Books on the topic 'Stalin Prize'

Abstract Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936) is famous for his Nobel Prize–winning studies of digestion and, especially, his investigations of conditional reflexes, through which he attempted to understand and ease the “torments” of human consciousness. Based on rich archival materials, this work provides a uniquely rich and readable introduction to his life and work. The book follows Pavlov from his youth as a provincial seminarian to his scientific studies, traumas, and professional success in the glittering capital of St. Petersburg through world war and two revolutions, international celebrity status, and his complex relationship with the Bolsheviks under Lenin and Stalin. Exploring Pavlov’s quest to constrain the psyche within mechanistic law, the work explains his innovative experimental techniques and approach, discusses his interpretive practices as a physiologist, reveals the personalities and importance of his favorite experimental dogs, and analyzes his important, but little-known, experiments on chimpanzees. The work ends with a discussion of the two manuscripts on which Pavlov labored during his last days, which reveal the relationship between the great scientist’s work and his psychological drive for certainty amid the unforeseeable calamities in life and express his final thoughts about the relationship between science, Christianity, and Communism.

In a new interpretation of the history of the Balkans during the Second World War, this book explores the tangled political rivalries, cultural clashes, and armed conflicts among the great powers and the indigenous people competing for influence and domination. The author takes an original approach to the region based on the interaction among geography, social conditions, and imperial rivalries that spans several centuries, culminating in three wars during the first half of the twentieth century. Against this background, Rieber focuses on leadership, personified by Mussolini, Hitler, Stalin, Churchill, and Tito, as the key to explaining events. For each one the Balkans represented a strategic prize vital for the fulfillment of their ambitious war aims. For the local forces the destabilization of the war offered the opportunity to reorder societies, expel ethnic minorities and expand national borders. The book illustrates how the leaders of the external powers were forced to improvise their tactics and compromise their ideologies under the pressure of war and the competing claims of their allies and clients. Neither the Axis nor the Allied camps were uniform blocs and deep divisions ran through the ranks of the resistance and those collaborating with the occupying powers. These tensions contributed to the failure of all the participants in the struggle to achieve their aims. The complexities of the wartime experiences help to explain the persistence of memories and unfulfilled aspirations that continue to haunt the region.

This volume brings together a series of cutting-edge studies on significant controversies and prize essay contests of the German Enlightenment. It sheds new light on the nature and impact of the philosophical debates of the period, while analyzing a range of pressing philosophical questions. In doing so, it focuses on controversies and prize competitions as conditions for the advancement of knowledge and the staking out of new philosophical terrain. Chapters address not only the rich content of the questions but also their wider context, including the theoretical framework of the debates and their institutional support and aims. Together they demonstrate how these debates created a rallying point and generated momentum for sustained philosophical argument and engagement in the Enlightenment era. The collection offers novel perspectives on the major role played by the Berlin Academy both within the German Enlightenment and across Europe more broadly. Through the introduction of several understudied but key figures such as Johann Heinrich Abicht, Leonhard Cochius, Pierre Le Guay de Prémontval, and Guillaume Raynal, it deepens our understanding of the richness and complexity of the period. Arranged in three parts – natural law and history, metaphysics, and anthropology – the essays provide fascinating new material on areas such as the problem of language, the emergence of psychology, colonialism, and the origins of aesthetics for the wider study of the intellectual milieu in eighteenth-century Germany and beyond.

One of the most important philosophers who applied a concept of intentional action to God was William P. Alston. In this chapter, the author engages Alston’s proposals, and argues that even a robust notion of intentional action predicated of God yields very little when it comes to understanding claims about divine action that are of prime importance to the Christian tradition. The author also begins to query the concept of God as an acting agent. The author also indicates again how most philosophers commit themselves to a thin version of a doctrinal tradition even without explicitly stating it, and that the debate about divine action is better served by thick engagement with the Christian doctrinal tradition.

Dancing on Bones examines how the leaders of Russia, China, and North Korea exploit the history of past wars—specifically World War II and the Korean War—to shore up popular support and frame contemporary challenges and foreign policy. This book traces the history of how successive ruling regimes have approached this period of history from 1945 to the present day, examining the political utility of historical memory and attempts to enforce a collective national narrative through patriotic education, propaganda, memory laws, censorship, harassment of individual historians, and appeals to nationalism and national pride. It draws on research in Beijing, Moscow, Pyongyang, Seoul, Crimea, Shanghai, and Donetsk and covers events such as Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the 2013–2014 Maidan Revolution and subsequent conflict in Ukraine; the Tiananmen crackdown in 1989; Gorbachev’s Glasnost and Perestroika reforms; the collapse of the Soviet Union; Vladimir Putin’s rise to power, his return to the presidency for a third term, and constitutional reforms; and leadership transitions in North Korea from Kim Il Sung to Kim Jong Il to Kim Jong Un. Key figures covered within the book include Joseph Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev, Leonid Brezhnev, Mikhail Gorbachev, Vladimir Putin, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Xi Jinping, Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong Un.

This chapter addresses the impact of product innovation on economic welfare, initially defined as the sum of consumer and producer surpluses. In a static framework, it is shown how product innovation can increase welfare via additions to consumer surplus and increased firm profits; and an estimate that the value of the increase for a typical product innovation might equal 2.5 per cent of the innovator’s revenue is reported from the literature. Problems with measuring welfare by the sum of consumer and producer surplus are raised, especially because of changes in the producers’ incentives to innovate. In an intertemporal framework, it is further shown that the optimal diffusion path could arise under either monopoly supply or competitive supply, depending on buyers’ price expectations formation processes. It is also argued that variety itself may generate welfare, and whether free markets would generate optimal variety is discussed. The literature suggests not.

The Russian economy has been faced with significant environmental challenges, and agriculture—the mainstay of the economy during this period—suffered from consistently low yields. Neither the emancipation of the serfs in 1861, nor Stolypin’s agricultural reform of 1906 succeeded in bringing about fundamental change in Russian farming. Russia also had substantial difficulty in stimulating industrial growth. Before 1917, it had to rely on foreign investment to develop its industrial sector. The pressures of the First World War exposed Russian economic weakness. After 1917, the Bolshevik regime’s attempts to reform both agriculture and industry in the first years of its existence, while at the same time constructing a socialist society, proved unsuccessful. At the end of the 1920s, Stalin’s dictatorship was able to collectivize agriculture and to bring about industrial revolution through the Five-Year-Plans. While these brought short-term economic advantages, the USSR paid a heavy price for the Stalinist revolution.

Game theory is the science of interactive decision making. It has been used in the field of international relations (IR) for over 50 years. Almost all of the early applications of game theory in international relations drew upon the theory of zero-sum games, but the first generation of applications was also developed during the most intense period of the Cold War. The theoretical foundations for the second wave of the game theory literature in international relations were laid by a mathematician, John Nash, a co-recipient of the 1994 Nobel Prize in economics. His major achievement was to generalize the minimax solution which emerged from the first wave. The result is the now famous Nash equilibrium—the accepted measure of rational behavior in strategic form games. During the third wave, from roughly the early to mid-1980s to the mid-1990s, there was a distinct move away from static strategic form games toward dynamic games depicted in extensive form. The assumption of complete information also fell by the wayside; games of incomplete information became the norm. Technical refinements of Nash’s equilibrium concept both encouraged and facilitated these important developments. In the fourth and final wave, which can be dated, roughly, from around the middle of the 1990s, extensive form games of incomplete information appeared regularly in the strategic literature. The fourth wave is a period in which game theory was no longer considered a niche methodology, having finally emerged as a mainstream theoretical tool.

On 6 June 1944, Allied forces stormed the beaches at Normandy. The invasion followed several years of argument and planning by Allied leaders, who remained committed to a return to the European continent after the Germans had forced the Allies to evacuate at Dunkirk in May 1940. Before the spring of 1944, however, Prime Minister Winston Churchill and other British leaders remained unconvinced that the invasion was feasible. At the Teheran Conference in November 1943, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill promised Josef Stalin that Allied troops would launch Operation Overlord, the invasion of Normandy, in the spring. Because of their continuing concerns about Overlord, the British convinced the Americans to implement a cover plan to help ensure the invasion's success. The London Controlling Section (LCS) devised an elaborate two-part plan called Operation Fortitude that SHAEF (Supreme Headquarters, Allied Expeditionary Force) helped to fine tune and that both British and American forces implemented Historians analyzing the Normandy invasion frequently devote some discussion to Operation Fortitude. Although they admit that Fortitude North did not accomplish all that the Allied deception planners had hoped, many historians heap praise on Fortitude South, using phrases such as, unquestionably the greatest deception in military history. Many of these historians assume that the deception plan played a crucial role in the June 1944 assault. A reexamination of the sources suggests, however, that other factors contributed as much, if not more, to the Allied victory in Normandy and that Allied forces could have succeeded without the elaborate deception created by the LCS. Moreover, the persistent tendency to exaggerate the operational effect of Fortitude on the German military performance at Normandy continues to draw attention away from other, technical-military reasons for the German failures there.

The proverbial benefits of prevention over cure are self-evident—and yet we are reluctant to invest in staying healthy. Resolution of this age-old dilemma begins with a timeless truth: the benefits of good health come at a cost: prevention is not better than cure at any price. That logic leads to a testable—and refutable—proposition: that prevention should be favoured when an imminent, high-risk, high-impact hazard can be averted at relatively low cost. Application of this idea helps to explain why cigarette smoking is still commonplace, why the world was not ready for the COVID-19 pandemic, why the idea of a ‘sin tax’ is misconceived, why billions still do not have access to safe sanitation, why the response to climate change has been so slow, and why public health advice often falls on deaf ears. Much more money and effort are invested in health promotion and prevention today than is commonly thought, but the enormous avoidable burden of illness is reason to seek incentives for investing still more. The principles, together with a series of case studies in diverse settings, offer 12 lessons for prevention. These are methods and motives for shifting the balance away from reactive medical treatment, bypassing illness and injury, to promote better health and well-being.

Victor Zarnowitz is a world-famous economist. Victor Zarnowitz is also a man who grew up in the Polish town of Oswiecim, known in German as Auschwitz. Zarnowitz and his brother fled the area as the Nazis advanced in September 1939. Moving eastward, he landed right in the arms of the Soviets and was sent to a Siberian Gulag. How did this brilliant young man, who nearly died at the hands of the Soviets, end up a renowned University of Chicago economist? That's exactly what this inspiring, lyrical memoir—told in simple, captivating prose—is all about. The recipient of many prizes and honors, Zarnowitz is still, at age eighty-seven, one of the six economists who decide officially that the U.S. is in a recession. He is also a captivating writer and his memoir a thrilling page turner: -In September 1939 Victor and his brother walked the entire width of Poland with the blitzkrieg just behind them. They ran right into oncoming Soviet troops. Zarnowitz was trapped at the junction of the two most fearsome armies the world had ever seen. He was literally standing in the center point of history. -The Soviets considered Polish refugees prisoners of war. In 1940, they transported Zarnowitz and his brother thousands of miles north and put them to work in Stalin's oldest Gulag. They earned their daily gruel and bread crusts by trying to meet impossible work quotas. The last third of the book brings the story up to date, telling, in a non-technical manner, of Zarnowitz's life in America and his professional career. It includes his observations of other economists and their ideas, his own contributions to business-cycle theory and economic indicators, and his thoughts on more than a half-century of American history. While memoirs of the Holocaust are plentiful, the Jewish experience in Stalin's Gulags has been virtually forgotten. Weaving politics and economics into the harrowing tale of his personal journey, Zarnowitz's inspiring life story provides a priceless perspective on some of the most traumatic upheavals of the 20th century—and on the resilience and power of the human spirit.

Awareness, anticipation, physical conditioning . . . these are just some of the qualities a goaltender needs to bring onto the ice at game time. Excellence requires practice, consistency, and understanding—of the position, the situation, and your talents. No one knows this better than Eli Wilson does. Widely recognized as the leading authority on goaltending, he has worked alongside 30 NHL goaltenders, including Carey Price, Ray Emery, Tuukka Rask, and Brian Elliott. In Hockey Goaltending, Eli Wilson and Brian van Vliet have created the definitive guide to stopping more pucks, winning more games, and lowering your goals against average. Inside, you will find coverage on every facet of the position: • Selection of the right equipment for fit and functionality • Stance and presence in the net, including footwork, stick placement, and body positioning • Puck stopping, from save selection to execution • Postsave recovery strategies, including controlling and directing rebounds • Tactics for breakaways, odd-man rushes, and wraparounds • Focus and visualization methods to improve the mental game • On- and off-ice drills and training programs for year-round conditioning to increase strength, stamina, speed, and agility • Suggestions for building productive relationships between head coaches, goaltending coaches, and goaltenders From skills to strategies, equipment to exercises, Hockey Goaltending covers the position like no other. Packed with drills, step-by-step instructions, photos, diagrams, and coaching tips, this book touches on every aspect of the game so you can compete at the highest level.

Anyone concerned about finances―and that's just about everyone―will welcome this step-by-step guide to opening up about a difficult subject. It offers a strategy that can save money, improve relationships, and help people raise fiscally responsible children. Almost half of Americans say that the most difficult topic to discuss with loved ones is their personal finances, so much so that they would rather talk about death, politics, or religion. But what price do you pay for staying quiet? In her fifth book, Kathleen Burns Kingsbury, a wealth psychology expert with over twenty-five years of experience empowering women, couples, parents, families, and wealth advisors, provides you with the answer. This book equips you with the practical tools needed to navigate difficult conversations and future-proof your finances. Discover how to identify your thoughts and beliefs about wealth, and how doing so can help you talk more openly and honestly about money with loved ones. Acquire skills for engaging in effective dialogues with aging parents about healthcare costs, estate planning, and end-of-life issues. Learn tips for fighting fair financially with your partner, and for raising a financially literate next generation. Using Money Talk Challenges and real-life stories, Kingsbury coaches you (and your trusted advisor) to take action. You'll walk away with a roadmap for putting what you learn into practice. Breaking Money Silence is a catalyst for a money revolution leading to a more gender-savvy, financially secure, and financially literate world.

Although period poverty remains an ongoing concern, from an infrastructural perspective the provision of disposal facilities for menstrual products in countries like Australia has been largely addressed for those identifying as female. By contrast, there remains a significant provision gap for trans and nonbinary people who menstruate. This briefing paper considers the impact of a lack of sanitation infrastructure for all people who menstruate and male staff and students with faecal or urinary incontinence or chronic bowel and bladder issues within higher education institutions. One of the practical problems both groups face in relation to using campus-based male-designated toileting facilities is a lack of sanitary infrastructure to support the discrete and hygienic disposal of continence and menstrual products and packaging. In a university context, this lack of access to sanitation infrastructure can negatively impact the ability of staff and students to fully engage in on-campus learning, teaching and social activities. This briefing paper explores the regulatory and justice arguments in support of providing additional sanitary disposal infrastructure in male-designated toilet stalls on the basis that failing to do so is not only inequitable as it may limit these individuals from fully participating in life on campus but may also potentially constitute prohibited discrimination. The recommendations in this briefing paper are based on consultation with a range of stakeholders including The University of Adelaide Pride Club, YouX Sports Clubs, South Australian Rainbow Advocacy Alliance, and The University of Adelaide Disability, Illness and Divergence Association.

Abstract Voluminous bodies of literature continue to be published on Aristotle-inspired virtue ethics within philosophy and social science. No less than two of the ten books of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics are devoted to the topic of friendship, in particular its ‘complete’ or most developed type as ‘friendship for character or virtue’. Yet the salience accorded to friendship within the current virtue ethics literature is not proportionate to the importance accorded to it by Aristotle. Furthermore, in current moral education, where Aristotelianism is all the rage, friendship is rarely mentioned. This book has four main aims. The first is to give the virtue of friendship the pride of place it deserves in contemporary Aristotle-inspired virtue ethics. The second is to integrate Aristotelian theory with recent social scientific research on friendship through mutual adjustments. The third is to retrieve Aristotelian friendship as a moral educational concept, where ‘friendship for virtue’ is to be understood as ‘friendship for virtue development’. The fourth is to offer a more detailed and realistic account than Aristotle did of why even the best of friendships can go stale and dissolve and why the human relationships they represent are so precarious—for example in circumstances where erotic love and friendship clash. Through its revised and applied Aristotelianism, this book makes a contribution to various ongoing debates within moral philosophy, moral psychology and moral education about the salience of friendship—addressing the topic in a way that is accessible both for academics and general readers.

Ce deuxième tome de l’impensé numérique, qui vient compléter le premier tome paru en 2016, participe au développement d’une pensée critique du numérique que le directeur de cet ouvrage collectif a engagée voilà 25 ans maintenant. Il marque en quelque sorte un anniversaire, celui d’une réflexion au long cours sur l‘informatisation de la société. Ce temps long de la recherche se révèle, notamment, dans la première partie qui vise à élaborer, reprendre et affiner le cadre conceptuel de ce travail. On y revient, à nouveaux frais, sur les notions d’impensé informatique et numérique, on y présente les notions de « glissement de la prérogative politique » (GPP), qui souligne la prise en main par des acteurs privés de prérogatives jusque là dévolues au politique et de « gestionnarisation », qui désigne le processus qui met en avant la technique (gestion et numérique) et ses catégories au détriment des activités qui doivent s’y adapter. Ce travail de construction théorique, qui mobilise aussi les notions de confiance, d’usage, d’imaginaire et de reconnaissance, s’est déployé sur une bonne quinzaine d’année. Nous n’avons pas voulu supprimer cette épaisseur temporelle, qui fait pleinement partie du travail de recherche lui-même. Les deuxième et troisième parties font le point sur ce que l’on peut appeler une pragmatique de l’impensé : à savoir, comment il s’installe très concrètement aussi bien dans le mode de fonctionnement et d’architecturation d’internet, que dans nos plateformes et dans la manière dont elles transforment le jeu médiatique, à travers, également, l’instauration d’une nouvelle monnaie (le Bitcoin) et de son support technique (la blockchain) ou, enfin, par le biais du big data. L’impensé, en ce sens, n’est pas seulement un effet de discours, il est aussi un effet, pratique, de structuration du réel qui a pour conséquence de fermer des espaces de discutabilité. Ce qui est vrai à l’échelle stratégique de la deuxième partie l’est tout autant à l’échelle tactique, plus locale, qu’adopte la troisième partie : car l’impensé est tout autant au travail dans les discours performatifs de l’éducation, dans celui de la vulgarisation technique de l‘informatique que dans ceux qui structurent les espaces numériques de la culture. Un dernier texte ouvre sur une proposition technique qui s’appuie sur une réflexion critique, afin de montrer que celle-ci n’est pas seulement négative ou supposément technophobe, mais qu’elle peut également nourrir un dispositif technique innovant. La conclusion s’interroge sur la persistance des conditions de possibilité du développement d’une véritable posture critique face à ceux que l’on peut appeler les impenseurs. Elle offre également un petit kit pédagogique de présentation de l‘impensé, du GPP et de la gestionnarisation pour que la critique argumentée puisse, peut être, être mieux entendue. Avec les contributions de : Eric Arrivé, Julien Falgas, Chloé Girard, Isabelle Hare, Aude Inaudi, Marc Jahjah et Adrian Staii.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.