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Gebremichael, Mesfin. "Federalism and Conflict Management in Ethiopia. Case Study of Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5388.
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In 1994 Ethiopia introduced a federal system of government as a national level approach to intra-state conflict management. Homogenisation of cultures and languages by the earlier regimes led to the emergence of ethno-national movements and civil wars that culminated in the collapse of the unitary state in 1991. For this reason, the federal system that recognises ethnic groups' rights is the first step in transforming the structural causes of civil wars in Ethiopia. Against this background this research examines whether the federal arrangement has created an enabling environment in managing conflicts in the country. To understand this problematic, the thesis conceptualises and analyses federalism and conflict management using a qualitative research design based on in-depth interviewing and content-based thematic analysis - taking the case study of the Benishangul-Gumuz regional state. The findings of the study demonstrate that different factors hinder the federal process. First, the constitutional focus on ethnic groups' rights has led, in practice, to lessened attention to citizenship and minority rights protection in the regional states. Second, the federal process encourages ethnic-based elite groups to compete in controlling regional and local state powers and resources. This has greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic-based violent conflicts, hostile intergovernmental relationships and lack of law and order along the common borders of the regional states. Third, the centralised policy and decision making process of the ruling party has hindered genuine democratic participation of citizens and self-determination of the ethnic groups. This undermines the capacity of the regional states and makes the federal structure vulnerable to the dynamics of political change. The conflicts in Benishangul-Gumuz emanate from these causes, but lack of territorial land use rights of the indigenous people and lack of proportional political representation of the non-indigenous people are the principal manifestations. The research concludes by identifying the issues that determine the sustainability of the federal structure. Some of them include: making constitutional amendments which consider citizenship rights and minority rights protection; enhancing the democratic participation of citizens by developing the capacities of the regional states and correcting the organisational weakness of the multi-national political parties; encouraging co-operative intergovernmental relationships, and maintaining the territorial land use rights of the Benishangul-Gumuz indigenous people.
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Van, Huyssteen Petrus. "An implementation model for inter-state peacekeeping operations." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53266.
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Thesis (MPA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the advent of democracy in 1994, domestic and international expectations have steadily grown regarding the role of a new South African as a responsible and respected member of the international community. These expectations have included the hope that South Africa will playa leading role in a variety of international, regional and sub-regional forums and that the country will become an active participant in attempts to resolve various regional and international conflicts. The nature of international activities aimed at international conflict prevention, management and resolution has changed dramatically over the past decade. A radically post-Cold War security environment has seen the transformation of classical peacekeeping operations into complex, multi-dimensional conflict management activities with a political focus in which the military is but one of many participants. Whilst South Africa has, as a member of bodies such as the United Nations, the Organisation of African Unity, the African Union and the Southern African Development Community, begun to play an active role in diplomatic resolution initiatives, the country is also expected to contribute to wider multi-national peace missions. Contemporary peace missions are fundamentally political initiatives, despite the complex mixture of political, humanitarian and military concerns and means. South Africa must therefore make a careful appraisal of the political and strategic environment within which peace missions are to be launched and the principles governing South African participation in such efforts. A clear understanding is required of the type of mandate, which governs peace missions in order to facilitate a detailed articulation of acceptable entry and exit criteria and to determine the scope, level and type of resources that South Africa is willing to commit to future peace missions. This will provide a clear indication to the international community and the regional and sub-regional partners of South Africa's stance on participation in peace operations. South Africa has limited but valuable resources to offer the international community for the conduct of peace missions. These include civilians with a diverse range of skills and experience appropriate to peace processes, professional and experienced police officers and well trained and disciplined military capacity. If these resources are to be utilised by the international community in the cause of peace, their approximate nature and size must be defined through an appropriate readiness system for each component. On the other hand, a number of key conditions must be met before these potential resources are deployed in support of a particular peace mission. Some of the responsibility for meeting these conditions lies at the level of the international community - such as the formulation of a clear and realistic mandate. On the other hand, it is a national obligation to support and budget for such participation. After an assessment of the South African National Defence Force, operation BOLEAS in Lesotho, a clearly articulated Aide de Memoire is recommended as a model for Peace Support Operations, which will cover all aspects in relation to South African National Defence (SANDF) participation in peace initiatives. This Aide De Memoire aim to set conditions that should be met before any peacekeeping operation can be implemented. It will provide clarity on matters relating to the scope of South African peace missions; the question of mandates, joint task organisation and legal responsibilities.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die aanvang van demokrasie in 1994 was daar 'n stelselmatige groei in eie en internasionale verwagtinge oor die rol van 'n nuwe Suid-Afrika as verantwoordelike en gerespekteerde lid van die internasionale gemeenskap. Hierdie verwagtinge het die hoop ingesluit dat Suid-Afrika "n leidende rol sou speel in 'n verskeidenheid van internasionale, streek en sub-streek forums en dat die land 'n aktiewe rolspeler sal word in pogings om oplossings te vind vir verskeie streeks- en internasionale konflikte. Die aard van internasionale bedrywighede, wat gemik was op die voorkoming van internasionale konflik, bestuur en besluitneming, het oor die laaste dekade drasties verander. 'n Radikale post-koue oorlogse sekerheidsomgewing het die transformasie beleef vanaf klassieke vredesoperasies na komplekse, multi-dimensionele konflikhanteringsaktiwiteite met 'n politieke fokus waarin die militêre arm van die staat maar een van baie deelnemers is. Terwyl Suid-Afrika, as lid van organisasies soos die Verenigde Nasies, die Organisasie van Afrika Eenheid en die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap, 'n meer aktiewe rol begin speel het in diplomatieke besluitnemingsinisiatiewe, word daar ook van die land verwag om 'n bydrae te lewer by groter multi-nasionale vredesendings. Kontemporêre vredesendings is in beginsel politieke inisiatiewe, ten spyte van die komplekse mengsel van politieke, humanitêre en militêre belange en middele. Suid- Afrika is dus verplig om 'n versigtige beoordeling te maak van die politieke en strategiese omgewing waarin vredesoperasies hul afspeel, asook die beginsels wat Suid-Afrikaanse deelname aan hierdie pogings vereis. 'n Juiste begrip van die tipe mandaat wat vredesendings beheer, word vereis sodat 'n gedetailleerde uitspraak van aanvaarbare toetree- en uittreemaatstawwe vergemaklik kan word. Ook die bestek, vlak en tipe van hulpbronne waartoe Suid-Afrika bereid is om homself in die toekoms te verbind moet bepaal word. Dit sal 'n duidelike aanduiding vir die internasionale gemeenskap, streek en substreekvennote gee van wat Suid-Afrika se standpunt ten opsigte van deelname aan vredesoperasies is. Suid-Afrika het beperkte maar waardevolle hulpbronne wat aan die internasionale gemeenskap gebied kan word vir die uitvoering van vredesendings. Dit sluit in: burgerlikes met 'n verskeidenheid van vaardighede en ondervinding wat geskik is vir vredesprosesse; ervare en professionele beleidmakers, asook goed opgeleide en gedissiplineerde militêre vermoëns. Indien hierdie bronne deur die internasionale gemeenskap in die bevordering van vrede aangewend sou word, moet die beraamde aard en omvang daarvan vasgestel word met behulp van 'n toepaslike gereedheidstelsel vir elke komponent. Aan die ander kant moet 'n aantal sleutelvereistes nagekom word voordat hierdie potensiële hulpbronne as steun vir 'n spesifieke vredesending ontplooi word. Sekere verantwoordelikhede om by die beginsels te hou, berus op die vlak van die internasionale gemeenskap - soos die formulering van 'n duidelike en realistiese mandaat. Dit is egter 'n nasionale verantwoordelikheid om vir so 'n deelname te begroot en dit te ondersteun. Na die beoordeling van OPERASIE BOLEAS deur die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag, stel die navorsing 'n duidelik geartikuleerde Aide de Memoire vir Vredesteunoperasies voor wat alle aspekte in verband met die Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag se deelname aan vredesinisiatiewe sal insluit. Hierdie Aide de Memoire beoog om voorwaardes te stel wat nagekom moet word voordat enige vredesoperasies geïmplimenteer kan word. Dit sal duidelikheid verskaf oor aangeleenthede rakende die bestek van Suid-Afrikaanse vredesendings; die kwessie van mandate; gesamentlike taakorganisasie en regsverantwoordelikhede.
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Wiyiel, Johnson Thou Mon. "Rural inter-communal conflict as a threat to community livelihood in Jonglei State." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/4518.
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This report investigates the rural inter-communal conflict as a threat to community livelihood in Jonglei State, one of the ten states in South Sudan. Jonglei State has a long history of unrest, which has also affected other parts of the country. Cattle raiding and conflict have manifested in Jonglei State and the surrounding communities for many years. Many people have lost their lives, and livestock losses have been abundant. It is vital that local government understands and contextualises these challenges so that appropriate interventions may be developed. This study proposes to provide a brief historical background on the evolution of inter-communal conflict in Jonglei. There have been recent changes in the security situation and increased access to weapons. Advanced weaponry has also led to a rise in insecurity and increases in the number and scale of cattle raids. Political tensions and political instability have also emerged. The political situation is unstable and political factions are in constant disagreement. Furthermore, there are limited economic opportunities there is also limited access to natural resources such as water and grazing land for cattle. Climate conditions and migration patterns are also discussed and explained. The cross sectional descriptive survey was used in this study. Various recommendations flowing from the results of the study are proposed in the final chapter. If adopted, these recommendations could enable the Government of South Sudan and the residents of Jonglei to overcome inter-communal conflict.
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Kiel, Christina. "Private Diplomats, Mediation Professionals, and Peace Activists: Can Non-governmental Actors Bring Peace to Civil Wars?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2014. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1956.
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This dissertation investigates how actors without the means of state power can affect the behavior of warring parties in order to end civil conflicts. Drawing on the intervention and mediation literature, I propose a theoretical framework that presents causal mechanisms for various forms of non-state conflict management to contribute to conflict resolution. The research distinguishes between direct mediation, capacity-building, and problem-solving approaches, and analyzes the approaches’ potential contributions to shorter wars and more sustainable peace.
On the one hand, non-state actors can be substitutes for governmental or inter-governmental mediators. They derive legitimacy from long-standing relations with the conflict parties, and their claims to neutrality are more believable than those of powerful states with strong national interests. Further, a confidential and deliberate process can lead to more stable agreements. On the other hand, NGOs and others can prepare or enhance ongoing high-level negotiations by giving parties the tools they need to engage with each other constructively, and by improving attitudes and changing perceptions.
The data collected for this dissertation allows me to test hypotheses for the sample of African internal conflicts (1990-2010) with econometric means. Results confirm that non-state conflict management is a significant precursor to high-level mediation. I find further that conflict dyads that experience non-state conflict management in one year are significantly more likely to end in the following year. Unofficial diplomacy is significantly related to lower conflict severity, as well as to a more stable post-conflict peace.
The findings challenge the common assumption that governments are the only actors in international relations that matter. In fact, non-state actors make important contributions to conflict resolution, and conflict parties as well as governmental mediators should consider cooperating with them in their search for peace.
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Boyle, M. J. "The prevention and management of reprisal violence in post-conflict states." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596837.
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The objectives of this dissertation are: (1) to propose a heuristic distinction between expressive revenge violence and its strategic variant, termed reprisal violence; (2) to test this distinction through a within-case analysis of five regions of Kosovo during the period 1999-2001; and (3) to determine how the deterrent posture of law enforcement authorities, including UN-led peacekeepers and civilian police, affected the incidence and magnitude of reprisal attacks. First, this study defines ideal types of ‘revenge’ and ‘reprisal,’ identifies the empirical implications of each and proposes a dual-level causal model - comprised of both structural variables and causal mechanisms - to explain variation in the incidence and magnitude of both types of attacks. Second, using unpublished crime statistics collected by the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), it tests four alternative hypotheses to explain the regional variations in violent crime in Kosovo, particularly attacks against targeted groups such as the Serbs and Roma. Finding that a significant amount of the regional variation can be explained as reprisal violence, it evaluates the causal impact of two variables - the concentration of targeted groups and the extent of wartime damage - on reprisal attacks. Turning to the relational approach to collective violence, this study strengthens these findings by locating evidence of the causal mechanisms behind reprisal violence in the qualitative data on interethnic violent crime. Finally, this study analyzes the law enforcement posture of peacekeepers and police forces in Kosovo and catalogues the political, operational and strategic obstacles that they encountered. It finds that none of the law enforcement organizations anticipated the scale of the reprisal attacks or had the capacity to deter them. It concludes that a failure to draw the conceptual distinction between revenge and reprisal violence critically undermined the effectiveness of the UN mission and imperiled the prospects of peace in Kosovo.
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Van, Duser Trisha Lynn. "Chief Student Affairs Officers in 4-Year Public Institutions of Higher Education: An Exploratory Investigation Into Their Conflict Management Styles and Praxis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3199/.
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This study investigated the conflict management styles of chief student affairs officers in 4-year public institutions of higher education in the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. The data for the study were collected using Hall's Conflict Management Survey. The sample for the study consisted of 25 chief student affairs officers. The purpose of the study was to identify the conflict management style preferences of chief student affairs officers. The other variables studied to ascertain if they had an impact on the style preferences were age, gender, number of years of experience as a chief student affairs officer, ethnicity, and the size (enrollment) of their employing institution. The study found statistically significant associations (p<.05) between ethnicity and conflict management style, specifically the synergistic and win-lose styles, and between the synergistic style and age. The association between ethnicity and conflict management style could be attributed to the fact that the Caucasian group of chief student affairs officers comprised 66.7 % of the synergistic styles and 100 % of the win-lose styles. The association between the synergistic style and age could be due to the fact that the majority of the chief student affairs officers had a synergistic style, and of that group, 66.7 % were in the 50-59 age range. No statistically significant associations were found for correlations between conflict management style and gender; conflict management styles and number of years of experience as a chief student affairs officer; or conflict management styles and size (enrollment) of their employing institutions. The lack of significance shows that there are no associations between the conflict management styles of chief student affairs officers stratified according to gender, number of years of experience, and size (enrollment) of their employing institutions.
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Moore, Christopher David. "Beyond a contest of wills theory of state success and failure in insurgent conflicts /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1211875453.
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Muvingi, Ismael James. "Actualizing human rights norms in distanced spaces an analysis of the campaign to eliminate conflict diamonds and the capital market sanctions (Sudan) campaigns in the United States /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/2895.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--George Mason University, 2007.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jan. 21, 2008). Thesis director: Agnieszka Paczynska Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Vita: p. 375. Includes bibliographical references (p. 350-374). Also available in print.
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Bragg, Belinda Lesley. "When will states talk? Predicting the initiation of conflict management in interstate crises." Texas A&M University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/4269.
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This research addresses the question of why some crises between states are resolved
through negotiated agreements while others result in continued conflict or escalate to war.
The model deviates from previous approaches to the study of conflict management in four
key ways: 1) management is treated as a conflict strategy rather than an outcome; 2) costs,
rather than calculation of the relative benefits of conflict over management, motivate the
initiation of conflict management; 3) the conceptualization of costs is broadened to
incorporate subjective factors; and 4) issue salience is proposed to determine the threshold
at which an actorâÂÂs preference for conflict over management changes.
The central question this conceptualization raises, therefore, is what factors
influence actorsâ strategy choices during a crisis. The theory proposes that, when it comes to
the initiation of conflict management, it is costs that dominate the decision process. Or as
Jackman (1993) so succinctly puts it; âÂÂfor those confronted with a very restricted range of
available alternatives extending from horrendous to merely awful, minimizing pain is the
same as maximizing utilityâÂÂ.
Both experimental and statistical methodologies are used to test the hypotheses
derived from the theory. Original experimental data were collected from experiments run on undergraduate students at Texas A&M University. For the statistical analysis a data set of
interstate crises and negotiation behavior was compiled using data from the SHERFACS
and International Crisis Behavior data sets and data collected specifically for this research. This
multi-method approach was chosen because of the nature of the questions being examined
and in order to minimize the limitations of the individual methodologies. The experimental
tests demonstrate that the expectations of the model are supported in the controlled
environment of the experiment. The results from the empirical analysis were, within the
restrictions of the data, consistent with both theoretical expectations and the experimental
results.
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Mphatsoe, Mantwa Florence. "THE ROLE OF DEPUTY PRINCIPALS IN MANAGING CONFLICT AMONG SECONDARY SCHOOL TEACHERS IN THE LEJWELEPUTSWA DISTRICT, IN THE FREE STATE PROVINCE." Thesis, Welkom: Central University of Technology, Free State, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11462/229.
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Thesis (Phd. (Psychology of education )) - Central University of Technology, Free State, 2013This purpose of this study was to investigate the role of the deputy principals in managing conflict among secondary school teachers in the Lejweleputswa Education District, in the Free State Province. Two questionnaires, one for the deputy principals and one for teachers, were developed. The questionnaires were administered on six deputy principals and twelve teachers from six secondary schools in Monyakeng, Nyakallong and Kutloanong townships. The qualitative approach was mainly used for the collection and analysis of data. The study revealed that conflict was common in the surveyed township secondary schools. The study found thatthe causes of conflict for the township secondary school teachers included poor communication, shortage of resources and facilities, work overload, gossiping, high rates of absenteeism and poor performance of teachers. The study further revealed that the role of the deputy principals was crucial in the handling of conflict in schools. The conflict resolution strategies commonly applied by the deputy principals included negotiations, accommodating, collaborating and compromise. However, avoiding, arbitration and competing strategies were avoided by the deputy principals. The role of the deputy principals in resolving conflict was found to focus more on building relationships and collegiality among teachers in the township secondary schools. It was recommended that schools are provided with adequate resources and facilities, as well as adequate teachers; that counseling sessions to be introduced for teachers, and that training in stress and conflict management is also introduced for township secondary school teachers. A conflict resolution model appropriate for the township secondary schools was also developed.
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Lofton, Dana Renia. "Guidebook for middle and high school teachers and students in conflict management." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2697.
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The purpose of the project was to design a one-semester core curriculum guidebook for middle and high schools. This curriculum will provide a tool to teach students to manage conflict in middle and high school settings. The curriculum, guidebook and materials developed will establish guidelines that can be used by middle and high school teachers to teach useful conflict management skills.
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Elfversson, Emma. "Central Politics and Local Peacemaking : The Conditions for Peace after Communal Conflict." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324928.
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Under what conditions can peace be established after violent communal conflict? This question has received limited research attention to date, despite the fact that communal conflicts kill thousands of people each year and often severely disrupt local livelihoods. This dissertation analyzes how political dynamics affect prospects for peace after communal conflict. It does so by studying the role of the central government, local state and non-state actors, and the interactions between these actors and the communal groups that are engaged in armed conflict. A particular focus is on the role of political bias, in the sense that central government actors have ties to one side in the conflict or strategic interests in the conflict issue. The central claim is that political bias shapes government strategies in the face of conflict, and influences the conflict parties’ strategic calculations and ability to overcome mistrust and engage in conflict resolution. To assess these arguments, the dissertation strategically employs different research methods to develop and test theoretical arguments in four individual essays. Two of the essays rely on novel data to undertake the first cross-national large-N studies of government intervention in communal conflict and how it affects the risk of conflict recurrence. Essay I finds that conflicts that are located in an economically important area, revolve around land and authority, or involve groups with ethnic ties to central rulers are more likely to prompt military intervention by the government. Essay II finds that ethnic ties, in turn, condition the impact that government intervention has on the risk of conflict recurrence. The other two essays are based on systematic analysis of qualitative sources, including unique and extensive interview material collected during several field trips to Kenya. Essay III finds that government bias makes it more difficult for the conflict parties to resolve their conflict through peace agreements. Essay IV finds that by engaging in governance roles otherwise associated with the state, non-state actors can become successful local peacemakers. Taken together, the essays make important contributions by developing, assessing and refining theories concerning the prospects for communal conflict resolution.
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Caplan, Richard Dana. "Political conditionality and conflict management : the European Community's recognition of new states in Yugoslavia." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395721.
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Idoko, Victoria. "The Christian-Muslim conflict of Jos, Nigeria: causes and impact on development." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1010745.
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The aim of this study is to examine conflict and how it impinges on development. Conflict is an inevitable element of human existence since creation and has always affected human activities and endeavors in several ways. Understanding the dimensions of human conflict therefore provides blueprints on how to manage and resolve conflicts. This makes this study timely. In this research, some relevant related to conflict management approaches were examined. The research adopted a case study approach using the Jos Plateau conflict in the Plateau State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Data was collected and analyzed using a mixed research methods approach. The findings show several causes of this conflict among which are differences in religious beliefs among the people of the area, socio-economic causes, political tensions and land disputes. The consequences of the conflict identified are: it retards development in the area, creates fear and feelings of insecurity, destruction of property and loss of human lives. This study also examined how the conflict impinges on people-cantered development. In terms of how the conflict can be mitigated, respondents think education, creation of employment opportunities, the administration of justice and the practice of tolerance values is going to promote a spirit of coexistence and eventually result in a more peaceful and stable environment.
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Bartlett, Michelle Elizabeth. "Workplace incivility and conflict management styles of community college leaders in the nine mega states." Connect to this title online, 2009. http://etd.lib.clemson.edu/documents/1247508407/.
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Owens, Cynthia Lorraine. "The influence of cultural perspectives and conflict resolution on employee perceptions of leadership effectiveness." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2008. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3385.
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The purpose of this study was to examine how cultural values and conflict resolution influence the perceptions employees form about their managers. The sample for this study included 118 participants representing various organizations from the United States.
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Ma, Shan, and s. ma@qut edu au. "Chinese Managers in Simulated Conflict on Welfare Benefit: Effects of Past-Relationship, Other's Strategy, Hierarchy, and Stake." Griffith University. School of Asian and International Studies, 2001. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20030226.145822.
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In a review on conflict strategies, Putnam and Poole (1987) conclude that relationship variables such as organisational position and interdependency account for the most variance in the choice of conflict strategies. Despite these findings, however, there is a general lack of attention to relationship outcomes in conflict management by researchers (Knapp, Putnam, and Davis, 1988). This reflects the strong influence of economic theory in conflict studies as well as a Western perspective in which individual outcomes are emphasised above interpersonal relations (Wall & Callister, 1995). To address this problem, in this thesis I chose to assess the effect of Past-Relationship, Other's-Strategy, Hierarchy, and Stake on Chinese manager's behaviour in simulated conflict over welfare issues. The thesis consists of the following seven chapters. Chapter One, Introduction, identifies the need to address relationship considerations in conflict management, and the PRC Chinese were chosen as subjects for this research because of their emphasis on interpersonal relations. Past-Relationship, Other's-Strategy, and Hierarchy were chosen to represent the ongoing interpersonal relationship in the past, present and future; and Stake was used to represent substantive considerations in conflict. These factors were assessed for their effects on people's use of five conflict modes: Dominating (DO), Compromising (CO), Obliging (OB), Integrating (IN), and Avoiding (AV). Although these five conflict modes are based on a model developed in the West, they are applicable to the Chinese as well despite the recent critics by some authors. The limited research on Chinese interpersonal conflict has over-relied on self-report questionnaires and lacks the context and substance of conflict. To avoid these pitfalls, the current research took an experimental approach to solicit subject response to simulated conflict of interests. Chapter Two, Hypotheses and research design. Five sets of hypotheses were developed. Stake, Past-Relationship, and Other's-Strategy were expected to affect the use of conflict modes in their own respective ways; Hierarchy's effects were to be moderated by Stake; and an interaction between Other's-Strategy, Past-Relationship, and Hierarchy was also expected. To test these hypotheses, three sources of data were collected: behaviour in conflict simulation, behaviour rationales, and cases of real-world conflict. The conflict issues in the simulation were limited to the allocation of welfare benefits. The range of options and potential outcomes were made explicit to the subjects. Hierarchy, Past-Relationship, and Stake were operationalised through 12 conflict scenarios, which were then combined with Other's-Strategy, giving rise to a total of 48 experimental conditions. A total of 384 Chinese managers participated in the conflict simulation. Chapter Three, Conflict Mode Simulation (CMS). This chapter introduces the development of the experimental instrument, the CMS. Based on the analysis of Mode Game (Cosier & Ruble, 1981), the CMS was created as an experimental instrument for research of the five conflict modes in general and for the hypothesis testing in this study in particular. It allows participants five conflict modes to deal with conflict scenarios; the payoffs of different combinations of modes were logically derived; the 3-2-2 settlement structure enables the CMS to accommodate complex behaviour patterns; and the combination of unitary rules with multiple conflict scenarios controls confounding effects, and gives CMS the flexibility for different research topics. Chapter Four, Data collection and analysis of the simulation data, discusses hypothesis testing through the conflict simulation. The data fit the theoretical model satisfactorily in general. The five sets of hypotheses were largely supported by the simulation data. 1) As the Stake increased, the use of DO and IN increased and the use of OB decreased. The use of AV peaked on Medium-Stake issues. 2) Hierarchy strongly affected the use of DO and OB on High-Stake issues, but that effect diminished as Stake decreased and no difference between hierarchy groups was found at the Low-Stake level. 3) The Indebted group used more OB and fewer DO than the Wronged group, but the uses of IN and AV were not related to Past-Relationship. 4) Other's-Strategy affect behaviour through reciprocating, suppressing, promoting, and learning effects. 5) The same mode (Compromsing) used by different people under different situation had different results. It was also shown in post hoc analyses that relationship concerns played important roles even when faced with the rivalry of substantive concerns. Moreover, the negative effect of combative behaviour was stronger than the positive effect of good deed. Several other important behavioural patterns were also discussed. Chapter Five, Analysis of the rationales of CMS behaviour. Twenty-six major rationale themes were reported by subjects to account for their behaviour in CMS. The report of competitive vs. conciliatory themes depended mainly on Past-Relationship and Stake. The Indebted group reported more conciliatory themes and fewer competitive themes than the Wronged group; and the High-Stake group reported more competitive themes and fewer conciliatory themes than the Med/Low-Stake group. Hierarchy's effect on subject rationale was weak. It was also discovered that subject sensitivity towards Past-Relationship shifted according to Stake. The four modes of CO, OB, IN, and AV shared the same pool of conciliatory themes, which distinguished them from DO, but there were important differences among them as well. Chapter Six, Analysis of self-reported cases of conflict. Fifty-two cases of real world conflict comparable to the CMS conflict scenarios were collected. Analysis shows that Past-Relationship, Stake, and Other's-Strategy affected behaviour in these conflict cases in ways in-line with their respective hypotheses. Hierarchy, however, did not show reliable effects on subject behaviour. Subject description on different types of competing enables the in-depth analysis of the DO mode. The nonsymmetrical effects of Past-Relationship, Stake, and Other's-Strategy manifested in CMS are also observed in these real conflict cases. Chapter Seven, Discussion and conclusion. After an overview of the results of hypothesis testing in different data sources, the implications of some particular issues are discussed. 1) Although the two-dimension model fitted the CMS data well when a variety of different conflict situations were assessed together, in particular situations a hierarchical model is more accurate. 2) Evidence from different data sources confirms that relationships in the past, present and future all have a role to play in the conflict of interests. 3) In terms of the relative importance of different factors, Past-Relationship and Other's-Strategy are at least as important as Stake, whereas Hierarchy is the least important in the given situation of this study. 4) The weak effect of Hierarchy reflects the constraint by status ethics (Hwang, 1991), the interdependence between superior and subordinates, and the broader power base of the highly educated subordinates. 5) Although avoidance was perceived positively, it was not used much when specific conflict issues were given. 6) The Conflict Mode Simulation (CMS) has proved to be indispensable for many of the findings in this study, and it has great potential as an experimental tool for research of conflict modes in general. Finally the limitations of this study and the direction of future research are discussed.
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Strednansky, Susan E. "Balancing the Trinity the Fine Art of Conflict Termination /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : Air University Research Coordinator Office, 1998. http://www.au.af.mil/au/database/research/ay1995/saas/strednse.htm.
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Ripiloski, Sasho, and sash1982@optusnet com au. "Macedonia 1991-2001: a case-study of conflict prevention - lessons learned and broader theoretical implications." RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2009. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20090507.141532.
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Notwithstanding a broad range of internal and external stresses, Macedonia was the only republic to attain its independence peacefully from the otherwise violent disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. Subject of a timely and sustained international response, it was feted as a rare preventive success for the international community. Whilst not necessarily decisive, this mobilisation helped ensure a non-violent transition to independence. Yet, much to the surprise of outside observers, Macedonia would fall into conflict a decade after independence, when self-styled freedom fighters purporting to represent the local Albanian community launched an eight-month insurgency in the name of political and cultural equality. Triggered by a coalescence of political, nationalist, ideological and criminal interests, the insurgency had complex roots, as much an intra-Albanian putsch as a struggle for greater group rights. Regardless of their precise genesis, from the perspective of conflict prevention, the events of 2001 challenge popular assumptions of Macedonia as an international success story. Above all, they reinforce the need for external actors to incorporate short-term strategies of prevention targeting immediate sources of instability within a more comprehensive, long-term framework that addresses structural, underlying conflict causes. Indeed, whilst proximate threats to Macedonian stability were addressed, fundamental risk factors remained, namely social polarisation, a large ethnic minority disenfranchised with the state, economic under-development, high levels of organised crime and corruption, a weak rule-of-law and continuing regional uncertainty. These were partly aggravated by the mistakes of a complacent international community, whose engagement in the country, accordingly, receded over time. In particular, the dissertation is critical of the European Union for its initial failure to articulate a genuine pathway to membership for Macedonia and the broader western Balkans, as well as the handling of NATO's military intervention in neighbouring Kosovo. Of course, in any preventive endeavour, the international community can only do so much; in the first instance, responsibility lay with unresponsive Macedonian institutions, who failed to adequately address legitime Albanian demands dating from independence. Be that as it may, the international community was culpable for its failure to sufficiently apply the formidable soft-power leverage it wields over a weak Macedonian state to implement reforms that, conceivably, could have precluded the outbreak of armed conflict. As a case-study of prevention, Macedonia holds instructive lessons for scholars and policymakers. Yet it remains under-researched. Examining the period 1991-2001, this investigation analyses precisely why and how Macedonia avoided violence during the process of Yugoslav dissolution yet ultimately fell into conflict, and extrapolates broader lessons that may be applied to other at-risk societies. Its purpose is to advance understanding of a poorly understood country, and contribute knowledge to key on-going international security debates. Highlighting the inter-connectedness and trans-national character of contemporary security threats, it posits that the major powers have a practical interest in addressing emerging intra-state crises, even when the putative national interest appears marginal. To facilitate more timely multilateral responses, it calls for the de-nationalisation of security, and its conceptualisation in international - as opposed to strictly national - terms.
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Gericke, Kevin L. "Public participation and its relationship to conflict in national forest planning." Thesis, This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03042009-040603/.
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Patterson, Jay Reynolds Medhurst Martin J. "Testing foreign policy apologia a rhetorical analysis of the Hainan Incident /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5333.
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Ghadrshenass, Delavar. "Dispute Resolution Studies in the Institutions of Higher Learning: an Initial Investigative Study of Professors' Attitudes." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331245/.
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Conflict is present in all human relationships and societies. Throughout history, fighting has been more notable than peacemaking. Only recently have conflict resolution studies entered the mainstream of academia. Since peace is no longer an option, but a necessity, educators must become actively engaged in promoting the importance of peacemaking skills among their students. In 1986, the National Institute for Dispute Resolution funded a study of conflict resolution in higher education. Results disclosed a proliferation of courses but little about their quality. The present study evaluates the status of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) in the curricula of three major universities in North Texas and compares it with results from four other universities which were reported to have the heaviest concentration of ADR courses. A questionnaire was constructed to collect data in the following areas: place, significance of ADR in contemporary curricula, important factors determining attitudes toward ADR, and expectations/aspirations of faculty concerning teaching of ADR. Using a Likert scale, attitudes toward ADR were measured through regression analysis. Four of seven independent variables (age, sex, political orientation, and ADR training) were significant at jd = .05. Forty ADR-related courses were identified in seven universities. The concentration of ADR courses was management (35%), law (28%), sociology (23%), business (8%), and political science (8%). No courses were identified by anthropology departments. Results also reveal that the older, liberal, female, and ADR-ski lied individuals exhibit more favorable attitudes towards ADR. The study concludes that (a) concentrated efforts should be increased to teach and train educators in ADR, (b) mediation centers should be created on university campuses, and (c) an ADR communications network and data bank should be established among universities in order to allow faculty, students, practitioners, and administrators to share information. A partial list of organizations involved in peace issues and resources for establishment of campus and community-based peace mediation centers are also provided.
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Vann, Rose Virginia. "A study of the relationship between the preference of conflict management styles, demographics, and selected characteristics of vice presidents of technical institutes in the state of Georgia." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1993. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1472.
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The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship between the preference of conflict management styles, demographics, and selected characteristics of Vice Presidents of Technical Institutes in the State of Georgia using a correlational research design. Statistical analysis based on the responses from eighty-seven (87) Vice Presidents, found no significant relationship between the preference of conflict management styles, demographics, and selected variables. However, a significant relationship was found between leadership style and conflict management styles at the .01 level. A significant relationship was found with leadership style and age at the .05 level. These findings have significant implications for further situational leadership development for these leaders.
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Kisin, Tatyana Tuba Kelman. "Electoral Rules, Political Parties, and Peace Duration in Post-conflict States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699884/.
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This dissertation examines the following research question: Which types of electoral rules chosen in post-conflict states best promote peace? And are those effects conditional upon other factors? I argue that the effects are conditional upon the types of political parties that exist in the post-conflict environment. Although this explanation is contrary to scholars that speak of political parties as products of the electoral system, political parties often predate the choice of electoral system. Especially in post-conflict states, political parties play an important role in the negotiation process and hence in the design of the electoral rules. I argue that the effects of electoral rules on peace duration are mitigated by the degree to which a party system is broad (nonexclusive) or narrow (exclusive). I develop a theoretical model that led to three hypotheses focusing on the independent role that political parties play in mitigating the effects of electoral rules on peace duration. To test these hypotheses, I use the Cox proportional hazard model on 57 post-conflict states from 1990 to 2009 and had competitive elections. The empirical results show support for the main argument of this study. First, the findings show that electoral rules alone do not increase or decrease the risk of civil war outbreak, yet when interacting with the degree to which political parties are broad or narrow, there is a significant effect on the outbreak of civil war. Second, the results show that post-conflict states with party centered electoral systems (closed list PR system) are less likely to have an outbreak of civil war when more seats in the parliament are controlled by broad-based parties. In addition, I conduct a comparative case study analysis of two post-conflict states, Angola (1975-1992) and Mozambique (1975-1994), using the most similar systems (MSS) research design.
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Zhirukhina, Elena. "The state application of repressive and reconciliatory tactics in the North Caucasus (2007-2014)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11094.
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This thesis was inspired by the question of how the state addresses irregular challenges for its survival and reputation. It used an example of the confrontation between illegal armed groups (IAGs) operating in the North Caucasus and the Russian state in 2007-2014. Investigation started by asking to what extent do repressive and reconciliatory counter tactics decrease the level of violence produced by illegal armed groups? The thesis was situated in-between of deterrence and backlash theories to examine (in)effectiveness of repressive and reconciliatory policies. It accounted for (in)effectiveness by investigating whether the policy decreases or increases the level of insurgency-related violence; namely, whether it causes deterrence or backlash, in the case of repression or, alternatively, whether it causes conformity or backlash in the case of reconciliation. The thesis operationalised its main variables by disaggregating the strategy into separate repressive and reconciliatory tactics. It considered, on the one hand, three types of IAGs tactics: armed assault, bombings (suicide bombing, vehicle bomb, bomb placement, bomb tossing, firing, fake bomb) and hostage taking. One the other hand, the state tactics were divided into four categories: repressive indiscriminate (regime of counterterrorist operation, clash, and shelling), repressive discriminate (special operation, shooting, arrest, seizure, and detection), reconciliatory indiscriminate (involvement of civil society through dialogue, and socio-economic development), and reconciliatory discriminate (amnesty and reintegration). The thesis expected targeted repressive operations to suppress active IAGs members, whereas socio-economic incentives to contribute to maintaining the success of violent repressive operations. To test these hypotheses, the thesis relied on large empirical data, specially collected from the open sources, including 3270 episodes of IAG-initiated violence and 6114 governmental repressive actions. Data for reconciliatory efforts was taken from official statistics. The thesis used a generalized linear negative binomial and a generalized additive negative binomial model to assess the relationship between governmental policies and the level of violence. The thesis found that discriminate violence does indeed decrease attacks. However, it causes an immediate strong backlash effect at first, and only with considerable time and magnitude of repression eventually leads to the reduction of violence. The more discriminate repression is applied the less backlash it causes. Unlike repression, reconciliatory tactics produce a decrease in attacks. Thus, the thesis found partial support for both deterrence and backlash models. It, however, showed that deterrence effect overcomes initial backlash reaction.
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Austvold, Stephen P. "Leading the Two Harbors Evangelical Free Church through the adjustment stage of the conflict cycle." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1991. http://www.tren.com.
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Shaw, Carolyn Michelle. "Institutional limitations on hegemonic influence in international organizations : conflict resolution in the Organization of American States, 1948-1989 /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Tilos, Tamarah. "Finding Common Ground| Learning From Leaders Who Have Utilized Conflict Transformation Behaviors in the Mental Health Field in the United States." Thesis, Brandman University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10616578.
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Purpose: The purpose of this study was to discover and describe how exemplary leaders establish common ground and produce breakthrough results in the mental health field by utilizing the 6 domains of conflict transformation: collaboration, communication, problem solving, process, emotional intelligence, and ethics. Methodology: This thematic, phenomenological study was accomplished through examination of the lived experiences of exemplary leaders with firsthand experience transforming conflict and finding common ground. The target population for this study included executive-level leaders of nonprofit organizations, governmental institutions, state and national associations, and private businesses serving adults and children with mental illness, developmental or behavioral disabilities, and/or substance use disorders in the United States. Exemplary leaders were selected through criterion sampling to comprise the sample. In-depth, one-to-one interviews were conducted as the primary method for data collection. Findings: The findings from this study illustrate that exemplary leaders in the mental health field use key aspects of the 6 domains of conflict transformation as a set of intersecting behaviors that facilitate transforming conflict and finding common ground. Conclusions: It is concluded that leaders in the mental health field must have command of key aspects of the 6 domains of conflict transformation in order to achieve breakthrough results toward parity in the mental health field. Recommendations: Further research is advised: A replication of this study, a multiple-case study, and a mixed-method study are recommended to deepen understanding of finding common ground. Phenomenological studies exploring the unexpected findings in this research are also recommended. Developing the findings in this study will be useful for shaping policy, practice, and professional development in order to impact transformational change in the mental health field.
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Cox, Wayne S. "States, social systems and violence : a socio-centric conceptualization of structural violence." Ottawa, 1990.
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Grech, Lisa Marie. "The effect of culture on cross-cultural conflict resolution behaviors." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2002. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2331.
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This study attempted to investigate whether there were differences in the conflict behaviors chosen for members of the same culture versus members of a different culture when accounting for Chinese cultural value conservation.
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Hedenberg, Ralph F. "Transition for peacekeeping to peacebuilding : training/education implications /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA386337.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations) Naval Postgraduate School, Dec. 2000."December 2000." Thesis advisor(s): Stockton, Paul N. ; Eyre, Dana P. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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Dubinsky, William E. (William Ean) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Cultures in conflict and the problems of objective interpretation, as applied to fisheries management in Canada and the United States." Ottawa, 1987.
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Fang, Yang. "The comparison of victim-offender mediation programs between China and America." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/883.
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Chapman, Jessica. "American Exceptionalism and its Malleability:An Examination of Presidential Rhetoric in State of the Union Addresses." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1462126222.
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Street, Thomas Barrett. "Submerged historical and archeological resources a study of the conflict and interface between United States cultural resource law and policy and international governance measures /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 367 p, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1362524541&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Blomqvist, Klara, and Lisa Ludén. "“Hellre för hett än för kallt” : - En studie om sektionschefers uppfattningar av nödvändiga kompetenser för konflikthantering: exemplet statliga myndigheter." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för pedagogik, didaktik och utbildningsstudier, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-244334.
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För att kunna hantera konflikter krävs olika kompetenser, vilka som krävs och hur vi behärskar dessa genom olika erfarenheter som vi skapat oss i olika sammanhang är en central fråga i denna studie. Denna studie syftar till att undersöka vilka kompetenser sektionschefer inom statliga myndigheter upplever sig behöva för att hantera konflikter på arbetsplatsen mellan sina medarbetare. Vi vill också belysa under vilka omständigheter de samlat på sig dessa erfarenheter. För att besvara syftet tog vi hjälp av följande frågeställningar: “vilka kompetenser anser sektionschefer vara relevanta för att hantera en konflikt?”, “vilka tidigare erfarenheter anser de vara användbara?” samt “hur använder de sig av tidigare erfarenheter för att hantera konflikter på arbetsplatsen?”. En forskningsöversikt över olika fält presenteras under följande rubriker: vad konflikthantering innebär, vad som krävs för konflikthantering som tredje part, nödvändiga kompetenser samt relationen till statliga myndigheter. För att undersöka syftet genomförde vi intervjuer med sju sektionschefer på två statliga myndigheter. Med utgångspunkt i Lev Vygotskijs teori om sociokulturella perspektiv samt Mikhail Bakhtin har vi analyserat och redovisat resultatet. Resultatet visar att sektionscheferna anser sig behöva kompetenser såsom ödmjukhet, vara lyhörd, att kunna se vad som händer på kontoret samt vara modig och våga ta tag i saker. Vikten av att hålla sig neutral nämner de också som en viktig aspekt. De omständigheter som sektionscheferna berättat bidragit med erfarenheter inom konflikthantering är livserfarenhet det viktigaste som de fått sig till livs i familjesammanhang, sportsammanhang samt tidigare arbetslivserfarenheter. I diskussionen behandlas även relationen till tidigare forskning samt resoneras kring framtida forskning.In order to manage conflict, different competencies are required, which competences are required and how we master them through different experiences, from different contexts, are a key issue in this study. This study aims to investigate which competences section managers within government agencies feel they need to manage conflict at work between their co-workers. We also want to highlight the circumstances under which they amassed these experiences. To be able to answer the purpose, we took the help of these issues: "Which competencies does section managers believe to be relevant to manage conflict?” "Which past experiences do they believe to be useful?" and "How do they use past experience to deal with conflicts in the workplace?". A research across various fields is presented under the following headings: what is conflict, what is required from the third party in conflict management, essential competencies and the relationship to government agencies. To examine the purpose, we conducted interviews with seven heads of sections of two different state agencies. On the basis of Lev Vygotskij's theory about sociocultural perspective, and Mikhail Bakhtin, we have analyzed and reported the results from the empirical material. The results shows that the section heads considers necessary competencies such as humility, to be responsive, to be able to see what happens in the office and to be brave and be able to address problems. The importance of being able to stay neutral was also mentioned as an important aspect. The circumstances that seem to be the most important in the contribution with experience in conflict management seems to the section managers be life experience in different ways. These experiences they received from family context, sporting and previous work experience. In the discussion we also deal with the relation to previous research, and there is also a discussion about future research.
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McKee, Erin Leigh. "Conflict-Conditioned Communication: A Case Study of Communicative Relations between the United States and Iran from 2005-2008." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/264.
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In protracted international conflicts, truth is often sacrificed in the name of victory. Political realists see international politics as a competition to win power, retain power, and demonstrate power; misleading the enemy in the name of strategy and misleading the public in the name of security are necessary elements of the game. A less obvious condition is that those caught in the cycle of intergroup conflict also withhold truths from themselves. This denial of truth and reality--to the Other, to the public, and to the self--is especially prevalent in the communicative relationship between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study explores the communicative relationship between the United States and Iran via mass media with a particular focus on propaganda as "natural." The literature review explains how conflict-conditioned communication grows and operates within the context of intergroup conflict, including the significance of globalization and information technology. The communicative relationship between the United States and Iran is used as a case study to explore conflict-conditioned communication. A snapshot of the U.S.-Iran communicative relationship was taken from May 1, 2005 - May 1, 2008. Articles from three print and online media sources were combed and analyzed for examples and patterns of conflict-conditioned communication. The method is based on an approach to understanding conflict-conditioned communication that was developed by Dr. Harry Anastasiou, a conflict resolution professional and educator. The method additionally utilizes the work of Dr. William O. Beeman, an expert on misperceptions between the United States and Iran. The conflict-conditioned communicative relationship between the United States and Iran shows how legitimate concerns and human needs are filtered through collective psychology, history, and national identity and absorbed into misperceptions. These misperceptions are perpetuated through propaganda and lead to unyielding political positions. The dual phenomena of globalization and advanced information technology amplify these unyielding political positions by spreading propagandized misperceptions faster and farther than ever before. As the United States and Iran become more entrenched in unyielding political positions, communication reduces to competing systems of propaganda, thus making peaceful conflict resolution less likely.
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Massey, Simon. "Contextualising all-African peacekeeping : political and ethical dimensions." Thesis, Coventry University, 2003. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/47e6031c-81e8-8c8c-a900-93297fb9750e/1.
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The hypothesis underlying this research is that Africa's leaders are under a moral/political imperative to summon the will to develop a capacity to intervene in conflicts, possibly with external assistance, but without direct extra-continental intervention. This begs two questions. Is Africa right — politically and morally – to assume this task? And should the rest of the world, particularly the traditional intervening powers, accept and/or promote and/or assist African self-pacification? A trend toward subsidiarity and the regionalisation of conflict management in the African context followed reversals for United Nations and Western policy in the early 1990s, notably in Somalia and Rwanda. In the wake of these setbacks the universal impulse to intervene wherever necessary was overshadowed by a particularist/relativist position that distinguished Africa and African conflicts as cases apart. This translated in theoretical terms to a switch away from a cosmopolitan position allowing of international intervention to a communitarian position that promotes the African 'community' or African sub-regional 'communities' as the primary loci for addressing conflict. The continental organisation, the Organisation of African Union (0AU), has been hampered in assuming this task by its strict Charter adherence to state sovereignty and non-intervention in the internal affairs of its member states. As a result the logic of subsidiarity devolved on Africa's sub-regional organisations, in particular the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). However, these organisations have found development of a security framework problematic, suffered from internal rivalries and have been hindered by paucity of funds and logistics. Interventions undertaken under the auspices of these bodies have often been of dubious legitimacy under international law. Viewed from the perspective of the 'just war' tradition these interventions also invariably seem morally suspect. Unwilling to intervene directly, the United States, France and Britain have established a joint initiative to enhance peacekeeping capacity in Africa. This project, under funded and ill considered, has proven inadequate from the perspective of both African participants and its sponsors. The research examines two case studies — intervention by the OAU in Chad in 1980-1982 and the peacekeeping operation undertaken by ECO WAS in Guinea-Bissau in 1998-1999. These cases confirm that existing mechanisms are ineffective for addressing African intra-state conflict. Moreover, they show that extra-African involvement remains an enduring feature of conflict on the continent. A return to the universal/cosmopolitan impulse in terms of international intervention in African conflicts seems unlikely in the short to medium term. In view of this neglect Africa must continue the project of self-pacification. The West is under a moral duty to set aside narrow national interests and expand and improve its existing peacekeeping capacity enhancement programme.
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Janiczak, Zaneta M. "An examination of the development and maintenance of intercultural conflict mediation and resolution programs on university campuses in the United States." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/783.
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Many colleges and universities throughout the United States have a long history of encouraging and maintaining a diverse community of international students and scholars on their campuses. As a result of the interaction within this great mix of cultures, interpersonal conflict of an intercultural nature has understandably developed. To cope with the conflicts between cultures, many institutions have developed intercultural mediation programs and resources. This research examines what some U.S. universities do to respond to the issue of international student and scholar intercultural conflict mediation and resolution. The study was designed to explore the different types of resources and services that have been developed and to study some of them in greater detail to gain a better understanding of their approaches and resulting issues and successes. The overall objective of this research was to learn how the various ways mediation programs offered at the selected universities work in practice.
The literature review was created to gain an overall understanding of conflict styles and conflict resolution approaches that are relevant to the many cultural groups who are in need of the mediation. My data collection process focused on how colleges and universities incorporate mediation programs into the campus at large. Data was gathered through 12 interviews with administrators who have experience working in the intercultural conflict mediation and resolution area; these programs were at the Universities of Washington and Minnesota, and Nevada, Reno and Michigan. From the interviews and the literature review, an annotated bibliography and guidelines were created to provide insights and recommendations for consideration by intercultural conflict mediation and resolution programs at educational institutions throughout the United States.
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Binder, Heidi A. "Cultural fluency in the eye of the storm : a mediation case study." Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/800.
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The eye of the storm is the calm center amidst chaos where, metaphorically speaking, mediators often begin their work. Recent research has advocated for a more holistic, relational, culturally inclusive approach to the mediation process. Such an approach requires conflict fluency as well as cultural fluency for effective mediation. This thesis explores how the intervention strategies of mediation may be enhanced through increased cultural understanding. Current theories of intercultural conflict transformation and intercultural communication are reviewed. Conflict fluency is understood through a mediation perspective. Cultural fluency is understood through cultural identity, cultural values, communication styles, and conflict styles.
A case study follows the theoretical review of the literature. In this case study, a small community mediation center illustrates what is happening in the field today regarding the relationship between culture and conflict. The case study involves a 6 holistic analysis of the organization, seeking to understand intercultural competence at all levels. This includes an analysis of keystone materials, a survey of mediators, Intercultural Effectiveness Scale (IES) results, and interviews with mediators as well as organizational leadership.
The thesis concludes with a list of recommendations that may be useful to this community mediation center as well as other similar organizations. Amongst these recommendations are potentially useful training items such as intercultural conflict styles, critical moment dialogues, and other intercultural tools designed to increase mediator competence in intercultural communication.
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Robson, Eleanor Dezateux. "Improvement and environmental conflict in the northern fens, 1560-1665." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290033.
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This thesis examines 'improvement' of wetland commons in early modern England as a contested process of rapid environmental change. As a flagship project of agrarian improvement, drainage sought to alchemise pastoral fen commons into arable enclosed terra firma and promised manifold benefits for crown, commoners, and commonwealth alike. In practice, however, improvement schemes generated friction between the political and fiscal agendas of governors and projectors and local communities' customary ways of knowing and using wetland commons, provoking the most sustained and violent agrarian unrest of the seventeenth century. This thesis situates the first state-led drainage project in England, in the northern fens of Hatfield Level, in the context of the local politics of custom, national legal and political developments, and international movements of capital, expertise, and refugees; all of which intersected to reshape perceptions and management of English wetlands. Drawing on the analytic perspectives of environmental history, this thesis explores divergent ideas and practices generating conflict over the making of private property, reorganisation of flow, and reconfiguration of lived environments. This thesis argues that different 'environing' practices - both mental and material - distinguished what was seen as an ordered or disordered landscape, determined when and how water was understood as a resource or risk, and demarcated different scales and forms of intervention. Rival visions of the fenscape, ways of knowing land and water, and concepts of value and justice were productive of, and produced by, different practices of management, ownership, and use. Drainage disputes therefore crossed different spheres of discourse and action, spanning parliament, courtroom, and commons to bring improvement into dialogue with fen custom and generate a contentious environmental politics. In seven substantive chapters, this thesis investigates how improvement was imagined, legitimised, and enacted; how fen communities experienced and navigated rapid environmental transformation; and how political, social, and spatial boundaries were reforged in the process. By grounding improvement in the early modern fenscape, this thesis reintegrates agency into accounts of inexorable socio-economic change, illuminates ideas at work in social contexts, and deepens understandings of environmental conflict.
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Amponsem-Boateng, Richard. "Prospects of the Economic Community of West African States standby force." Fort Leavenworth, KS : US Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. http://cgsc.cdmhost.com/u?/p4013coll2,705.
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Chao, Chin-Chung. "Cultural Values and Expectations of Female Leadership Styles in Non-Profit Organizations: A Study of Rotary Clubs in Taiwan and the United States." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1210672863.
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Sukovaty, Beckey D. "A Feminist Philosophical Critique of Domestic Mediation (ADR) Practices in the United States: Realizing Mary Parker Follett's Theory of Empowerment." Thesis, Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8480.
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Molthof, Mieke. "International Contact Groups in the Field of Peacemaking." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324955.
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Despite the growing prominence of ‘international contact groups’ in the field of peacemaking, there is little academic attention for such ad hoc informal negotiating groups of third-party states. This study seeks to contribute to this understudied topic by investigating under what conditions contact groups are most likely to achieve negotiation success. Based on the framework of ‘recognition theory’, I argue that respect for each member as equal partner of the negotiating group helps to prevent obstructive behaviour. It is therefore hypothesised that ‘recognition for all members of the contact group enhances the likelihood of reaching agreement on a peacemaking strategy’. This is tested by means of a structured focused comparison in a most-similar cases design, studying two contact groups that operated during the 1999 conflict in Kosovo. I subsequently probe the generalisability of my findings by extending the analysis with a third case of contact group negotiations on Syria in 2012. The empirical findings provide support for the hypothesis and hint at the theory’s relevance in today’s context of increasingly dispersed power and mediation leverage. Nevertheless, further research is needed to establish with greater validity and reliability the effect of recognition and how it relates to other conditions for success.
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Biyela, Isaac M. "Partners in education : some policy guidelines for improving relations among different role players in the new education system with reference to the greater Newcastle Area." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50413.
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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on problems in the teaching fraternity after 1994. The transition to democracy brought about major changes in the running of the civil service. This study explores how the education policy of the central government in general, and that of KwaZulu-Natal Province in particular, affected human relations between school managers and teachers. A questionnaire was used to investigate the issue. Education policy guidelines and literature have been used to illustrate how policy can produce unintended consequences. The respondents to the questionnaire were selected school managers and teachers. The questions were aimed at gauging opinion regarding issues such as protection of line managers, moratorium on teacher transfers, the Labour Relations Act, commitment to teaching and training needs, to name just a few. Human relations seemed to worsen from 1996 to 1999 as most educators disobeyed the rules and to same extent continued to do so even after this period, in the name of unionism driven by "relatively" fair labour practice. One of the contentious issues in the conflict was the Labour Relations Act of 1995 that streamlined all labour sectors, thus doing away with differentiated legislation on each sector. The study found that the following factors contributed to strained human relations in the KwaZulu-Natal education sector: The abolition of corporal punishment in schools, a general lack of recognition for educational achievement of educators, a lack of recognition for good performance by supervisors, the way in which the Labour Relations Act was implemented in schools, unregulated voluntary severance packages for teachers, and the refusal by teacher unions to take up the duty loads of terminated temporary educators. In the light of the above the study made four recommendations: Knowledge and understanding of the Labour Relations Act should be strengthened among educators, further education of teachers should be recognised as it affects the quality of education in schools, the re-opening of educator transfers should be investigated, and training programmes are important to ensure capacity building.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op probleme wat in die onderwys-sektor ervaar is na 1994. Die transisie na demokrasie het groot veranderinge gebring tot die manier waarop die staatsdiens bestuur is. Die studie ondersoek die manier waarop mense-verhoudinge tussen skoolbestuurders en onderwysers, affekteer is deur die beleid van die sentrale regering in die algemeen, en die provinsie van KwaZulu-Natal in die besonder. 'n Vraelys is gebruik om die ondersoek te doen. Onderwysbeleidsriglyne en literatuur is gebruik om te illustreer hoe beleid in hierdie gevalonvoorsiene gevolge gehad het. Die respondente tot die vraelys is geselekteerde skoolbestuurders en onderwysers. Die vrae is gemik daarop om die opinies rakende die volgende kwessies te meet: die beskerming van lynbestuurders, die moratorium op onderwyser verplasings, die Wet op Arbeidverhoudinge, die verbeterings tot onderwys- en opleidingsbehoeftes, ensomeer. Verhoudinge het veral tussen 1996 en 1999 versleg, met die gevolg dat die meerderheid van onderwysers in die provinsie die department se reëls gebreek het (selfs na hierdie periode), in die naam van vakbond-aksie gedryf deur "relatiewe" regverdige arbeidspraktyk. In hierdie verband, was een van die vernaamste sake in die konflik die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge van 1995. Hierdie wet het alle arbeidsektore onder een bedeling gestroomlyn en so weggedoen met gedifferensieerde wetgewing vir elke sektor. Die studie vind op grond van die vraelys dat die volgende faktore die vernaamstes was in die KwaZulu-Natal onderwys sektor: Die afskaffing van lyfstraf in die skole, die tekort aan erkenning van studie deur onderwysers, die tekort aan erkenning vir goeie prestasie deur toesighouers, die manier waarop die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge in skole toegepas is, ongereguleerde toekenning van vrywillege aftrede pakkette, en die weiering deur onderwys vakbonde om die verpligtinge van afgedankte tydelike onderwysers to skouer. In die lig van hierdie faktore is die volgende voorstelle gemaak: Kennis en verstaan van die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge moet beter aan onderwysers gekommunikeer word, verdure studie deur onderwysers moet erken word aangesien dit die kwaliteit van onderwys beinvloed, onderwys verplasings moet weer ondersoek word, en opleidingsprogramme is 'n belangrike manier van kapasiteitsbou.
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Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai. "Conflict management in Kenyan electoral conflict: 2002-2012." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12286.
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In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.
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Abbs, Luke. "Ethno-political inequalities and intra-state conflict." Thesis, University of Kent, 2018. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/69137/.
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This thesis investigates the relationship between ethnic-based political inequalities and political conflict. Building on recent theoretical and methodological advancements, I develop three empirical chapters that investigate distinct, yet unrelated mechanisms linking ethno-political configurations to disparate forms of contentious action. These chapters each utilise quantitative methods, and new subnational-level and actor-level data, to uncover a number of important findings regarding types of conflict behaviour not captured by civil war analyses. The first empirical chapter focuses on ethnic riots, a type of non-militarised violence involving violent clashes between civilians of rival ethnic groups. I argue that this previously overlooked form of political violence is likely to emerge when there is: politically dominant ethnic groups coexisting with a group facing systematic political discrimination or a loss of power. I find support for this argument through the first cross-national and subnational analysis of ethnic riots in Africa. The second empirical chapter focuses on the incidence of mass nonviolent action, which involves the mobilisation of large numbers of diverse people. I argue that cleavages within and across ethnic groups often undermine this kind of political mobilisation, but that cross cutting grievances can overcome this issue and facilitate resistance. Testing this argument sub-nationally, I find support for my argument that the relationship between ethno-political inequalities and nonviolent action is dependent on the existence of cross-cutting grievances, as this provides opportunities for disparate groups to unite against the state. The final empirical chapter (co-authored with Govinda Clayton and Andrew Thompson) explores the relationship between ethnic militias, either recruited from politically dominant or disadvantaged ethnic groups, and civil war duration. We thereby move beyond assumptions that the government-side is unitary. We argue that coethnic PGMs (i.e. those recruited from the same ethnicity as the ruling elite) are associated with longer conflicts, as they have strong incentives to maintain ethno-political power and further polarise ethnic divisions. We find strong support for these claims in a global time-series cross sectional analysis.
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Crane, Shawn R. "The State, Federalism, non-state actors, and conflict : the Mexican drug war." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80059.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study analyzes the Mexican drug war’s impact on the state’s federal political system of shared sovereignty. Transnational criminal organizations (TCOs) such as drug cartels have grown in strength due to shifting dynamics of the global drug trade. This growth in power, both in relation to the use of physical force and the influence over Mexican society, has challenged the state’s authority and monopoly of violence. After the inauguration of President Felipe Calderón in 2006, the government launched an all-in offensive, dedicating the entire state system to ridding the country of the drug cartels. Results of the offensive have been mixed and vary from area to area. However, trends indicate that the offensive has caused power vacuums and increased rivalry among the drug cartels. National homicide statistics show the government offensive has distorted the balance of power among the drug cartels, causing increased competition in an already hypercompetitive market. The majority of Mexico’s modern history consists of the era of single-party dominance, where the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) dominated the political system on both vertical and horizontal levels. The recent growth of federal executive power during Calderón’s administration has caused concern about whether the democratic progress made during the last decade could be reversed – returning the country back to former autocratic practices of governance. This reversal also involves the concentration of power in the center. For the last few decades, the country has been decentralizing its political system in accordance to federal principles laid down by its Constitution. The involvement of the military, a federal instrument of security that has in some cases taken over jurisdiction from state and local authorities, has been causing debate on whether the executive power is violating its constitutional limits of power. With this, the primary research question of this study uses theoretical concepts and is formulated thusly: How do violent non-state actors (VNSAs) impact federalism in Mexico? Mexico was chosen as a case study because of its growing struggle against the drug cartels, a sub-branch of non-state actors (NSAs). The Westphalian state order has changed dramatically with globalization, changing realities with regard to the use of physical violence. This is especially the case in reference to VNSAs, where the use of violence maintains an informal system of order. With the rise of the powerful drug cartels, a direct result of the global drug trade that hides in the shadows of globalization, Mexico’s case is not unique. Colombia struggled with a similar scenario during the 1980s and 1990s. However, the security situation in Mexico has proven to be constantly evolving and very intense during a time of political transition. This study shows that the federal executive branch of the Mexican government has not violated its constitutional limits of the use of power, although the Mexican Constitution of 1917 has proven to be vague in reference to the use of the military in peacetime. This vagueness could undermine regional sovereignty and federal principles laid down by the Constitution. The study also indicates that the increasing levels of violence are affecting the functionality of regional governance, as well as freedom of the press. Homicide statistics show that since the government launched its offensive in 2006, there has been a significant increase in assassinations targeting both mayors and journalists. Overall, there is no indication that the drug war has influenced federalism in Mexico. Rather, the drug war has exposed institutional weaknesses, causing increased demand for and investment in professionalizing state institutions.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingstudie analiseer die impak van die Meksikaanse dwelmoorlog op Meksiko se federale politieke stelsel van gedeelde soewereiniteit. Transnasionale kriminele organisasies (TKO’s), byvoorbeeld dwelmkartelle, se mag het toegeneem as gevolg van die verskuiwende dinamika in globale dwelmhandel. Die staat se gesag en magsmonopolie word uitgedaag as gevolg van hierdie toename in mag, beide met betrekking tot die owerhede se gebruik van fisieke mag en hul gesag oor die Meksikaanse gemeenskap. Na die inhuldiging van president Felipe Calderón in 2006, het die regering ’n alles insluitende offensief van stapel gestuur om van die land se dwelmkartelle ontslae te probeer raak. Hierdie offensief toon wisselende vordering en die impak daarvan verskil van area tot area. Ten spyte van hierdie mate van vordering, het die offensief egter aanleiding gegee tot magsvakuums en ’n toename in wedywering tussen dwelmkartelle. Nasionale moordsyfers dui daarop dat hierdie regeringsoffensief die magsbalans tussen dwelmkartelle versteur het, wat gelei het tot ’n toename in kompetisie in ’n reeds uiters kompeterende mark. Meksiko se moderne geskiedenis bestaan hoofsaaklik uit ’n era van eenpartydominansie, waar die Institusionele Rewolusionêre Party (Institutional Revolutionary Party, IRP) die politieke stelsel op beide vertikale en horisontale vlak gedomineer het. Die onlangse opkoms van die federale uitvoerende mag tydens die Calderón-administrasie wek kommer dat die vordering wat in die laaste dekade gemaak is ten opsigte van demokratisering van die politieke stelsel, omvergewerp sal word en dat Meksiko die gevaar sal loop om terug te keer na sy voormalige outokratiese en gesentraliseerde regeerpraktyke. Oor die afgelope paar dekades het die land juis pogings aangewend om sy politieke stelsel te desentraliseer na aanleiding van federale beginsels soos neergelê in die grondwet. Die weermag – ’n federale instrument vir sekuriteit – het alreeds op sekere plekke jurisdiksie by staats- en plaaslike owerhede oorgeneem. Dit het gelei tot debatte oor of die uitvoerende mag sy grondwetlike magsbeperkinge oorskry. Na aanleiding van Meksiko se huidige politieke situasie, asook teoretiese konsepte soos die staat, federalisme, nie-staatsakteurs en globale dwelmhandel, word die primêre navorsingsvraag vir hierdie studie soos volg geformuleer: Hoe beïnvloed gewelddadige nie-staatsakteurs federalisme in Meksiko? Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord, word daar gebruik gemaak van sekondêre bronne, (beperkte) insig oor die dwelmkartelle se handelspraktyke en ’n ondersoek na die linguistiese beperkinge op die gebruik van amptelike Meksikaanse regeringspublikasies. Meksiko is as gevallestudie vir hierdie navorsingsprojek gekies vanweë die land se toenemende stryd teen dwelmkartelle, ’n subvertakking van nie-staatsakteurs. Die Westfaalse staatsorde wat eeue lank die wettige gebruik van fisieke geweld beheer het, het dramaties verander met die opkoms van globalisering. Dit is veral die geval by gewelddadige nie-staatsakteurs, waar die gebruik van geweld tans ’n informele stelsel van orde handhaaf. Die opkoms van Meksiko se magtige dwelmkartelle, ’n direkte gevolg van globale dwelmhandel (wat in die skadu van globalisering skuil), is egter nie enig in sy soort nie. Alhoewel Colombië byvoorbeeld in die 1980’s en 1990’s ’n soortgelyke probleem ondervind het, het die sekuriteitstoestand in Meksiko getoon dat dit steeds ontwikkelend van aard en hewig ten tye van politieke oorgang is, wat dit toepaslik vir hierdie studie maak. Die gevolgtrekking waartoe daar in hierdie studie gekom word, is dat die federale uitvoerende tak van die Meksikaanse regering tot dusver nie sy grondwetlike beperkinge ten opsigte van die uitoefening van mag oorskry het nie. Die Meksikaanse grondwet van 1917 is egter vaag oor die weermag se bevoegdheid om gesag af te dwing tydens vredestye. Hierdie vaagheid kan moontlik die streeksoewereiniteit en federale beginsels wat deur die grondwet verskans word, ondermyn. Daar is ook bepaal dat die toenemende geweld sowel die funksionaliteit van die streeksregering as die vryheid van die pers, beïnvloed. Moordsyfers in Meksiko dui daarop dat daar sedert 2006 ’n beduidende toename in sluipmoordaanvalle op burgemeesters en joernaliste was. Alles in ag genome, is daar egter geen aanduiding daarvan dat die dwelmoorlog wel federalisme in Meksiko geraak het nie. Die impak wat dit wel gemaak het, is om institusionele swakheid in die regering te openbaar, wat tot ’n toename in die aanvraag na en investering in die professionalisering van staatsinstellings gelei het.
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Ng, Peng Man. "Conflict management styles and trust." Thesis, University of Macau, 2006. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1637049.
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