Academic literature on the topic 'State-linked Diaspora'

AbstractConflict-generated diasporas are considered likely to maintain radical behaviours. This article seeks to explain why and how they nevertheless adopt moderate claims, especially when advocating highly sensitive issues such as state sovereignty. Focusing on groups in the US I investigate the Lebanese diaspora linked to the pro-sovereignty movement in Lebanon (2000–2005) and the Albanian diaspora linked to Kosovo's independence movement (1999–2008). The contentious episodes take place during the original homeland's post-conflict reconstruction. Embedded in the literatures on diasporas, conflicts, and transnational social movements, this article argues that instrumental approach towards the achievement of sovereignty explains why conflict-generated diasporas adopt moderate behaviours. Diasporas hope that by linking their claims to a global political opportunity structure of ‘liberalism’ they ‘play the game’ of the international community interested in promoting the liberal paradigm, and thus expect to obtain its support for the legitimisation of their pro-sovereignty goals. Diaspora entrepreneurs advance their claims in a two-step process. Initially they use frame bridging and frame extension to formulate their existing grievances. Then, an increased responsiveness from their host-state emerges to sustain their initial moderation. While individuals or groups in diaspora circles occasionally issue threats during the contentious episodes, the majority in the diaspora consider moderate politics as their dominant behaviour.

Recent studies on Muslims in the West have frequently characterised them as living in a state of ‘diaspora’. As the question of whether Muslims regard themselves or their co-religionists residing in Western countries as forming a ‘diaspora’ has, however, remained widely understudied, this article provides insights into Muslim perspectives on the notion of ‘Muslim diaspora’ as a self-designation. It explores how far prominent scholars and intellectuals—among them al-Qaradawi, al-Alwani, Ramadan and Nayed—conceptualise Muslims in the West as belonging to a ‘diasporic community’ or whether and for what reasons they reject this classification. Arguing that current controversies surrounding this question are intrinsically linked with the discussion of the traditional Islamic view that the world is divided into a ‘territory of Islam’ and a ‘territory of war’, the article challenges the widespread assumption that the notion of ‘Muslim diaspora’ is, unlike other examples of diaspora, devoid of a distinct territorial component.

This article examines Germany’s exercise of universal criminal jurisdiction (UCJ) from a hospitality perspective. It derives this perspective from recent theoretical writings, in particular Frédéric Mégret’s work on the role of victim diasporas in UCJ proceedings. Mégret argues that states exercising UCJ respond to a duty of hospitality towards those who have suffered abroad but are now on the territory of a new state. While presenting a convincing theoretical case, this perspective requires verification in the practice of states that actually exercise UCJ. This article therefore considers to what extent the recent surge of UCJ cases in Germany is linked to the presence of a victim diaspora on its territory. In addition, it assesses whether German legal and public discourse also assumes a duty of hospitality towards those victim diasporas or whether it rests the exercise of UCJ on more traditional approaches.

The article focuses on the emigration of Ukrainians to the US and the formation of a Ukrainian diaspora there. Emigration from ethnic Ukrainian territories began at the end of the nineteenth century and has continued to the present day. The generally accepted periodisation considers five waves of emigration (before 1914, 1914–1945, 1945–1986, 1986–2014 and after 2014) and therefore five stages of the diaspora formation. As the study shows, the stages or waves of emigration from Ukraine largely coincide with the migration processes in the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and finally in the post-Sovi- et space, but there are also a number of differences that need to be understood. The diaspora issues were often linked to issues of emigrant self-determination, identity formation as well as the policies of the recipient state. Political, social, educational and other organisations have been formed within the diaspora over the course of its existence, with the diaspora institutionalisation pro- cesses varying according to the specific historical period. In the context of the continuation of the next stage of Ukrainian emigration to the United States and the evolution of the diaspora today, a historical and genetic study of the transmigration of Ukrainians overseas and the formation of diaspora structures acquires particular relevance.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo investigar de que modo os movimentos associativos das diásporas brasileira e cabo-verdiana em Portugal se relacionam com a promoção do nexo migração-desenvolvimento, tendo como foco a articulação com os Estados de origem e de acolhimento para o desenvolvimento dos respectivos países de origem e para o autodesenvolvimento das comunidades. Nossa análise se baseia na abordagem das redes de políticas públicas como forma de governança e na categorização proposta por Mohan (2002), autor que considera oque as diásporas podem envolver-se em relações voltadas para o desenvolvimento em, pelo menos, três diferentes dimensões interligadas: development in, through and by the diaspora. Sendo assim, a pesquisa de campo, que consistiu em entrevistas semiestruturadas com líderes associativos e representantes diplomáticos, identificou diferenças entre os dois casos, especialmente em termos de maturidade das relações entre associações e Estados, fator que está atrelado à história migratória e à relação estratégica que cada Estado tem com sua diáspora. Foi identificado, ainda, que o autodesenvolvimento das comunidades é a principal esfera de atuação das associações, porém, foram registradas atividades nos outros domínios, marcadamente no caso cabo-verdiano.Palavras-chave: Nexo migração-desenvolvimento; Associações de imigrantes brasileiras e cabo-verdianas em Portugal, Relações entre diásporas e Estados. Abstract: This work aims to investigate how the associative movements of Brazilian and Cape Verdean diasporas in Portugal are linked to the promotion of the migration-development nexus, focusing on the relations with the States of origin and with the host State for the development of their countries of origin and for the self-development of these immigrant communities. The analysis is based on the public policy network approach as a form of governance and on the categorization proposed by Mohan (2002), who considers that diasporas can engage in development in, at least, three different dimensions interconnected: development in, through and by the Diaspora. Thus, the field research, which consisted of semi-structured interviews with association leaders and diplomats, identified differences between the two cases, especially in terms of maturity of relations between associations and States, which is a factor related to the migratory history and to the strategic relationship that each State has with its diaspora. Was identified also that the communities’ self-development is the main sphere of action of associations, however, activities were identified in other areas, notably in the Cape Verdean case.Key-words: Migration-development Nexus; Brazilian and Cape Verdean Immigrant Associations in Portugal; Relations between diasporas and States. DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p476-515

AbstractAs part of an emerging research agenda on the political impact of remittances in high-migration countries, this article explores the conditions under which organized migrants are likely to engage in transnational public-private partnerships with their home governments through a comparison of Mexico and El Salvador. Both countries have well-organized migrants who have cofinanced community projects back home. But this collaboration has been more sustained, multifaceted, and negotiated in Mexico than in El Salvador. These outcomes are linked to four factors: the density and type of migrant organizations, the territorial distribution of state authority and resources, the extent and nature of diaspora outreach, and legacies of state-society relations. The article discusses how this framework might be applied to other high-migration countries and whether there is room for agency in creating more favorable conditions for migrant-state collaboration.

Abstract This article historicizes the transnational counterinsurgency that the U.S.-Philippine governments have conducted against diasporic Filipino/a/x activists. In examining the period of the Cold War to the early 2020s, it makes a case for recognizing existing continuities of counterinsurgency tactics targeted at Filipinos in the United States, such as extradition, deportation, surveillance, and assassination. The Philippine state’s resort to red-baiting during the Cold War and contemporary “red-tagging” has aimed at the elimination of communism and terrorism at home and beyond its national borders, at the expense of human rights. This long history of counterinsurgency also highlights the acceleration and formalization of diasporic Filipino organizations dedicated to promoting democracy in the Philippines during the period of martial law under President Ferdinand E. Marcos, showing how diasporic Filipinos organized opposition not only to dictatorship, but also U.S. support for violent regimes. The transnational opposition against Marcos and then President Rodrigo R. Duterte has characterized diasporic Filipinos as a primary component of democratic movements in both the United States and the Philippines who have linked domestic racial oppression to U.S. imperialism and state fascism in the Philippines.

This paper explores how Arab writers in diaspora present football in their literary works. Through an examination of Rabih Alameddine’s I, the Divine, Laila Lalami’s Secret Son and Leila Aboulela’s Lyrics Alley, the paper highlights the way in which Arab novelists in diaspora draw on the game’s international popularity to supplement and clarify the themes that these novels explore. Specifically, this paper investigates how the three novels portray the relationship between the individual and the nation and it suggests that these novels may be read within a context of a growing Arab involvement in international football over the past few years, including recent investments by state members of the Gulf Cooperation Council in European football, the emergence of international football superstars of Arab descent, the direct and indirect influences of football on recent socioeconomic and political transformations in Arab countries, including the Arab Spring, and FIFA’s controversial decision to stage the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar. Thanks to their position between cultures, these writers render football as a site on which socioeconomic, political and cultural discourses converge. By depicting the quotidian experiences of culturally and ethnically varied characters, the novels offer divergent perspectives on the game’s entanglement with global and local influences and football emerges as a central issue around which the above writers construct some of the most important episodes in the three novels. In this way the three novels demonstrate that the game’s international popularity makes it intricately linked with the daily experiences of the characters they depict.

This paper preoccupies itself with a close analysis of the concept of migration, diasporic realities and the quest for home in Unigwe’s On Black Sisters’ Street and Gyasi’s Transcendent Kingdom. Migration is a recurrent issue in the world today. Due to one reason or the other, people leave from one geographical location for the other—usually to Europe and America for greener pastures. The study investigates the socio-economic experiences of these African characters in the diaspora and the despair encountered resulting from dreams deferred. In this regard, this paper examines the disillusionment and frustration that characterize Unigwe and Gyasi’s fictional characters in the selected works as they grapple with their expectations and the actual realities in the New World. The work operates on the premise that characters in the texts are induced and motivated by dreams of a better life to immigrate to Europe and America where they end up being trapped in hardship, culture shock and identity crisis. Guided by the Postcolonial theory, this study revealed that, one’s perception of place in which he/she finds himself or herself is determined by the socio-cultural background of place/local; and that success is linked to mentality and personality. The study also found out that characters end up in disillusionment when their expectations are not realized, and this puts them in a melancholic state, hence, their decision to return home.

“Even if you cannot relocate to Nigeria immediately, visit home to see in which way you can lend a hand in rebuilding the country,” said Nigeria’s first lady Stella Obasanjo, on a recent visit to Cape Town, South Africa.“My dad thought I was crazy for coming back,” said Osifo with a hearty laugh. “People are looking for ways to get out.”“Why are you coming back?” (Singer 2001).The processes of globalization have accelerated the exodus of the highly skilled from the collapsing modernization project. This article suggests that the flight of the educated elite is linked to the relative strength of the nation-state and both the length and intensity of internal conflicts. It is also suggested that the “skills exodus” may represent a major disruption in the political and social development of Africa, leading to further marginalization and affecting Africa’s capacity to revive development or envision an alternative development path. The emphasis is on Sudan’s unprecedented massive skills exodus during the past three decades, suggesting that this one case is extremely relevant to the rest of the continent, given the country’s favorable situation at the time of its independence in 1956.

The central aim of this research is to examine the complexities of relations between state, homeland, and diaspora by putting the existence and absence of nation-states as a salient divide between diaspora groups. At present, there have been few systematic, comparative studies that reflect commonalities and differences of stateless and state-linked diasporic networks. As the Armenian and Assyrian diasporas are two of the oldest diasporic communities in the world, they provide a backdrop for an expansive illustration of diaspora engagement practices in stateless and state-linked environments. The research studies pro-active diaspora engagement practices: transnational justice-seeking activities for conflict, post-conflict settings and human rights violations; collective remittances in support of the homeland and other transnational communities in need; diasporas actions in support to newly-arrived migrants. The findings of this research contribute to the field of diaspora studies by expanding understanding of the importance of homelands for diasporas and the complex relation of diasporas with the statehood dynamics of their homeland. The dissertation argues that “statelessness” and “state-linkedness” are not static and dichotomous, but rather contested and nuanced categories. Despite being neglected and dismembered from the “official” diaspora discourses, stateless diasporas find alternative links with territories within states that they refer to as homelands. Diasporas do this through their trusted networks and transnational institutions. Likewise, the existence of states is not a sufficient condition for diaspora-state cooperation. Despite the influence of structural factors, diasporas have the autonomy to decide on how to position themselves towards their homelands “of nation-state” and “without nation-state.” The research offers a closer look at the plurality of non-state organised actors in shaping both institutionalised and unofficial, non-institutionalised diaspora engagement practices.

Diasporas are transnational communities that have received significant interest from international relations (IR) scholars. Attempts to conceptualize diaspora as a modern analytical term posed a major challenge in terms of drawing a distinction between people on the move—such as migrants, refugees, and seasonal workers—and people who are diasporic members of a transnational community. There are different categories of diaspora: historical (or classical/core) diasporas, modern (or recent) diasporas, incipient diasporas, state-linked diasporas, and stateless diasporas. A widely used system of categorization distinguishes among victim, trade, labor, and imperial diasporas. Most of the diaspora research done today in IR deals with the relations between diasporas and their host state and state of origin. There is also a growing body of literature on the role of diasporas in conflict and peace in the homeland. Recent studies have focused on ethnonational diasporic communities, especially the relations between diasporic kin groups in the homeland and in other states of residence, as well as their influence on the foreign policy of their host states. The study of diasporas presents a few major challenges. For instance, it forces us to rethink the rubrics of state and of nation, to challenge accepted notions of citizenship, and to question existing conceptualizations of the importance of territoriality. It also exacerbates the fuzziness between inner and outer politics in research and practice.

Chapter 11 summarizes the two-level typological theory and empirical evidence from the three transnational social fields of the Armenian, Albanian, and Palestinian diasporas. A chart summarizes how the different types of diaspora entrepreneurs are more or less present on the nine causal pathways, followed by a discussion. A causal pathway, even if not always present in each case, gets repeated across the three transnational social fields, hence allowing for comparative generalization. The chapter demonstrates the relevance of this book’s findings to recent conversations about diasporas’ public diplomacy, soft power, authoritarian states’ outreach to diasporas abroad, and the diasporas’ autonomy. It appeals to look at how homeland governments, non-state actors, and political parties have different capacities to penetrate the diaspora and engage specific personalities within it. Preliminary empirical evidence shows how the theoretical approach of this book speaks to other cases. The evidence relates to diaspora linkages to other de facto states (Tamil Eelam, Taiwan), a stateless diaspora related to multiple fragile states in the Middle East (Kurdish), diasporas linked to both weak and fragile states (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Syria), and to relatively stronger states with significant diasporas abroad (Bulgaria, Poland and Ukraine). The conclusions feature policy recommendations.

This chapter tracks the migration of a half million Arab migrants from the Ottoman Empire to the Americas between 1880 and 1914. Syrians and Mount Lebanese departed the Ottoman Middle East to plug themselves into the expanding capitalist economies of the post-abolition Atlantic world. Through labor migration, Syrians developed a transnational remittance economy that successfully confronted the peripheralization of the Arab eastern Mediterranean. Steamship, telegraph, and printing technologies facilitated the establishment of Syrian “colonies” (jalliyyat) in Argentina, Brazil, and the United States. Once abroad, Syrian migrants built social institutions that connected the Arab Atlantic across continents and linked the diaspora to its homeland. Fraternal societies, philanthropic clubs, mutual aid societies, and the Syrian diasporic press each contributed to this new public sphere, abetting Syrian commercial success and grabbing the attentions of the Ottoman state by the 1908 Young Turk Revolution.

Since the early 1960s, Wahhabi transnationalism has been embedded in a structure of a transnational Islamic network. The Islamic University of Medina (1961), the Muslim World League (1962), and the World Assembly of Muslim Youth (1975) have been decisive in this regard, as they aim to achieve cultural hegemony through transnational representation. All organizations are linked to the domestic political processes in the kingdom and are subject to its reasons of state. They therefore re-enact the internal conflicts over Wahhabi doctrine and their power position and, as semi-state agencies, are forced to represent those interpretations of Islamic tradition that are loyal to the regime and its meandering politics. Wahhabi transnationalism had its heyday between 1972 and 1995, when it significantly influenced the development of the Islamic diaspora worldwide. For some years now, Wahhabi transnationalism has weakened in favor of a Saudi Islamic cultural policy. In the wake of the realignment of Saudi policy after 2012, the royal regime significantly limited the power of Wahhabi organizations and subjected them to its own Islamic policy.

This chapter takes a look at how the actions of local kehilot (also described as ‘community boards’) and Jewish involvement in municipal affairs in the towns where they lived became more fruitful expressions of Jewish self-government during the interwar years. The last decades of the nineteenth century had seen attempts by the parties linked with the ‘new Jewish politics’, above all the Zionists, to gain influence in the reformed structures of Jewish community self-government. Polish independence made possible the creation of a single uniform system of Jewish self-government for the nearly nine hundred kehilot in the country. However, for the Orthodox, it raised the spectre of diaspora nationalism and challenged their view that the system should have primarily a religious character. For Polish, Ukrainian, and Lithuanian nationalists, it was anathema, because it undermined the national character of the states they were attempting to create. Even more fundamental was the problem that, with its imposition of a compulsory nationalisation on very diverse Jewish communities, it was at odds with the concept of individual rights and the liberal state.

This chapter challenges the domestic-international dichotomy. Many established theories of revolutionary emergence focus on domestic factors such as economic downturns, elite conflict and defection from the state, and the mobilizing capacity of opposition forces. This dichotomy makes the international influence on all of these domestic factors opaque. Domestic economic conditions are heavily shaped by international markets. Elite decisions about whether to support or oppose the state are linked to alliances with other nations and international organizations. And oppositional organizing capacity is enhanced by support from transnational movements (such as the influx of resources from diaspora supporters) and the transmission of tactics and strategies from revolutionaries in one region of the world to another. In short, there are no fully domestic revolutions; revolutions are always influenced by international factors. Yet all too often, revolutionary scholarship has seen international factors as a backdrop to domestic factors, which are perceived as having the real explanatory power. Researchers have grafted international factors onto existing models in an “add and stir” approach, rather than examining how international dynamics permeate and shape domestic dynamics “all the way down.” The chapter proposes an alternative “inter-social” approach. It highlights how international dynamics help to constitute revolutionary situations, trajectories, and outcomes through an analysis of the 1977–79 Iranian revolution.

This chapter explores neomercantilist ideas from late nineteenth-century West Africa and the early twentieth-century Pan-African movement. The West African case involved the ideas of some leaders of the Asante Empire, whose neomercantilist initiatives were subsequently stymied by British colonial conquest. The chapter then notes the emphasis on commercial protectionism and the nature of its engagement with foreign investment in line with Asante neomercantilism. In Pan-Africa, Jamaican political activist Marcus Garvey developed a distinctive neomercantilism linked to the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) as an embryo for a future independent African state. Garvey's diasporic neomercantilism prioritized swadeshi-style economic activism to maximize the wealth and power of an African state-in-formation.

This chapter focuses on the purpose of the Jews in relation to the potential and meaning of nationhood, in both Zionist and non-Zionist contexts. It talks about Moses Hess, a writer in Germany in the 1860s, who linked a profoundly negative view of the Jews' diasporic role as arch-capitalists to his irenic view of the role of the Jews in his Zionist vision of the future. It explains how a Zionist grappling with the idea of Jewish exemplarity runs through the twentieth-century history of the movement. This chapter also highlights the cultural Zionism of Ahad Ha'am and the political rhetoric of David Ben-Gurion, who repeatedly invoked Isaiah's “light unto the nations” as his vision for the Jewish state. It analyzes the relationship of Jewish exemplarity and purpose to the broader political life of the nation state that became a rich and complicated seam of debate within twentieth century thought.

"Introduction: Military and political crises and conflicts have been part of the reality of many countries of the world, which are witnessing political, economic, social, intellectual, cultural and sectarian changes that have made violence and terrorism an essential material for expressing the content of the conflict and its extensions, then turning to other societies. In mid-2014, Iraq was subjected to a fierce attack by the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) on the governorates of Mosul, Kirkuk, Salah al-Din, Diyala and Anbar, which led to the occupation of some of them by the organization's forces, and thus led to the forced migration of hundreds of thousands of people to the safe provinces. Stable, the extension of this crisis and its various effects made it a strategic challenge for Iraq that requires exceptional national efforts to achieve stability and ensure the return of the displaced to their areas of residence within a legal framework of a humanitarian nature. The problem of the study: The problem of the research lies in answering several questions that were raised in the study, which are what are the reasons that led to this forced migration and mass displacement, and what are the challenges facing the displaced and displaced in Kirkuk, and how to coexist amid the charged atmosphere in the city of Kirkuk, which is threatened by invasion from Before the forces of the organization, and how to reach solutions that satisfy all parties and end this crisis and ensure the dignified return of the displaced families to their homes after the liberation of the region and the restoration of security to it. Study hypothesis: The hypothesis that the researcher starts from in order to answer the questions raised by the problematic, confirmed or denied by the data of the study. Therefore, the absence of a unified national strategy that addresses the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement in Iraq in general and in Kirkuk in particular and responds to the requirements of their relief and return to their areas would reduce the The quality of the humanitarian response policy and achieve social justice befitting the life of the Iraqi citizen. The importance of the study: The importance of this research comes since the crisis of forced displacement and mass displacement began in mid-2014, after ISIS took control of the northern and central regions of Iraq, the humanitarian emergency in Iraq became more severe, according to United Nations estimates, as the number of displaced people in Iraq exceeded Nearly three million displaced people, while more than eight million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, and with the lack of funding by the United Nations, and the presence of the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government also under economic pressure as a result of the war on ISIS, the protection of human rights and the provision of assistance are at risk Also at great risk. Objectives of the study: 1- Getting to know the international evidence for the displaced. 2- The impact of the characteristics of the displaced in Kirkuk and the effects of the crisis. 3- Knowing the national efforts to curb the effects of the crisis. 4- Defining the general framework for the sustainable solutions required to ensure the success of return or resettlement cases. Study methodology: The study adopted the analytical method of an inductive nature based on reality, as a method in proving the hypothesis in order to reach the research objectives. Structure of the study: The study was divided into two sections. The first section included the challenges facing the displaced in Kirkuk, which included three main axes: first the political and security challenges, secondly the economic challenges, and thirdly the social challenges. The second topic dealt with the procedures used to deal with the crisis, which was divided into the situation The government from the crisis, the position of local associations and international organizations from the crisis, and finally the proposed solutions to end the crisis of forced displacement and displacement in Iraq in general and Kirkuk in particular. Results of the study: The study reached several results, including 1- The relief programs and the humanitarian response policy were unable to mitigate the economic, social and psychological impact of the displaced, which deepened the severity of the crisis and its repercussions. 2- Doubling the national and international effort is a necessity to limit the spillover effects of the crisis, provided that these efforts are linked and encapsulated by legal frameworks. 3- Returning to the liberated areas is among the most sustainable solutions. Therefore, the return of the displaced must be accompanied by achieving stability, providing services and security. Sources study: The sources of the study varied from the reports of the High Commission for Human Rights in Iraq, UNICEF, Amnesty International of the United Nations, and the reports of the International Organization for Migration and other organizations that used to issue their periodic reports and in numbers on the tragic conditions experienced by the Iraqi diaspora, including the book The Displacement Crisis in Safe Iraq. And protection issued by the Cisfire Center for Civilian Rights in London, the national report on human development in Iraq, the reports of the World Food Program, and other sources in the course of the study. "