder, the wall paintings of the Virgin Peribleptos should be viewed in a somewhat different light. It is well known that the Archbishopric was founded by emperor Basil II who, in the second sigillium (1020), associated it with the earlier existing Bulgarian archbishopric. However, in the XII century, if not already at an earlier date, the archbishopric of Ohrid began to be associated also with Justiniana Prima, the archbishopric founded by emperor Justinian in 535. The first to include it in his title was the archbishop of Ohrid John Komnenos, in 1157, and many of his successors followed his example. Formulas such as Bulgarian and Prima Justiniana which appear in their titles were of a legal and canonic nature and were used in defending the autocephalos rights of the Archbishopric from both the Roman and the Constantinopolitan church. This prompts us to explain the wall paintings of the eastern part of the naos of the Virgin Peribleptos as a result of intentions of the archbishops of Ohrid to underline the ties of their church with Justiniana Prima and the Bulgarian archbishopric. The image of the founding of the church upon St. Peter is not only a universal image of Christ's founding of the church on earth but also a reminder that the archbishopric of Ohrid was formed on the territory of ancient Illyricum which once belonged to Rome and was handed over as a result of an agreement between pope Vigilius and emperor Justinian for the purpose of founding the autocephalos church of Justiniana Prima. Supposedly, the independence and high rank of the archbishopric of Ohrid found justification in those facts. In his letter to patriarch Germanos II (from the 1220's), the archbishop of Ohrid Demetrios Chomatenos goes on to say that the emperor Justinian, in establishing the hierarchy of the most ancient and great patriarchal sees, called the pope of old Rome the first among priests, the patriarch of Constantinople the second and directly after him made mention of the see of the Bulgarian archbishopric, i.e. Ohrid. In the fresco decoration of the Virgin Peribleptos these references to the Roman and Constantinopolitan church were substituted by images of their founders, a common procedure in Byzantine iconography. Just as it did in Chomatenos's letter, the presence of the apostle Andrew was there to point out that the church of Ohrid belonged to the Orthodox world. The second argument upholding the ancient origins and independence of the church of Ohrid - reflected by both the title of its prelates and the wall paintings of the Peribleptos - is based on its ties with the ancient archbishopric of Bulgaria. That is why its archbishops strove to develop the cults of "Bulgarian" saints, primarily that of St. Clement. The text of his vita (XII century), ascribed to Theophylaktos of Ohrid, celebrates him as the most commendable missionary of the Bulgarian people, and in the Catalogue of Bulgarian archbishops (from the same century) he is mentioned in such a manner that one gets the impression that Clement was the first prelate of the territory of the future archbishopric of Ohrid. Such a calculated treatment of St. Clement was especially intensified in the XIII century, as attested in particular by his synaxarion vita and service, in which he is referred to as the thirteenth apostle. A similar phenomenon developed also in the decoration of the church of the Virgin Peribleptos in which Clement plays the role of the first prelate of Ohrid and the perpetuator of the activities of the apostles painted on the wall opposite his image. In order to express clearly and most thoroughly the idea of the origins and the nature of the Archbishopric, it was also necessary to include in this group an image of one archbishop of Ohrid and so the choice fell on Constantine Kabasilas, whose memory was still alive and who, moreover, was the only actually canonized archbishop of Ohrid. Finally, we should also inquire why this ideologically colored fresco decoration appeared in 1294/95 in the church of the Virgin Peribleptos. The theory of the supposed origins of the archbishopric of Ohrid greatly gained in importance in the course of the events related to the Union of Lyon. This time it was suitably used in an attempt to abolish the Serbian archbishopric and the Bulgarian (Trnovo) patriarchate, founded at a somewhat earlier date and for the most part on the one-time territory of the archbishopric of Ohrid. Such pretensions appeared openly in the charter issued by emperor Michael VIII to the archbishopric of Ohrid (1272) and in his memorandum to the pope, read at the Council of Lyon in 1274. Moreover, in 1282 the Serbian king Milutin conquered vast Byzantine territories so that certain administrative units of the archbishopric of Ohrid were not only dislocated within a different state but also became a part of a different, Serbian church. So while the Byzantine emperor attempted to recapture these territories by military force, the archbishop of Ohrid, Makarios, strove to demonstrate visually on the walls of the church of the Virgin Peribleptos the supposed origins of his archbishopric and thus also to claim its rights, through the images of the apostles Peter and Andrew and saints Clement and Constantine Kabasilas. Because of its political engagement, this painted decoration remained unique in medieval art and should thus find explanation in particular ideological and political motives.

Analyses of writing culture in tenth-century Rome have been impeded by an absence of manuscripts and documents that can be assigned unquestionably to scriptoria in the city. This paper will examine the possibility that one such document has hitherto been hiding in plain sight, as it were: the dower charter given by Emperor Otto II to the Byzantine princess Theophanu on the occasion of their marriage in St Peter's on 14 April 972. Usually considered to be ‘Ottonian’, rather than ‘Italian’ or ‘Roman’, this document nevertheless states explicitly that it was undertaken at the Roman church of Santi Apostoli, and this possibility is assessed in light of what is known about that church, the Via Lata region and their connections to the foremost noble family in the city.

ABSTRACTA rare collection of cast votive images (ex-votos ) made of beeswax were found in the 1940s behind the cresting of a screen above the tomb of Bishop Edmund Lacey in the Cathedral Church of St. Peter in Exeter, England. Some of these fragmentary, aged and brittle waxes, dating to the late fifteenth to early sixteenth centuries A.D., served as the basis to further test the cleaning of dirt and accretions using a Q-switched Nd:YAG laser. Because of the low melting point of the wax, observations made of the effects on the wax substrate due to heat emitted from the laser were critical to establish the efficacy of the cleaning method. Preliminary optical microscopy was used to establish a typology of the waxes based on their condition, color, and nature of the weathering phenomena. Several techniques were used to characterize the waxes and the surface deposits, including gas chromatography-mass spectroscopy (GC-MS), energy-dispersive x-ray fluorescence (EDXRF) and scanning electron microscopy (SEM-EDS), in addition to simple tests of melting point and hardness that served to help understand the nature, condition and treatment of the waxes [1].

John Pyel was a Northamptonshire man from the village of Irthling-borough, lying on the upper bank of the River Nene four miles northeast of Wellingborough. Situated on the principal trade route from Northampton to Peterborough, and indeed to the port of King's Lynn, the village was well-placed to transport commercial produce, which in the fourteenth century consisted principally of hides for the leather industry and wool. The surrounding area was also likely to have been rich in cereals and other arable crops. John Pyel inherited a plot of land in the village from his father, John senior, in 1348, and, although by now settled in London, he began from about this date to build up an extensive estate in this part of Northamptonshire. He certainly showed special concern for Irthlingborough. It was at his prompting that Peterborough abbey was granted a licence in 1375 to establish the parish church of St Peter as a college and it was to St Peter's that he granted the remainder of his estate and in its porch that he was to be buried. He also made bequests in his will to both parish churches in the village and provided for thirteen crosses to be set up there and for repairs to the bridge and highways.