Journal articles: 'State-Local Politics'

1

Magnusson, Warren. "Urban Politics and the Local State." Studies in Political Economy 16, no. 1 (January 1985): 111–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1985.11675621.

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Gaasholt, Ole Martin. "State decentralisation and local politics in Mali." Cadernos de Estudos Africanos, no. 5/6 (June 1, 2004): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cea.1375.

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Trounstine, Jessica. "All Politics Is Local: The Reemergence of the Study of City Politics." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 3 (August 19, 2009): 611–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709990892.

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The study of local politics has been relegated to the periphery of political science and many explanations have been offered for the marginalization of the subfield. I offer three related arguments for why scholars should revisit the study of sub-state politics. First, the local level is the source of numerous political outcomes that matter because they represent a large proportion of political events in the United States. Secondly, there are methodological advantages to studying local politics. Finally, analyzing politics at the sub-state level can generate thoroughly different kinds of questions than a purely national-level focus and can offer different answers to questions that apply more generally. Research on local politics can and should contribute to broader debates in political science and ensure that we understand both how and why cities are unique.

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Elazar, Daniel J., and James Stever. "Diversity and Order in State and Local Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 15, no. 2 (1985): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3329968.

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Kirby, Andrew. "PROGRESS REPORT: THE LOCAL STATE AND URBAN POLITICS." Urban Geography 6, no. 3 (July 1985): 274–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.6.3.274.

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Kirby, Andrew. "PROGRESS REPORT: THE LOCAL STATE AND URBAN POLITICS." Urban Geography 8, no. 3 (May 1987): 273–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.8.3.273.

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7

Stoecker, Randy, and Andrew Kirby. "Power/Resistance: Local Politics and the Chaotic State." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 6 (November 1994): 811. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076049.

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8

Kawanaka, Takeshi. "The State and Institutions in Philippine Local Politics." Philippine Political Science Journal 22, no. 1 (December 8, 2001): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02201007.

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Kawanaka, Takeshi. "The State and Institutions in Philippine Local Politics." Philippine Political Science Journal 22, no. 45 (December 2001): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2001.9754228.

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10

McNeil, John. "An Overview Curriculum Politics: Local, State, and Federal." NASSP Bulletin 72, no. 509 (September 1988): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019263658807250909.

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Candelaria, Nathaniel Punongbayan. "Introduction to Philippine politics: local politics, the state, nation-building, and democratization." Philippine Political Science Journal 36, no. 2 (July 3, 2015): 235–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2015.1084686.

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12

Rose, G. "Locality, Politics, and Culture; Poplar in the 1920s." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 6, no. 2 (June 1988): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d060151.

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The relationship between a local polity and its civil society is explored, and it is argued that local polities cannot be understood in isolation from the specific institutions, practices, and culture of the locality. This is no longer a particularly novel claim to make, of course; yet it is a claim interpreted in a peculiarly narrow way by current theorists of the locality and the local state, who see the influence of civil society on local politics wholly in terms of class. The author begins this paper by offering an alternative theoretical framework which unites locality, politics, and culture, In the second section the political beliefs and policies of the Labour Party in the cast London borough of Poplar in the 1920s are examined and it is shown how local cultural values and ways of understanding the world shaped those political commitments to a very large degree. In the third part the social power relations are explored which developed between the Labour-controlled local state and the institutions of its civil society and which sprang from those local Labour Party values, These power structures changed during the 1920s, shifting from a participatory form of mass politics in the early 1920s to a much more exclusionary and elitist mode later in the decade. It will be argued that both types of power relations can be linked very closely to Poplar's local culture, and in the final section some conclusions will be drawn from this about the politics of local culture.

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Priyambudi Sulistiyanto. "Local Elections and Local Politics in Indonesia: Emerging Trends." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 2, no. 2 (December 27, 2020): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v2i2.23.

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This article analyses local elections held in the post-Suharto era in Indonesia with a special reference to pilkada (pemilihan kepala daerah langsung [direct elections of local leaders]) between 2005 and 2008. Using the state-society perspective, it argues that local elections have seen the rise of new political dynamics and rapid growth of electoral activity in regions. Pilkada has brought about the emergence of coalitional politics, political ideologies or streams (aliran), the rise of ‘little kings’ (raja kecil), an increasing number of businesspeople entering local politics, the use of gangsters/goons (preman) in local elections, a boom in political consultancy, and the increase of the novote camp. There are grounds for optimism regxarding the intensity of the interaction between the local state and society in the regions. The people in the regions have now had the opportunities to vote for their leaders directly, something which was impossible in the past. There is no doubt that the electoral competition for candidates is going to be very important because the availability of good potential local leaders varies between the regions. Political parties themselves have to improve their performance and build a proper recruitment process so that they can find good candidates who can attract voters.

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14

Solomos, John. "The politics of racial equality and the local state." Local Government Studies 17, no. 2 (March 1991): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003939108433571.

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15

Cox, Kevin R. "The division of labor, the state and local politics." Political Geography 12, no. 4 (July 1993): 382–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(93)90047-b.

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16

Campbell, Michael C. "Are All Politics Local? A Case Study of Local Conditions in a Period of “Law and Order” Politics." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 664, no. 1 (February 18, 2016): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215602702.

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This article explores how voters in Contra Costa County, California, came to support aggressive criminal justice policies that helped to drive prison growth. As this case study shows, the antitax movement’s successes in the latter 1970s had important implications for local and state politics and government that ultimately shaped support for the law and order movement. Institutional structures, especially the state’s easily accessible proposition process and the considerable political power of homeowners, facilitated the antitax movement’s successes. This reflected and reinforced deep tensions between state and local government and created new problems and dilemmas for state and local lawmakers. Politically, the antitax movement’s successes helped to mobilize a powerful constituency of affluent property owners receptive to tough anticrime measures and provided a blueprint for the law and order movement’s political success. While state and local lawmakers struggled to manage new challenges, increasingly active and well-organized law and order campaigns thrived in state and local environments.

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17

Bayirbag, Mustafa K. "Pro-Business Local Governance and (Local) Business Associations: The Case of Gaziantep." Business and Politics 13, no. 4 (December 2011): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1355.

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The article investigates how major changes in national economic policies, and in associated forms of state-business relations, produce pro-business local governance arrangements. It places the emphasis on the politics of state-business relations that revolve around the distribution of public resources. It aims to explain, in particular, how these dynamics unfold in the developing countries where neoliberal reforms are implemented under conditions of political instability and weak policy capacity of the state. The article focuses on the political mobilization of the local bourgeoisie through local business associations, as the major force behind the rise of pro-business local governance. It indicates that the emergent form a pro-business local governance scheme, especially when led by local business associations, will depend upon a) the degree of political autonomy of the local bourgeoisie from the national political actors (i.e, their distance to party politics); b) the composition of its constituency/supporters (or the class coalition behind it); c) the degree of their dependency on public resources. The arguments are elaborated in the case of the city of Gaziantep, Turkey.

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Apeke Saka, Latifat, and Bola Sebiomo. "Practices and Attitudes of Youth in Politics in Epe Local Government, Lagos State, Nigeria." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 19 (December 2013): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.19.90.

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Politics is a necessary result of man‟s relationship with each other, it is everywhere and influencing the affairs of human being, it is a means by which an individuals or group of people achieve and maintain power and influence positively the socio-economic status of the parties concerned. This paper reports the practices and attitude of youth in politics in Epe local government area, Lagos state. From the study fifty (50) youths were randomly selected from five zones, ten (10) youths from each zone in Epe Local area. Each technique contained four items. Findings shows that youth wing of political parties came first under political attitudes while violence came first with mean score of 2.58 under youth anti-social behavior in politics followed by maltreatment of youth in the society with mean score of 2.98 under the causes of youth negative behaviors in politics, introducing programme of protection to youth came first with the mean score of 3.74 under how could government of Nigeria help the youth to become an instrument for natural rebirth. There is significant difference between male and female views in causes and solution to youth problems in politics. There is no significant difference between male and female views in the practices and attitudes of youth in politics. It is recommended that Government should enlighten the youth on how to practice politics without violence more so National rebirth could be advanced if also organize seminars and workshop for the youths.

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19

Mottier, Nicole. "Drug Gangs and Politics in Ciudad Juáárez: 1928––1936." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 25, no. 1 (2009): 19–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2009.25.1.19.

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This article examines the two drug gangs in Ciudad Juáárez that were significantly connected to local and state politics between 1928 and 1936. It sheds light on the border drug trade and the gangs themselves, shows how the gangs influenced local and state politics, and it illustrates how politics played an important role in shaping the gangs. In doing so, it clarifies the drug and political histories of Ciudad Juáárez and the state of Chihuahua during the 1920s and 1930s.

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20

Harrison, Graham. "From the global to the local? Governance and development at the local level: reflections from Tanzania." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 2 (May 14, 2008): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003182.

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ABSTRACTGovernance reform practice has mostly focused on building up and transforming central state institutions. Furthermore, the politics of aid has often constructed a very ‘introverted’ politics based in large cities. This article explores the means through which governance ideas are implemented outside this ‘governance realm’, by looking at the ways in which the Lushoto District government in Tanzania has mediated a range of policy changes that have emanated from the state/donor centre. Identifying three distinct but inter-related repertoires of political practice, it argues that governance at the local level has been largely about financial management, and that this aspect of reform is in tension with local developmentalism and is more starkly opposed to local veranda politics.

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21

Wolak, Jennifer, Adam J. Newmark, Todd McNoldy, David Lowery, and Virginia Gray. "Much of Politics Is Still Local: Multi-State Lobbying in State Interest Communities." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 4 (November 2002): 527. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3598658.

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22

WOLAK, JENNIFER, ADAM J. NEWMARK, TODD MCNOLDY, DAVID LOWERY, and VIRGINIA GRAY. "Much of Politics Is Still Local: Multi-State Lobbying in State Interest Communities." Legislative Studies Quarterly 27, no. 4 (November 2002): 527–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298002x200710.

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23

McQuaid, Kathleen K. "Guided Design Simulations in Introductory Level American Politics and State and Local Politics Courses." PS: Political Science and Politics 25, no. 3 (September 1992): 532. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419445.

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McQuaid, Kathleen K. "Guided Design Simulations in Introductory Level American Politics and State and Local Politics Courses." PS: Political Science & Politics 25, no. 03 (September 1992): 532–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500036052.

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25

Vertz, Laura L., and Jeffrey R. Henig. "Public Policy and Federalism: Issues in State and Local Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 16, no. 1 (1986): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330184.

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26

Mahfud, Choirul. "Islam, state and society in Indonesia; Local politics in Madura." Wacana 20, no. 3 (October 25, 2019): 586. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/wacana.v20i3.720.

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27

Kajder, Kaja. "State politics and local celebrations: Commemorations of Kraków’s Jewish past." Etnografia Polska 63 (2019): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.23858/ep63.2019.011.

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28

Bosco, Joseph. "Taiwan Factions: Guanxi, Patronage, and the State in Local Politics." Ethnology 31, no. 2 (April 1992): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3773619.

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29

Pitts, John, and Tim Hope. "The Local Politics of Inclusion: The State and Community Safety." Social Policy & Administration 31, no. 5 (December 1997): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9515.00074.

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30

Quigley, John M., and Jeffrey R. Henig. "Public Policy and Federalism: Issues in State and Local Politics." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 5, no. 4 (1986): 838. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3324894.

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31

Retsikas, Konstantinos. "Islam, state and society in Indonesia: local politics in Madura." South East Asia Research 27, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 307–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0967828x.2019.1653628.

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32

Cole, Richard L., and Jeffrey R. Henig. "Public Policy & Federalism: Issues in State & Local Politics." Public Administration Review 46, no. 4 (July 1986): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/976314.

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33

Oliver, J. Eric. "Does Local Government Matter? How Urban Policies Shape Civic Engagement. By Elaine B. Sharp. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012. 248p. $67.50 cloth, $22.50 paper." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 599–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300114x.

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Like most fields of knowledge, political science tends to progress incrementally. Typically, a political scientist develops a model about a prominent institution or common behavior and that model becomes the starting point for understanding all its other permutations. This is especially the case in studies of American state and local government, which tend to follow theories of national politics. Scholars of state legislatures typically begin their analysis by using studies of the U.S. Congress, analysts of local elections start with presidential vote models, and so on. But, as Elaine Sharp reminds us in Does Local Government Matter?, we should not be so quick to assume that models or theories about national-level politics translate easily to the local level. In fact, local politics may operate under logics all their own.

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34

Hibbs, Thomas S. "MacIntyre, Aquinas, and Politics." Review of Politics 66, no. 3 (2004): 357–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500038833.

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In recent years, Alasdair MacIntyre has supplemented his longstanding critique of the liberal nation-state with a defense, grounded largely in an interpretation of the writings of Aquinas, of the politics of the common good as embodied exclusively in local communities. Even after MacIntyre's account of local politics has been clarified and distinguished from the distortions of some of his critics, there remain weaknesses, chief among which are that the local communities he promotes are pre- or subpolitical and that his hasty dismissal of modern politics involves the sort of caricature of existing political realities alien to Aquinas's prudential assessment of regimes.

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Burns, Nancy, Laura Evans, Gerald Gamm, and Corrine McConnaughy. "Urban Politics in the State Arena." Studies in American Political Development 23, no. 1 (March 19, 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x09000017.

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We seek to explain how states govern big cities. Political scientists' accounts of urban politics either fail to treat the state systematically or place state hostility at the center of such an account. Accounts by historians, by contrast, offer tools political scientists can use to theorize urban politics in the state arena. We use those tools, and we find that cities can manage the legislative process. This power starts with bill introduction and carries through to the vote on the floor. This ability results from a central feature of American state politics: on bills about big cities, state legislators now and in the past find their primary voting cues in the unity of local delegations. The city delegation, then, has tremendous power to manage the state's involvement in city affairs. In many respects, ours is an account of a special kind of divided government, with two institutional arenas where urban government is carried out.

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36

Oakerson, Ronald J. "The Study of American Local Governance: A Need for More and Better ‘Backyard‘ Scholarship." Political Science Teacher 1, no. 4 (1988): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000386.

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Occasional references to the old radical teaching that “all politics is local” notwithstanding, American political scientists have by and large treated the study of local politics as a subject of much lesser importance than national politics. The standard introductory course in “American democracy” has a national focus—often it is exclusively national. Briefly, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the study of “urban politics” occupied a more prominent place in the discipline, but interest has waned. The priority concern in both teaching and research continues to be American national government and politics.This narrow focus leads to a distorted and truncated view of American democracy. Despite increased nationalization, state and local government has been and remains a basic element in the practice of American politics. The productivity and creativity of democracy in America are outcomes, not simply of a national political process, but of a complex system of governance in which local collective action provides much of the energy and initiative for addressing public problems. A vast amount of political activity in the United States is channeled through state and local institutions, where much of the work of public problem solving is done.

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Emmenegger, Rony. "DECENTRALIZATION AND THE LOCAL DEVELOPMENTAL STATE: PEASANT MOBILIZATION IN OROMIYA, ETHIOPIA." Africa 86, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000048.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the politics of decentralization and state–peasant encounters in rural Oromiya, Ethiopia. Breaking with a centralized past, the incumbent government of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) committed itself to a decentralization policy in the early 1990s and has since then created a number of new sites for state–citizen interactions. In the context of electoral authoritarianism, however, decentralization has been interpreted as a means for the expansion of the party-state at the grass-roots level. Against this backdrop, this article attempts a more nuanced understanding of the complex entanglements between the closure of political space and faith in progress in local arenas. Hence, it follows sub-kebele institutions at the community level in a rural district and analyses their significance for state-led development and peasant mobilization between the 2005 and 2010 elections. Based on ethnographic field research, the empirical case presented discloses that decentralization and state-led development serve the expansion of state power into rural areas, but that state authority is simultaneously constituted and undermined in the course of this process. On that basis, this article aims to contribute to an inherently political understanding of decentralization, development and their entanglement in local and national politics in rural African societies.

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38

Lamprou, Alexandros. "Local Politics and State-Society Relations: State Officials, Local Elites, and Political Networks in Provincial Urban Centres in the 1930s and 1940s in Turkey." Turkish Historical Review 10, no. 02-03 (March 16, 2020): 252–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-01002010.

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The historiography of Turkey has until recently exhibited a solid state bias in the study of the formative years of the republic. Conversely, the intersection of the state with local power networks has been understudied. This paper studies the dynamics of local political networks as exemplified in the case study of Esat Adil Müstecaplıoğlu, an exceptional case of a local political broker with leftist leanings in a provincial urban setting in the 1930s. Focusing on a local feud he was involved in and its aftermath, the article studies the dynamic relations, simultaneously conciliatory and conflictual, between local power brokers and state elites within local politics; how networks of patronage operated and shaped the relation between state and society. In doing so, the article explores the state’s infrastructural limits to operate without the cooperation of local power brokers and considers the significance of these dynamics for the ongoing Kemalist nation-building programme. Lastly, it argues that in appearing co-optive towards local elites the state acknowledged its low political legitimacy and the weakness of its ‘cultural constituency’—educated middle classes.

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Gorokhovskaia, Yana. "From Local Activism to Local Politics: The Case of Moscow." Russian Politics 3, no. 4 (November 8, 2018): 577–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451-8921-00304006.

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Conventional wisdom holds that civil society is a sphere of activity separate from the state and the private realm. Due to a combination of historical, developmental and institutional factors, Russian civil society today is dominated by the state. While not all interactions with the state are seen as harmful, scholars acknowledge that most politically oriented or oppositional non-governmental organizations today face difficult conditions in Russia. In response to the restrictions on civil society and the unresponsive nature of Russia’s hybrid authoritarian regime, some civil society actors in Moscow have made the transition into organized politics at the local level. This transition was motivated by their desire to solve local problems and was facilitated by independent electoral initiatives which provided timely training and support for opposition political candidates running in municipal elections. Once elected, these activists turned municipal deputies are able to perform some of the functions traditionally ascribed to civil society, including enforcing greater accountability and transparency from the state and defending the interest of citizens.

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Kumar, Sujit. "Adivasis and the State Politics in Jharkhand." Studies in Indian Politics 6, no. 1 (April 3, 2018): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018762821.

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This article attempts to analyse the political behaviour of the adivasi groups in Jharkhand as rooted in the interplay of their interactions with different religions, exposure to non-agricultural economic activities and diverse nature of association with the state. The questions considered for inquiry are: Is the political terrain in Jharkhand moving towards ‘detribalization’ of governance? And, what are the factors influencing the voting behaviour of the adivasis? The article argues that the ambivalences occupying the interstices of the intra-community political behaviour are crucial in deciphering the adivasi politics. Ostensibly, the political choices of the adivasi community are largely framed in accordance with their everyday interaction with the local state as well as remote experiences of the latter as evident in cases of resource grab. The article is based upon the close observation of events concerning adivasis, analysis of assembly election data as well as news in local and national newspapers.

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Martel, Michael. "Reforming “Petty Politics!”: George Eliot and the Politicization of the Local State." Victorian Literature and Culture 47, no. 3 (2019): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150319000032.

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Situating George Eliot within mid-Victorian debates over central versus local government, this article contests the widespread presupposition that Eliot rejected official politics in favor of cultural mediation. Specifically, I argue that in Middlemarch: A Study of Provincial Life (1871–72), Eliot seeks to kindle a desire for local political institutions and to promote, in J. S. Mill's words, “the capacities moral, intellectual, and active required for working” them. Using the representative protocols of the local press, Eliot portrays Middlemarch's public health institutions as both opaque and transparent. While the public health work of Tertius Lydgate is essential to the novel's bildung plots and the town's cholera response, it is only represented obliquely through narrative paralipsis. In contrast, Eliot stages local council debates theatrically in scenes whose typography mimics the local press's treatment of council meetings. Eliot then supplements these protocols with the realist novel's networked form, which compels readers to supply characterological depth to the elided labors of Lydgate and the dramatic representations of council meetings. In thus depicting local representative government, Eliot prompts a desire for local political institutions and trains her readers in the cognitive skills needed to participate within them.

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A. Olaiya, Taiwo. "The State, Local ‘Public’ and the Politics of Taxation in Africa." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 19, no. 10 (2014): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-191033844.

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43

Pearson, Thomas S., and Francis William Wcislo. "Reforming Rural Russia: State, Local Society, and National Politics, 1855-1914." American Historical Review 96, no. 4 (October 1991): 1245. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165143.

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44

Macey, David A. J., and Francis William Wcislo. "Reforming Rural Russia: State, Local Society, and National Politics, 1855-1914." Russian Review 51, no. 2 (April 1992): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130708.

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45

Crespo-Fernández, Eliecer. "Euphemism as a discursive strategy in US local and state politics." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 6 (December 14, 2018): 789–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17040.cre.

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Abstract Euphemism is a discursive strategy that politicians use to approach unsettling, embarrassing, or distasteful, i.e. taboo, topics without appearing inconsiderate to people’s concerns. Following a critical discourse-analytic approach to political language, this paper discusses the communicative functions that euphemism performs in the discourse of local and state politicians from New Jersey (USA) in a sample of language data excerpted from The Star-Ledger, the state’s largest newspaper. The analysis reveals that (metaphorical and non-metaphorical) euphemism constitutes a major strategy of self-protection and positive self-presentation for legislators which allows them – mostly by understatement, periphrasis, and metaphor – first, to refer to socially disadvantaged groups or address delicate subjects without sounding insensitive; second, to criticize their political opponents in a socially acceptable way; and third, to purposely conceal from the public unsettling or controversial topics.

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46

Goodwin, M., S. Duncan, and S. Halford. "Regulation Theory, the Local State, and the Transition of Urban Politics." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 11, no. 1 (February 1993): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d110067.

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An effort is made in this paper to contribute to recent debates, inspired by the regulationist literature, on the restructuring of capitalist society. A major weakness in this literature concerns the treatment of the state, and especially the local state. Despite the fact that the state is clearly identified as a key component of any mode of regulation, the actual processes through which economic and social forces are translated into state activity are rarely examined, Moreover, these forces are usually assumed to operate at the national scale, but in this paper it is contended that the practices and relations of regulation also operate locally. These local spaces of regulation arise not only because of the uneven development of capitalist societies, but also because local agencies are often the very medium through which regulatory practices arc interpreted and ultimately delivered. The local state is thus a key component in these local modes of regulation, and will be implicated in any transition from one mode to another. These issues are examined by looking at the changing nature of urban politics in three British ‘cities’: Sheffield, Bracknell, and Camden in inner London. It is concluded that the local state is both an object and an agent of regulation, which itself needs to be regulated so that its strategies and structures can be used to help forge a new social, political, and economic settlement.

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Ward, Kevin G. "State Licence, Local Settlements, and the Politics of ‘Branding’ the City." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 18, no. 3 (June 2000): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c3m.

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McKee, Seth C. "Politics is local: State legislator voting on restrictive voter identification legislation." Research & Politics 2, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 205316801558980. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168015589804.

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Roh, Jongho, and Donald P. Haider-Markel. "All Politics is Not Local: National Forces in State Abortion Initiatives." Social Science Quarterly 84, no. 1 (March 2003): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6237.00138.

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Roh, Jongho, and Donald P. Haider-Markel. "All Politics is Not Local: National Forces in State Abortion Initiatives*." Social Science Quarterly 84, no. 1 (March 2003): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6237.t01-1-8401002.

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Journal articles on the topic 'State-Local Politics'

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