Academic literature on the topic 'State-nations / political'
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Journal articles on the topic "State-nations / political"
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Alfred Stepan, Juan J. Linz, and Yogendra Yadav. "The Rise of “State-Nations”." Journal of Democracy 21, no. 3 (2010): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.0.0187.
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McRoberts, Kenneth. "Canada and the Multinational State." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 4 (2001): 683–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901778055.
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Along with the nations created by states, there are ''internal nations'' within states. Several such nations exist within the Canadian state, representing close to one quarter of the population. In recent years, Canadian political scientists have been actively theorizing this multinationalism and showing how it might be accommodated. Yet, the political realm has become highly resistant to such notions. Dualism, the primary historical accommodation of the francophone ''internal nation,'' has been displaced by a state nationalism which, in turn, has entrenched a purely territorial rationale for federalism and has made multiculturalism the only legitimate basis for accommodating cultural diversity. Moreover, the nationalisms of the two predominant ''internal nations,'' Quebec and ''First Nations,'' have been mobilized in direct opposition to each other. In the end, rather than constituting a new form of ''post-modern state'' which transcends nationalism, Canada is in fact caught in the contradiction between the nationalism of the Canadian state and the nationalisms of its ''internal nations.''
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Spicer, Edward H., and Rosamond B. Spicer. "The Nations of a State." boundary 2 19, no. 3 (1992): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/303547.
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Appleby, Gabrielle, and Eddie Synot. "A First Nations Voice: Institutionalising Political Listening." Federal Law Review 48, no. 4 (2020): 529–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x20955068.
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The Uluru Statement from the Heart offers an opportunity to reorder the Australian constitutional hierarchy as it relates to First Nations. The proposal for a First Nations Voice provides a tailored, structural response to the experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people under the Australian state. For the First Nations Voice to meet this potential, it will require more than careful design of the Voice as a new constitutional institution; it will require existing constitutional institutions within the legislature and executive to learn to ‘listen’. This article draws on the political and democratic listening literature to examine how political listening might be practised at the interface between the First Nations Voice and existing constitutional institutions. We suggest five principles to guide this cross-institutional relationship together with ways these principles might be incorporated into governance structures.
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Cao, Shixiong, Xinyi Zheng, and Junze Zhang. "Challenge of political globalization." Time & Society 28, no. 2 (2017): 828–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x17716550.
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Globalization represents an intriguing new way to increase global prosperity. However, it represents a dramatic contrast to events in previous centuries, both in the West and in China, when most unions resulted from warfare and conquest rather than from peaceful negotiations. This can be seen in the increase in military conflict and decrease in political stability in many parts of the world in recent years. Therefore, achieving a union of nations through economic methods may reduce the risk of military conflict if nations can find ways to turn conflicts into a mixture of national cooperation and healthy competition (“coopetition”), leading to the evolution of a new world political order. Unlike previous efforts to create peaceful unions, such as the Global League of Nations, the new union of nations may succeed because it emphasizes the political and economic self-interest of each member state, thereby offering the possibility of win–win solutions. Through this process, conflict can become cooperation because the union of political powers with different ideologies under a unified regime will provide a dispute resolution mechanism and mitigate the risk of conflict. To achieve that goal, it will be necessary to develop a new way of thinking that emphasizes peaceful cooperation and competition rather than warfare.
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Wilkinson, John. "Jerusalem: the political dimension." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (2006): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803002.
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From 1950 West Jerusalem was the capital of the new state of Israel. After the Six Days War, in 1967, the whole of Jerusalem was incorporated into Israel, an action that has been repeatedly condemned by the United Nations. In 1980 Israel declared all Jerusalem to be its capital. The issue of the permanent status of Jerusalem remains a major unresolved cause of contention.
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King, Lamont Dehaven. "Nations without Nationalism: Ethno-Political Theory and the Demise of the Nation-State." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 4 (2002): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800404.
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This paper examines the relationship between the ethnic group, the nation, and the state. In addition to the analysis of related concepts such as modes of production and world-systems theory, it uses examples from precolonial Northern Nigeria to emphasize how multi-ethnic states existed in Africa prior to the development of global capitalism and the imposition of the colonial state. In so doing, it challenges the standard notion that the nation-state first emerged in Europe after the French Revolution. Instead, it offers a conceptualization of patriotism as identification with the state, which is distinct from nationalism and it also suggests areas of research in which this conceptualization of patriotism might be fruitfully applied.
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Moreno, Luis. "Crafting State-nations. India and Other Multinational Democracies." Regional & Federal Studies 23, no. 3 (2013): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2013.797711.
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Hoover, Joe. "The human rights state: Justice within and beyond sovereign nations." Contemporary Political Theory 17, S2 (2017): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-017-0120-4.
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Stenhammar, Fredrik. "Swedish State Practice 2004–5: United Nations Targeted Sanctions." Nordic Journal of International Law 75, no. 2 (2006): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181006778666632.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "State-nations / political"
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Sargent, Brianna C. "The Hobbesian State of Nature Among Nations." Ashland University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auhonors1556751283322051.
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Taodzera, Shingirai. "Nations Within a State and the Emerging Hydrocarbons Industry in Uganda." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40655.
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This research investigates the shifting political settlements between the Ugandan state and the Bunyoro and Buganda kingdoms after the discovery of oil between 2007 and 2018. It seeks to answer the following questions using a historically, theoretically, and empirically grounded investigation: What accounts for the Bunyoro kingdom’s failure to benefit substantially from the discovery of oil on its territory? What lessons can be learnt from the Buganda kingdom’s relative success in negotiating with the central government and developing its own political and economic capacity independently of the state?
The Bunyoro kingdom, located in the oil-rich Albertine Graben region of western Uganda, has failed to access significant economic benefits from the country’s emerging oil sector despite its historical ownership of the land on which the resource is found. This dissertation combines political settlements theory and the concept of extraversion to explain this empirical puzzle. It finds that the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM)’s imposition of an exclusive political settlement in Uganda, coupled with the Bunyoro kingdom’s limited holding power, accounts for the kingdom’s failure to derive financial benefits from the oil sector. The relative marginalisation of the Bunyoro from Uganda’s oil sector results from the NRM’s historical strategy of limiting the power of sub-state groups who are subsequently excluded from the governing coalition. The main beneficiaries of the oil industry in Uganda are political elites within the ruling NRM coalition and their close associates. The Buganda kingdom serves as a control case study and reveals the potential strategies and structural changes the Bunyoro kingdom could pursue to potentially bypass Uganda’s exclusive settlement and therefore benefit from the country’s nascent oil sector.
This dissertation also engages with broader debates on the struggles between the state and traditional kingdoms since independence in sub-Saharan Africa and how this intersects with the politics of natural resource governance. Since the inception of the modern state in the colonial era, kingdoms have engaged in a complex and dialogic relationship of indifference, cooperation, and contention with successive governing regimes. Some of the kingdoms challenged and resisted, albeit unsuccessfully the colonial imposition of a central state primarily because it led to their loss of political and economic power. Ultimately, the state and the kingdoms represent dual forms of nationality forced to co-exist in the post-colonial era, and this produces a complex mix of cooperation, contestation and strategic coexistence. The management and exploitation of natural resources, including oil, is embedded in this political context, and is often associated with adverse outcomes, such as rent-seeking, authoritarian governance, and sectarian violence. Some of these dynamics have accompanied the emergence of Uganda’s new oil industry, with political contestation occurring between the state and the Bunyoro kingdom which has unsuccessfully attempted to capture a share of oil revenue.
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Crols, Dirk. "From Tsarist empire to League of Nations and from USSR to EU : two eras in the construction of Baltic state sovereignty." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2453/.
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This thesis examines how the three Baltic countries constructed their internal and external sovereign statehood in the interwar period and the post Cold War era. Twice in one century, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were confronted with strongly divided multiethnic societies, requiring a bold and wide-ranging ethnics policy. In 1918 all three Baltic countries promised their minorities cultural autonomy. Whereas Estonian and Latvian politicians were deeply influenced by the theories of Karl Renner and Otto Bauer, the Lithuanians fell back on the historic Jewish self-government in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Many politicians were convinced that the principle of equality of nationalities was one of the cornerstones of the new international order, embodied by the League of Nations. The minority protection system of the League was, however, not established to serve humanitarian aims. It only sought to ensure international peace. This lack of a general minority protection system was one of many discussion points in the negotiations of the Estonian and Latvian minority declarations. Although Lithuania signed a much more detailed minority declaration, its internal political situation rapidly deteriorated. Estonia, on the other hand, established full cultural autonomy with corporations of public law. Although a wide-ranging school autonomy was already established in 1919, Latvia never established cultural self-government. The Second World War and the subsequent Soviet occupation led to the replacement of the small historically rooted minority groups by large groups of Russian-speaking settlers. The restoration in 1991 of the pre 1940 political community meant that these groups were deprived of political rights. In trying to cope with this situation, Estonia and Latvia focused much more on linguistic integration than on collective rights. Early attempts to pursue a decolonisation policy, as proposed by some leading Estonian and Latvian policymakers, were blocked by the ‘official Europe’ which followed a policy analogous to the League of Nations.
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Hodgin, Gregory. "United Nations Peacekeeping and Non-State Actors: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis of the Conditions Required for Cooperation." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/27.
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This paper attempts to determine the theoretical requirements for a non-state actor to give peacekeepers to a Member state of the United Nations, who would in turn give those peacekeepers to the United Nations. The paper examines two case studies, specifically the contract between Blackwater and the United States Department of State and the SHIRBRIG series of treaties. The paper finds that there is some overlap between a Member state’s needs and a non-state actor’s needs and that there is a theoretical possibility of the donation stated above taking place.
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Ngwenya, Nomfundo Xenia. "State-private sector-civil-society partnerships and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) : a South African response." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52461.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the regional arm of the United Nations in Africa, the United Nations Economic
Commission for Africa (ECA) is faced with the challenge of conforming to the broader
agenda of its mother body while it simultaneously strives to be seen to devise solutions
that are unique to Africa's development needs. This means that the ECA needs to find a
way of striking a balance between the demands of international development trends and
the viability of such trends for Africa.
The United Nations, similarly to other influential multilateral institutions like the World
Bank, has moved into the 21st century with the 'partnerships approach' to development.
The central idea behind these partnerships is that of promoting active participation
between the state, the private sector and civil society in contributing towards
development. What this means, therefore, is that development is no longer viewed as the
sole responsibility of the state, but rather calls for a closer working relationship between
these three sectors. Given the fact that these sectors are at different levels of
development in many African countries, with some countries not even having an active
civil society, private sector or even a strong state, the ECA has to make sense of what
exactly partnerships mean for Africa.
This study is based on an understanding that if the ECA wishes to have an impact on the
African continent, it will have to engage its Member States in order to develop a common
idea and approach to the conceptualisation and implementation of partnerships in Africa.
In light of this background, this study focuses on South Africa as a Member State of the
ECA and one of a few countries that have a strong civil society and developed private
sector. What is also significant about South Africa is the fact that a number of significant
initiatives that involve both state and non-state actors have been evident in the period
since the first democratic elections of 1994, thus allowing for an informed response from
representatives of the different sectors. A South African response has thus been compiled from the six interviews that were conducted, two with representatives from each of the
three sectors.
Following from the responses, the study makes recommendations as to how the ECA can
playa leading role in promoting partnerships in Africa.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigde Nasies se Ekonomiese Kommissie vir Afrika (EKA), 'n
streeksvertakking van die Verenigde Nasies in Afrika, staan gedurig voor die
uitdaging om te konformeer met die breër agenda van die moederorganisasie, maar
streef terselfdertyd daarna om spesifieke antwoorde te vind vir Afrika se unieke
ontwikkelingsbehoeftes. Dit beteken dat die EKA 'n middeweg tussen die eise van
internasionale ontwikkelingstendense en die toepaslikheid daarvan in Afrika moet
vind.
Net soos die Wêreldbank en ander invloedryke internasionale instansies, is die
Verenigde Nasies se benadering tot ontwikkeling in die een en twintigste eeu geskoei
op 'n vennootskapsbasis. Die onderliggende oogmerk van dié benadering is die
aanmoediging van aktiewe bydraes tot ontwikkeling deur die staat, privaatsektor en
burgerlike samelewing. Derhalwe beteken dit dat ontwikkeling nie meer gesien word
as die uitsluitlike verantwoordelikheid van die staat nie, maar eerder as 'n funksie van
samewerking tussen die drie bogenoemde sektore. Aangesien baie Afrika state hulself
op verskillende vlakke van ontwikkeling bevind, tesame met die feit dat sommige nie
oor 'n aktiewe burgerlike samelewing, private sektor, of selfs 'n sterk staat beskik nie,
is dit die taak van die EKA om gestalte te gee aan die konsep van 'vennootskappe'
binne 'n Afrika konteks.
Hierdie studie gaan uit vanaf die standpunt dat die EKA alleenlik 'n impak sal hê as
lidstate betrek word om 'n gemeenskaplike verstandhouding en benadering tot die
konsepsualisering en implimentering van vennootskappe in Afrika te ontwikkel. In
die lig van bogenoemde, fokus die studie op Suid-Afrika, as EKA lidstaat en een van
'n paar Afrika state met 'n sterk burgerlike samelewing en goed ontwikkelde
privaatsektor. 'n Verdere belangrike dimensie in die geval van Suid-Afrika, is die
aantal belangrike inisiatiewe wat gesamentlik tussen staats- en nie-staatsinstansies
sedert 1994 aangepak is. Hierdie inisiatiewe het verseker dat verteenwoordigers van
alle sektore 'n ingeligte benadering tot besluite rakende die ontwikkeling van die
streek kon volg. Vir die doeleindes van hierdie projek is ses onderhoude gevoer -
twee per sektor - ten einde 'n beter begrip te kry van die land se benadering tot
vennootskappe in diens van ontwikkeling. As 'n uitvloeisel van hierdie studie, word 'n aantal aanbevelings gemaak oor hoe die
EKA 'n leidende rol kan speel in die aanmoediging van vennootskappe in Afrika.
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Sunderland, Sheri D. "An Examination of Types of Peacekeeping Operations and their Effectiveness." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/364366.
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Political Science<br>Ph.D.<br>The current scale and scope of peacekeeping missions is unprecedented and with this increasing reliance on peacekeeping as a tool to manage threats to peace and security come questions about who should keep the peace. Is it, as many assume, the United Nations? Is it a regional organization, such as the African Union? Or is it an individual state? Each of these different types of peacekeeping operations have different strengths and weaknesses associated with them in terms of legitimacy, institutional capacity, local and regional awareness, resources, and military effectiveness. This dissertation analyzes types of peacekeeping operations to determine which is the most effective in restoring peace and stability and why. I use a structured, focused comparative case study methodology to examine eight cases of peacekeeping, across two countries, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sierra Leone, each of which has been subject to all three types of peacekeeping operations. This approach allows me to hold a number of control variables constant, providing a clear test of the impact of the type of intervention. I found that the type of PKO makes a difference to the success or failure of that mission. PKOs run by lead states are more likely to be successful because they are more willing to use force and they are more likely to have the resources and capabilities necessary to implement that force. Further, I found that two types of PKOs working together can use their strengths to compensate for each other’s weaknesses. I also present a quantitative study with a larger sample size that both substantiates my findings and allows me to generalize them to a wider universe of cases.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Mowell, Barry D. "Degree and Patterns of Formal NGO Participation within the United Nations Economic and Social Committee (ECOSOC): An Appraisal of NGO Consultative Status Relative to Political Pluralism." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3213.
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The United Nations (UN) has invested increasing levels of effort in recent decades to cultivate a more effective, diverse and democratic institutional culture via the inclusion of and interaction among international civil society organizations (CSOs) and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to supplement the traditional role of states as the primary transnational actors. The principle vehicle for the UN-civil society dynamic is the consultative status (CS) program within the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), wherein a diverse range of nearly 5,000 transnational organizations ostensibly participate.
This research examined patterns of participation and the nature/level of CSO/NGO involvement within the UN, with particular focus upon ECOSOC. In examining participation patterns, the research identified patterns related to geographical/proportional representation among developed and developing regions and world regions in general and also as related to policy/issue areas represented. In terms of involvement, the research sought to assess the types and degree of contributions being made by CSOs/NGOs in association with the UN. To address both areas, the research employed a two-prong methodology including (1) a detailed analysis of the UN’s online integrated Civil Society Organizations (iCSO) database and (2) a comprehensive survey questionnaire mailed to a randomly-selected sample of 10% of all organizations holding consultative status with UN-ECOSOC.
The findings challenge the assumption that UN association with international civil society has realized pluralist ideals in that substantial variations were found to exist in the representation of policy/issue areas, with some areas far better represented than others. Perhaps more importantly, the research revealed that only a minority of organizations in the ECOSOC-CS program appear to be actively/regularly engaged with the UN, with a large minority of CS-accredited organizations engaged only periodically or to a more limited extent, and a substantial minority not participating/interacting in any way. Rather than exemplifying pluralism within the constructivist tradition, findings imply support for liberal institutionalist theories in that decades-long expansion of IGO influence has facilitated a corollary expectation of expanding international civil society and an associated expectation of linkages between transnational governance and democratic institutions on the one hand and transnational civil society on the other as a standardized norm.
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Van, Schalkwyk Denver Christopher. "Vervalle state, hulpbronoorloë en vredemaking : die gevalle Sierra Leone." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53776.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the issue of collapsed states with reference to William
Reno's (2001) theory. Since the end of the Cold War we find in many places that
the state itself has collapsed. According to this thesis state collapse refers to a
situation where the structure, authority, laws and political order have fallen apart.
The phenomenon of collapsed states is historic and worldwide, but nowhere are
there more examples than in contemporary Africa. Sierra Leone is an example
of a collapsed state in Africa. The state in Sierra Leone was after the
commencement of the conflict in 1991 not capable of performing the duties which
are required of a state when a state wants to be called a state. Governments in
collapsed states lack the capacity to make binding, effective decisions. As a
basic institution, the state loses its sovereignty as the most central institution in
the society.
Resource wars are nowadays a characteristic of collapsed states like Sierra
Leone. Resources are used by key figures in the resource wars to enrich
themselves. They also exploit the resources to finance their actions and
propaganda. Diamonds was the resource which was exploited commercially by
the 'government' and Foday Sankoh, a rebel/insurgent, as well as Charles
Taylor, a warlord. The resource war was one of the reasons why the state in
Sierra Leone collapsed further. It had lead to the total collapse of the state in
Sierra Leone.
With the commencement of the conflict in Sierra Leone, the issue of
peacemaking came to the fore in Sierra Leone. The conflict in Sierra Leone was
an intrastate conflict. The primary goal of the United Nations (UN) is to maintain
international security and peace. Intrastate conflicts do not form part of the UN's
traditional mandate regarding peacemaking. The UN thus had no basic
framework of how to get involved in the intrastate conflict in Sierra Leone. The
UN only became involved in 1999 in the form of UNAMSIL. Before the intervention of the UN, the 'government' of Sierra Leone turned to Private Military
Companies (PMC's) in the form of Executive Outcomes and Sandline
International. The problem with the intervention of PMC's in a conflict is that they
are not sanctioned by international organisations like the UN. As a regional
initiative, ECOWAS in the form of ECOMOG, also became involved in Sierra
Leone. The intervention of both ECOMOG and PMC's in Sierra Leone failed to
produce peace or the restoration of the state. Only the UN achieved
peacemaking and the holding of an election.
The conclusion of this thesis is that Sierra Leone fits in the theory of Reno (2001 )
re collapsed states. Sierra Leone is a typical example of a collapsed state and it
also illustrates the validity of the concept. This however does not mean that
Sierra Leone will be a collapsed state forever. There is the possibility that Sierra
Leone can make a transition from a collapsed state to a stronger state to a more
stable and functional state. It need, however, be noted that all conclusions in this
thesis are of a preliminary nature. The conclusions will therefore be subject to
further confirmation by later studies.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die kwessie van vervalle state met verwysing na William
Reno (2001) se teorie. Sedert veral die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind ons die
tendens dat verskeie state verval het. In hierdie tesis verwys die konsep van 'n
vervalle staat na 'n situasie waar die struktuur, gesag, politieke orde en wette
uitmekaar geval het. Die verskynsel van vervalle state is histories en kom
wêreldwyd voor. Kontemporêre Afrika verskaf egter die meeste voorbeelde van
vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n voorbeeld van so 'n vervalle staat. Na die
aanvang van die konflik in 1991 was die staat in Sierra Leone nie meer daartoe
instaat om die funksies te verrig wat van 'n staat vereis word indien so 'n staat as
'n staat geag wil word nie. Die 'regering' in 'n vervalle staat beskik nie meer oor
die kapasiteit om bindende, effektiewe besluite te neem nie. Die staat, as 'n
basiese instelling, verloor sy soewereiniteit as die sentrale instelling in die
samelewing.
Die verval van 'n staat word toenemend met die uitbreek van 'n konflik- in hierdie
geval 'n- hulpbronoorlog gekenmerk. Hulpbronne word deur die sleutelfigure,
wat betrokke is in die hulpbronoorlog in die vervalle staat, gebruik om hulself te
verryk. Hierdie hulpbronne word ook gebruik om die sleutelfigure se aksies en
propaganda te finansier. Diamante is as hulpbron in Sierra Leone deur die
'regering' en Foday Sankoh, 'n rebellinsurgent, asook Charles Taylor, 'n
oorlogsbaron, kommersieël uitgebuit. Die burgeroorlog met sy talle fasette, het
tot die totale verval van die staat aanleiding gegee.
Die kwessie van vredemaak het met die uitbreek van die konflik in Sierra Leone
na vore getree. Die konflik in Sierra Leone was 'n intrastaatkonflik. Die primêre
doel van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) is om internasionale vrede en sekuriteit te
handhaaf. Intrastaatkonflikte as sulks maak nie deel uit van die tradisionele
opdrag van die VN betreffende vredemaak nie. Die VN het gevolglik nie oor 'n
basiese raamwerk beskik van hoe om by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke te raak nie. Die VN het eers in 1999 in die vorm van UNAMSIL in
Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. Voor die intervensie van die VN het die 'regering'
van Sierra Leone hom tot Private Militêre Bystand (PMB) in die vorm van
'Executive Outcomes' en 'Sandline International' gewend. Die problematiek
insake PMB is dat dit nie deur internasioale organisasies soos die VN
gesanksioneer word nie. As 'n regionale inisiatief het ECOWAS ook in die vorm
van ECOMOG by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. In
hierdie tesis sal daar gemeld word dat beide ECOMOG en PMB, met die
uitsondering van die VN, se pogings vir vredemaak in Sierra Leone gefaal het.
Die slotsom waartoe hierdie tesis kom is dat Sierra Leone inpas by Reno (2001)
se teorie insake die verskynsel van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n tipiese
voorbeeld van 'n vervalle staat en dit illustreer die geldigheid van die konsep. Dit
beteken egter nie dat Sierra Leone permanent 'n vervalle staat hoef te wees nie.
Die moontlikheid bestaan wel dat Sierra Leone die oorgang vanaf 'n vervalle
staat na 'n stabieler, meer funksionele staat kan maak. Dit dien egter gemeld te
word dat alle afleidings in hierdie tesis as voorlopig van aard beskou kan word.
Hierdie afleidings is onderhewig aan verdere bevestiging of weerlegging deur
latere studies.
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Poudiougo, Augustin. "Mondialisation et philosophie : idéal universaliste moderne et mondialisation aujourd’hui." Thesis, Paris Est, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PEST0010.
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De nos jours la mondialisation préoccupe tout le monde : individus, communautés, groupes, Etats, politiques, citoyens ordinaires, universitaires, intellectuels, nonintellectuels, l'humanité. Le fourmillement d'études surtout économiques et la manifestation d'innombrables mouvements sociaux, conférences et discours politiques qu'elle suscite sont les preuves. N’y a-t-il pas là une raison pour en faire un objet de réflexion pour la philosophie, elle qui veut avoir l’intelligence des choses et du monde, être une quête de sens et une prise de conscience des préoccupations du temps ? Certains facteurs permettent de postuler que la mondialisation est un phénomène multidimensionnel, qu'elle manifeste ou exprime l'universel. Quels sont alors les fondements philosophiques du mondialisme, expression de l'universalisme moderne ? Située dans le temps et l'espace, la mondialisation semble ne pas avoir les mêmes effets pour tous. En outre, notre monde mondialisé paraît malade, dangereux et vide de sens. La justice sociale, la paix durable et la sécurité, la solidarité, la préservation de l'écosystème, la survie de la planète terre et de l'espèce humaine constituent ses défis. Ces aspects n'expriment-ils pas le signe d'une rupture avec les valeurs universalistes de la modernité : idéal de liberté, d'égalité, d'autonomie, de paix et de bonheur de l'homme ? Comment alors fonder une pensée de la mondialisation qui soit créatrice de sens et d'espérance ? Telles sont les grandes interrogations sur lesquelles porte cette thèse, se déroulant en quatre étapes : - Découvrir la mondialisation (la mondialisation comme processus) - Penser la mondialisation (de l’universalisme moderne au mondialisme) - Réagir à la mondialisation (à partir du contexte africain) - Agir dans la mondialisation (refonder une éthique de responsabilité)<br>Nowadays universalization worries everyone: individuals, communities, groups, States, policies, citizens ordinary, university, intellectuals, nonintellectuals, humanity. The swarming of economic surveys especially and the demonstration of innumerable social movements, conferences and speeches political that it causes are the evidence. There is not there a reason to make an object of reflexion for philosophy, it which wants to have the intelligence of the things and the world, to be a search of sense and an awakening of the concerns of time? Certain factors make it possible to postulate that universalization is a multidimensional phenomenon, whether it expresses or expresses the universal one. Which are then the philosophical bases of the mondialism, expression of modern universalism? Located in time and space, universalization seems not to have the same effects for all. Moreover, our globalized world appears sick, dangerous and meaningless. Social justice, lasting peace and safety, solidarity, the safeguarding of the ecosystem, the survival of the planet ground and the mankind constitute its challenges. These aspects do not express the sign of a break-up with the values universalists of modernity: ideal of freedom, equality, autonomy, peace and happiness of the man? How then to found a thought of the universalization which is creative sense and of hope? Such are the great interrogations to which this thesis relates, being held in four stages: - To discover universalization (universalization like process) - To think universalization (of modern universalism to the mondialism) - To react to universalization (starting from the African context) - To act in universalization (to refound an ethics of responsibility)
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Gelle, Devan. "‘Where Do We Go from Here?’: Discourse in Louisiana Surrounding the Foundation of the State of Israel, May 1948." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2019. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2606.
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A study of ten Louisiana newspapers during May 15-31,1948 revealed a period in which articles varied in their coverage of the Arab-Israeli conflict and wider international relations. Discourse about Arabs and Israelis which became evident in newspapers in later years had emerged but was not fully developed. This coverage revealed a silence about the Holocaust and a subtext about the United Nations.
Books on the topic "State-nations / political"
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Indigenous nations and modern states: The political emergence of nations challenging state power. Routledge, 2012.
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Ryser, Rudolph C. Indigenous nations and modern states: The political emergence of nations challenging state power. Routledge, 2012.
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Torture, World Organisation Against. State violence in Serbia and Montenegro: An alternative report to the United Nations Human Rights Committee. World Organisation Against Torture, 2004.
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Torture, World Organisation Against. State violence in Colombia: An alternative report to the United Nations Human Rights Committee Against Torture. World Organisation Against Torture, 2004.
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S, Muthiah Wesley, and Wanasinghe Sydney, eds. Two languages one nation, one language two nations: The Lanka Sama Samaja party on the state language. Young Socialist Publication, 2005.
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McWhinney, Edward. Self-determination of peoples and plural-ethnic states in contemporary international law: Failed states, nation-building and the alternative, federal option. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "State-nations / political"
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Nagel, Klaus-Jürgen. "How Parties of Stateless Nations adapt to Multi-Level Politics: Catalan Political Parties and their Concept of the State." In The Challenges of Ethno-Nationalism. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230282131_7.
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Keating, Michael. "The New Territorial politics." In Nations against the State. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374348_3.
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Brans, Luuc, Theresa Kuhn, and Tom van der Meer. "Nations, Nationalism and the Nation State." In Political Science and Changing Politics. Amsterdam University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1zqrmq0.6.
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"3. Nations, Nationalism and the Nation State." In Political Science and Changing Politics. Amsterdam University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9789048539208-004.
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"Canada: Two Nations, One State?" In Political Culture and Constitutionalism: A Comparative Approach. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315483252-10.
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"The dilemma of nations in a rigid state structured world." In Pluralism and Political Geography. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315660929-19.
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Schlagheck, Donna. "The Political State of Administrative Reform at the United Nations." In Public Administration and Public Policy. CRC Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9780849380662.ch2.
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Shumsky, Dmitry. "Vladimir Jabotinsky." In Beyond the Nation-State. Yale University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300230130.003.0005.
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This chapter explores the political approaches toward self-determination, the nation, and the state by the founder of the right-wing revisionist movement, Vladimir Ze'ev Jabotinsky (1880–1940). According to Jabotinsky, every nation aspires to “social self-determination,” meaning an optimal demographic concentration in one region that is understood to be its historical homeland. Politically speaking, however, those same nations are also interested in becoming a part of a larger multinational federative state that would serve as an organizing political framework that includes all citizens. Each citizen's national districts/communities would have the critical role of mediating their inclusion as subjects of the governmental sovereignty of the multinational federative state.
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"A Geo-Political Analysis." In Real-Time and Retrospective Analyses of Cyber Security. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3979-8.ch005.
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Chapter 5 examines issues currently being encountered in the Middle East that demonstrate a cross-over between electronic warfare and cyber-warfare activities, affecting not only typical targets over the internet but also ships, aircraft, and unmanned aerial vehicles during the second decade of the new millennium. This overview provides examples of how cyber-warfare techniques are now being used in the battle space domain to affect geo-political situations within regions. The evidence shows how the cyber domain can influence real-life situations, taking its capabilities progressively just that one step further to hacker and state-sponsored cyber-attacks already witnessed against ICS cyber-physical assets. The viewpoint here draws upon historical stimuli and escalating political tensions now being encountered by opposing nations that could have a wider reaching impact.
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Schuett, Robert. "Kelsen’s Foreign-Policy Realism." In Hans Kelsen's Political Realism. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474481687.003.0005.
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What is the basis for the Schmittian claim that Kelsen’s theory of law, state, and international legal order is quintessentially idealistic? Why are we lured into believing that an ever more centralised legal mechanism at the global level is just another liberal international lawyer’s dream? Against the backdrop of Kelsen’s Freudian moment (first image), the chapter tests the jurist’s international relations thinking against Kenneth Waltz’s second and third images. It is shown that Kelsen is a hard-edged political realist who doesn’t believe in the democratic peace thesis; nor is he convinced that the fact of nationalism can be wished away when thinking about what might lead the way for global governance or a world state. The ‘other’ Kelsen is as realistic about the dynamics of international anarchy as about the dynamics of life, society, and politics in general: there’s no escaping the fact that, as long as there is no centralised force monopoly with teeth sitting on top of nations, there will be war.
Conference papers on the topic "State-nations / political"
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Tsutsulaeva, Sapiyat. "Political Repression Of Soviet State Towards Deported Nations Soldiers." In SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.433.
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Gurevich, Lyubov. "A case analysis of political discourse ambivalence: Between the truth and falsity." In 7th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.07.14149g.
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Many false statements in connection with COVID-19 have fueled a number of rumors and conspiracy theories in the world. Politicians tend to use complicated technical systems and information technologies in order to influence people’s consciousness, feelings and social behavior. Under the guise of taking care of people’s wellbeing they pursue their own objectives. The political leaders have challenged the world with their claims and political statements which hypocritically announced their striving to serve for the sake of the nations, but in fact demonstrating their strong will to benefit from the situation. However, their actions are not treated by people as aggression and don’t lead to open confrontation and aggravation of military and political relations. They paradoxically manage to balance between the truth and falsity, demonstrating ambivalence of what they state in their speeches and appeals to the nations. The basic methods of political discourse ambivalence analysis, used in the article, are: (a) fact-checking method, (b) scientific analysis of the evidence, (c) peer-reviewed studies and the others. There has been also used a method of logical comparison of three options of political discourse: Political Statement → Fact → Consequence. The analysis of mass media articles, devoted to Covid-19, has helped the author to systematize the elements of political discourse processing (the politicians’ statements for the good of the people) and political cognition (the actual meaning of those actions, which can potentially lead to confrontation between nations). The author is trying to find out the actual reasons of the growing gap between the governments and ordinary people, between nations in the world.
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Kakarash, Tareq, and Alnasir Doraid. "The Role of National Diversity in Political Reform A Comparative Study between the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the British Northern Ireland Region." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp246-262.
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The issue of national diversity is considered one of the most important points in studying the development of political systems in our time. Many scholars and researchers have noticed that there is rarely a people or nation in the world today that does not possess different national or ethnic diversity, some of which succeed in forcibly obliterating them, which leads to its ignition and the division of nations and states. (As happened in the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Eight State, the Empire of Austria-Hungary, etc.) and as it will happen in the future in other repressive countries, no matter how long their repression takes, and some of them succeed in preserving them through assimilation and understanding, as happened in Switzerland and a few other countries. While there are countries that have been striving for decades to arrange their national situations (such as India, Belgium and Spain), with varying degrees of success. The element of national diversity sometimes plays an active role in reforming the political system, and at other times this national diversity hinders the entire political reform. On the basis of the difference and contrast between the two models in terms of the degree of modernity and development, however, a careful examination of the two models confirms that they are not different to this degree. Only years (1998 in Britain and 2003 in Iraq) and the political conflict still exists in the two countries, leading to a final solution to this crisis.
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Hladký, Ladislav. "Czech Historiography on Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000–2018)." In Međunaordna naučno-kulturološka konferencija “Istoriografija o BiH (2001–2017 )”. Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/pi2020.186.08.
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This paper provides a synopsis and characterization of the most important historiographically, politologically, and ethnologically oriented works published in the Czech Republic between 2000 and 2018 on the history and current evolution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Czech works on the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina can be divided into two main groups. The first group includes monographs by historians who were familiar with the reality of Bosnian multiethnicity in the period before the breakup of Yugoslavia and in that context, therefore, continue in their books to support the idea of preserving Bosnia within its existing borders and in the form of a multinational state. The second group comprises books by Czech authors who primarily focus on analysing political events in the contemporary, socalled post-Dayton Bosnia, of which they are highly critical and as a result also highly skeptical when it comes to the prospect of continued coexistence between the nations of Bosnia. During the period in question, several works were published in the Czech Republic dedicated to the history of Czech-Bosnian relations and the synthetical treatment of the history of the Czech national minority living in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Pourvaziry, Reza, Fazileh Dadvar-Khani, and S. Ananthakrishan. "Sustainable resources of urban economy." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/xkyc3057.
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One of the main approaches to sustainable urbanization strategy is to find appropriate resources for promoting the quality of life via developing infrastructure and extending facilities and support urban life by facilitating public access to meet their needs. Based on that we can approach a new urban economy based on sustainable resources and a specific diagram and discipline will participate in it. To realize this idea a clear statement and belief are needed. We expect that the outcome may be under undue pressure of the global political and economic forces because the new model is looking for creating fundamental changes to the current trends and turning to the new paradigm and world development system. To reach this level of transformation this article will focus on 3 cities with different scales, knowing that the scale plays an important role in municipal finance, so: 1- This article will review the top alternative models of the current urban economy. 2- It will examine and analyze the interaction between understandings, recognizing the main challenges of important points between the concepts of life at a macro perspective; the current state of economic circulation in cities and expressing clear key points. 3- This article will be based on the city Prosperity Index of United Nations and also on indexes of the quality of life in order to introduce a model of sustainable urban lifestyle, which will be introduced as a ‘dream’. As planners, we need to help cities promote self-reliance by redesigning the city in such a way that there will be a balance between external dependency and self-reliance 4- It will provide some examples of top priorities on sustainable resources to achieve the goals.
Reports on the topic "State-nations / political"
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S. Abdellatif, Omar. Localizing Human Rights SDGs: Ghana in context. Raisina House, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/gh2021sdg.
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In September 2015, Ghana along all UN member states endorsed the Agenda 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as the cardinal agenda towards achieving a prosperous global future. The SDGs are strongly interdependent, making progress in all goals essential for a country’s achievement of sustainable development. While Ghana and other West African nations have exhibited significant economic and democratic development post-independence. The judiciary system and related legal frameworks, as well as the lack of rule law and political will for safeguarding the human rights of its citizens, falls short of considering violations against minorities. Will Ghana be able to localize human rights related SDGs, given that West African governments historically tended to promote internal security and stability at the expense of universal human rights? This paper focuses on evaluating the commitments made by Ghana towards achieving Agenda 2030, with a particular focus on the SDGs 10 and 16 relating to the promotion of reduced inequalities, peace, justice and accountable institutions. Moreover, this paper also analyzes legal instruments and state laws put in place post Ghana’s democratization in 1992 for the purpose of preventing discrimination and human rights violations in the nation. The article aims to highlight how Ghana’s post-independence political experience, the lack of rule of law, flaws in the judiciary system, and the weak public access to justice are obstacles to its effective localization of human rights SGDs. Those obstacles to Ghana’s compliance with SDGs 10 and 16 are outlined in this paper through a consideration of human rights violations faced by the Ghanaian Muslim and HIV minorities, poor prison conditions, limited public access to justice and the country’s failure to commit to international treaties on human rights. Keywords: Ghana, human rights, rule of law, security, Agenda 2030