Academic literature on the topic 'St.Thomas (church : Fulham, England)'

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Journal articles on the topic "St.Thomas (church : Fulham, England)"

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Thomas, Gabrielle. "‘Mutual Flourishing’ in the Church of England: Learning from St Thomas Aquinas." Ecclesiology 15, no. 3 (September 11, 2019): 302–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01503005.

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This article investigates potential learning for the Church of England with regard to ‘mutual flourishing’. It begins by summarising the findings from recent research, which employs the principles of receptive ecumenism to explore women’s experiences of working in English churches. During this research, ‘mutual flourishing’ (as described in the ‘Five Guiding Principles’) was identified repeatedly, as an area of practice which is a ‘live’ wound in the life of the Church of England. The article moves on to discuss the theme of friendship in the theology of Thomas Aquinas, arguing that Thomas’s particular approach to friendship, if appropriated prudently, could contribute to healing the ‘wound’ identified during the research. The final phase moves on to suggest what it might mean in practice to appropriate Thomas’s theology of friendship in the life of the Church of England.
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Emms, Richard. "St Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury, and the ‘First Books of the Whole English Church’." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015710.

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Early in the fifteenth century, Thomas of Elmham, who grew up in Norfolk and became a monk of St Augustine’s abbey, Canterbury, began to write and illustrate an ambitious history of his monastery. It may be that his interest in history arose from his early years at Elmham, site of the see of East Anglia in late Anglo-Saxon times. This could explain why he became a monk at the oldest monastic establishment in England instead of at the local Benedictine houses, such as Bury St Edmunds, Ely, or Norwich. Clearly he developed his historical interests at St Augustine’s with its ancient books and relics, even though, apart from the chapel of St Pancras and St Martin’s church nearby, pre-Conquest buildings were no longer to be seen.
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Walker, Greg. "Saint or Schemer? The 1527 Heresy Trial of Thomas Bilney Reconsidered." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 40, no. 2 (April 1989): 219–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900042858.

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On 8 December 1527 two scholars, Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur, carried penitential faggots at St Paul's Cross as a token of abjuration of heresy. With this act both men formally cleansed their souls and brought about their reconciliation with the Church. Far from being the end of a story, however, this ceremony proved to be the beginning of a controversy which has survived until the present day. For Thomas Bilney subsequently renounced his abjuration and became a significant figure in the early Reformation in England, eventually dying at the stake as a relapsed heretic in 1531. And yet, despite the importance attributed to him as a reformer, Bilney is now, as he was then, an ambiguous figure whose relationship with the Catholic Church and precise beliefs have never been conclusively determined. Many writers have claimed Bilney as a champion of their particular causes or have sought to identify his place in the wider movements of the Reformation. For the Protestant John Foxe he was a martyr, albeit a flawed one, for the reformed faith, who refused to the last to be intimidated into a second abjuration. For Sir Thomas More, in somewhat mischievous mood, he was a Catholic saint brought to realise the error of his ways at the stake and reconciled to the Church with almost his last breath.
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Beer, Barrett L. "Episcopacy and Reform in Mid-Tudor England." Albion 23, no. 2 (1991): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050604.

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In Tudor Prelates and Politics, Lacey Baldwin Smith wrote sympathetically of the dilemma faced by the conservative bishops who saw control over the Church of England slip from their grasp after the accession of Edward VI in 1547, but he gave less attention to the reforming bishops who worked to advance the Protestant cause. At the beginning of the new reign the episcopal bench, according to Smith's calculations, included twelve conservatives, seven reformers, and seven whose religious orientation could not be determined (see Table 1). The ranks of the conservatives were thinned as a consequence of the deprivation of Stephen Gardiner of Winchester, Edmund Bonner of London, Nicholas Heath of Worcester, George Day of Chichester, and Cuthbert Tunstall of Durham. On the other hand, eight new bishops were appointed between 1547 and 1553. These new men together with the Henrician reformers, of whom Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, was most important, had responsibility for leading the church during the period which saw the most extensive changes of the Reformation era. This essay examines the careers of the newly-appointed reforming bishops and attempts to assess their achievements and failures as they worked to create a reformed church in England.The first of the eight new bishops appointed during the reign of Edward VI was Nicholas Ridley, who was named Bishop of Rochester in 1547 and translated to London in 1550. In 1548 Robert Ferrar became Bishop of St. David's in Wales. No new episcopal appointments occurred in 1549, but during the following year John Ponet succeeded Ridley at Rochester while John Hooper took the see of Gloucester.
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McGee, J. Sears. "On Misidentifying Puritans: The Case of Thomas Adams." Albion 30, no. 3 (1998): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000061081.

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On the titlepage of his collection of sermons, The Happinesse of the Church (1618), Thomas Adams styled himself “preacher” at St. Gregory’s, London. The term could indicate puritan leanings, and in the nineteenth century Robert Southey went so far as to call Adams “the prose Shakespeare of puritan theologians… scarcely inferior to Fuller in wit or to Taylor in fancy.” Adams often used the word “puritan” pejoratively. Historians, however, have classified as puritans people who rejected the term for themselves, just as political analysts-sometimes justly-classify as “liberals” or “conservatives” politicians who cavil at these terms. The problem, as always, is one of definition, and Adams affords an excellent opportunity to test the adequacy of our definitions. Like “humanist” or “republican,” “puritan” is one of those terms that have come to have a meaning that transcends the circumstances in which they originated. I argue that Adams was not a puritan; he was instead a mainstream Calvinist episcopalian of the kind so convincingly described by Patrick Collinson in his Ford lectures. Nevertheless, an attempt to place Adams in the spectrum of religious opinion has a value beyond merely getting one individual situated. Scholars have contradicted each other in their placing of Adams, and this analysis, by getting him right, will throw light on our understanding of the varieties of Calvinism in early Stuart England.
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Musiewicz, Piotr. "Główne kategorie myśli politycznej Richarda Hookera." Politeja 16, no. 4(61) (January 31, 2020): 441–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.61.24.

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The Main Categories of Richard Hooker’s Political Thought This article outlines the main philosophical and political issues of this late-Tudor Anglican divine. Hooker’s ideas, developed in Of the Laws of Eccclesiastical Polity, provide some atypical answers to typical questions about the state and itsconnection with the church. The first issue presented is the nature of law and reason: Hooker’s approach bears a strong resemblance to St. Thomas Aquinas’ thought here. We can also observe the naissance of a theory of a “social contract”, as society enters an agreement to nominate a governor over them. Hooker seems to be applying this theory to both the origins of the state and of the church. Indescribing the role of tradition in law-making, Hooker can be called the pioneer of the Conservative doctrine. We shall indicate the role of the Revelation in Hooker’s outlook and his polemics with the Puritans here. Finally, we will come to Hooker’s criticism of the theory of two powers, his favour of monism and its historical proponents, and to his arguments for the royal supremacy in England.
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Marsh, Dana T. "SACRED POLYPHONY ‘NOT UNDERSTANDID’: MEDIEVAL EXEGESIS, RITUAL TRADITION AND HENRY VIII'S REFORMATION." Early Music History 29 (July 21, 2010): 33–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127910000069.

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This study focuses on the ritual ‘conservatism’ of Henry VIII's Reformation through a new look at biblical exegeses of the period dealing with sacred music. Accordingly, it reconsiders the one extant passage of rhetoric to come from the Henrician regime in support of traditional church polyphony, as found in A Book of Ceremonies to be Used in the Church of England, c.1540. Examining the document's genesis, editorial history and ultimate suppression by Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, it is shown that Bishop Richard Sampson, Dean of the Chapel Royal (1522–40), was responsible for the original drafting of the musical paragraph. Beginning with Sampson's printed commentaries on the Psalms and on the Epistles of St Paul, the literary precedents and historical continuities upon which Sampson's topos in Ceremonies was founded are traced in detail. Identified through recurring patterns of scriptural and patristic citation, and understood via transhistorical shifts in the meaning of certain key words (e.g. iubilare), this new perspective clarifies important origins of the English church's musical ‘traditionalism’ on the eve of the Reformation. Moreover, it reveals a precise species of exegetical method – anagogy – as the literary vehicle through which influential clergy were able to justify expansions and elaborations of musical practice in the Western Church from the high Middle Ages to the Reformation.
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Elliott, Bernard. "Laura Phillipps De Lisle: A Nineteenth-Century Catholic Lady." Recusant History 20, no. 3 (May 1991): 371–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005483.

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One of the most important and influential Catholic laymen of the nineteenth century was Ambrose Phillipps who in 1862 added de Lisle to his name and so is usually known as Ambrose Phillipps de Lisle. Born in 1809 an Anglican, he was received into the Catholic Church in 1825. In 1833 he married Laura Clifford, a member of one of the oldest recusant families in England and, although they were destined to have a large family, it did not impede their efforts to promote the conversion of the Midlands to Catholicism. Laura was born in Germany at Mecklenberg-Schwerin on 26 October 1811, where her father, Thomas Clifford, fourth son of Hugh, fourth Lord Clifford, was chamberlain to the Duke of Mecklenberg-Schwerin. Thomas died when Laura was only five years old and her mother did not live much longer, dying in 1822, when Laura was eleven. In 1823, Lord Clifford of Ugbrooke and Chudleigh in Devon became her guardian and entrusted her education to the Canonesses of the Holy Sepulchre at New Hall, near Chelmsford, Essex. She remained there until 27 June 1829 when she returned to live with her guardian at Ugbrooke. In 1831, she met Ambrose and two years later they married on 25 July 1833 at St. James’ Spanish Place, while the civil ceremony took place at St. George’s, Hanover Square.
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Maxwell, Anne. "OCEANA REVISITED: J. A. FROUDE'S 1884 JOURNEY TO NEW ZEALAND AND THE PINK AND WHITE TERRACES." Victorian Literature and Culture 37, no. 2 (September 2009): 377–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015030909024x.

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In his popular Romance of London (1867), John Timbs refers to Thomas Babington Macaulay's oft-repeated metaphor of a “New Zealander sitting, like a hundredth-century Marius, on the mouldering arches of London Bridge, contemplating the colossal ruins of St Paul's” (290). Originally intended as an illustration of the vigor and durability of the Roman Catholic Church despite the triumph of the Reformation, Macaulay's most famous evocation of this idea dates from 1840, the year of New Zealand's annexation; hence it is reasonable to suppose that this figure is a Maori (Bellich 297–98). For Timbs and subsequent generations, however, the image conveyed the sobering idea of the rise and fall of civilizations and in particular of England being invaded and overrun, if not by a horde of savages, then by a more robust class of Anglo-Saxons from the other side of the world.
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10

Walsham, Alexandra. "Miracles in Post-Reformation England." Studies in Church History 41 (2005): 273–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000267.

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To speak of miracles in post-Reformation England may seem like something of an oxymoron. The sense of internal contradiction in my title springs from the fact that sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Protestant ministers consistently maintained that this category of extraordinary events had long since ceased. They did not deny that supernatural acts of this kind had taken place in biblical times. As set down in the books of the Old Testament, God had vouchsafed many wonders to His chosen people, the Hebrews, including the parting of the Red Sea, the raining of manna from heaven, and the metamorphosis of Aaron’s rod into a serpent. Equally, the New Testament recorded the prodigious feats performed by Christ and his apostles to convince the disbelieving Gentiles and Jews: from the raising of Lazarus and the transformation of water into wine at the marriage at Cana to curing lepers of their sores and restoring sight to the blind, not to mention the great mysteries of the Incarnation and Resurrection. But dozens of sermons and tracts reiterated the precept that God no longer worked wonders above, beyond, or against the settled order and instinct of nature – the standard definition of miracle inherited from the scholastic writings of St Thomas Aquinas. Such special dispensations were the ‘seales and testimonials’ of the Gospel. They had been necessary to sow the first seeds of the faith, to plant the new religion centring on the redemption of mankind by Jesus of Nazareth. But this gift, stressed John Calvin and his disciples, was only of ‘temporary duration’. Miracles were the swaddling bands of the primitive Church, the mother’s milk on which it had been initially weaned. Once the Lord had begun to feed His people on the meat of the Word, he expected them to believe the truth as preached and revealed in Scripture rather than wait for astonishing visible spectacles to be sent down from heaven. Although there was some uncertainty about exactly when such wonders had come to an end, Protestant divines were in general agreement that, as a species, miracles were now extinct. Christians could and should not expect to see such occurrences in the course of their lifetimes.
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Books on the topic "St.Thomas (church : Fulham, England)"

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Phythian, George. The Ripley legacy: Ripley St Thomas Church of England High School. Lancaster: Ripley St Thomas, 1999.

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2

Vowles, Megan. The story of David Thomas Memorial Church, St. Andrew's, Bristol. Bristol: (G. Bennett), 1988.

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Smith, T. Harper. Thomas Boddington and the stained glass in St. Mary's, Ealing. [London]: [T.& A. Harper Smith], 1994.

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Barnard, E. K. From parish church to Portsmouth Cathedral, 1900-39. Portsmouth [England]: Portsmouth City Council, 1988.

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5

St. Thomas (Church : Ashton-in-Makerfield, England). The registers of St. Thomas, Ashton in Makerfield : baptisms, 1810-1827, burials, 1806-44. [Manchester, England]: Lancashire Parish Register Society, 1997.

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Jones, Billye. The lives and times of John Garzia. Edited by Robinson Lorraine Hale. Bath, N.C: Teach's Cove Publishers, 2005.

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Hale, Robinson Lorraine, ed. The lives and times of John Garzia. Bath, N.C: Teach's Cove Publishers, 2005.

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Assembly, Canada Legislature Legislative. Bill: An act to incorporate the St. Thomas and Elgin Manufacturing Company. Quebec: Thompson, Hunter, 2003.

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Kelly, Éamon. Éamon Kelly: The storyteller. Douglas Village, Cork, Ireland: Mercier Press, 2004.

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Assembly, Canada Legislature Legislative. Bill: An act for the relief of the representatives of the late Thomas Ewart. Quebec: Thompson, Hunter, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "St.Thomas (church : Fulham, England)"

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Marshall, Peter. "Supremacy." In Heretics and Believers. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300170627.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the nature and extent of royal supremacy during the reign of Henry VIII. If Henry's supremacy was innate and divinely ordained, the question that arises is why it required an act of Parliament. The King's own view was that Parliament merely expressed the nation's assent, but Thomas Cromwell may have thought differently. The legal theorist Christopher St German, an inspiration for the parliamentary assault against the clergy in 1531–1532, certainly believed that royal supremacy rested in the King in Parliament. The chapter considers the rise of a new religious phenomenon — dissident, oppositional Roman Catholicism — and issues regarding the King's divorce and supremacy before discussing visitation, which was intended for both symbolic performance and practical enforcement of the royal supremacy. It also looks at the death of Catherine of Aragon and the first formal statement of doctrine for the independent Church of England, known as Ten Articles.
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