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Journal articles on the topic 'State-nations / political'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Alfred Stepan, Juan J. Linz, and Yogendra Yadav. "The Rise of “State-Nations”." Journal of Democracy 21, no. 3 (2010): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.0.0187.

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2

McRoberts, Kenneth. "Canada and the Multinational State." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 4 (2001): 683–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901778055.

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Along with the nations created by states, there are ''internal nations'' within states. Several such nations exist within the Canadian state, representing close to one quarter of the population. In recent years, Canadian political scientists have been actively theorizing this multinationalism and showing how it might be accommodated. Yet, the political realm has become highly resistant to such notions. Dualism, the primary historical accommodation of the francophone ''internal nation,'' has been displaced by a state nationalism which, in turn, has entrenched a purely territorial rationale for

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3

Spicer, Edward H., and Rosamond B. Spicer. "The Nations of a State." boundary 2 19, no. 3 (1992): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/303547.

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4

Appleby, Gabrielle, and Eddie Synot. "A First Nations Voice: Institutionalising Political Listening." Federal Law Review 48, no. 4 (2020): 529–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x20955068.

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The Uluru Statement from the Heart offers an opportunity to reorder the Australian constitutional hierarchy as it relates to First Nations. The proposal for a First Nations Voice provides a tailored, structural response to the experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people under the Australian state. For the First Nations Voice to meet this potential, it will require more than careful design of the Voice as a new constitutional institution; it will require existing constitutional institutions within the legislature and executive to learn to ‘listen’. This article draws on the poli

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5

Cao, Shixiong, Xinyi Zheng, and Junze Zhang. "Challenge of political globalization." Time & Society 28, no. 2 (2017): 828–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x17716550.

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Globalization represents an intriguing new way to increase global prosperity. However, it represents a dramatic contrast to events in previous centuries, both in the West and in China, when most unions resulted from warfare and conquest rather than from peaceful negotiations. This can be seen in the increase in military conflict and decrease in political stability in many parts of the world in recent years. Therefore, achieving a union of nations through economic methods may reduce the risk of military conflict if nations can find ways to turn conflicts into a mixture of national cooperation a

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6

Wilkinson, John. "Jerusalem: the political dimension." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (2006): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803002.

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From 1950 West Jerusalem was the capital of the new state of Israel. After the Six Days War, in 1967, the whole of Jerusalem was incorporated into Israel, an action that has been repeatedly condemned by the United Nations. In 1980 Israel declared all Jerusalem to be its capital. The issue of the permanent status of Jerusalem remains a major unresolved cause of contention.

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7

King, Lamont Dehaven. "Nations without Nationalism: Ethno-Political Theory and the Demise of the Nation-State." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 4 (2002): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800404.

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This paper examines the relationship between the ethnic group, the nation, and the state. In addition to the analysis of related concepts such as modes of production and world-systems theory, it uses examples from precolonial Northern Nigeria to emphasize how multi-ethnic states existed in Africa prior to the development of global capitalism and the imposition of the colonial state. In so doing, it challenges the standard notion that the nation-state first emerged in Europe after the French Revolution. Instead, it offers a conceptualization of patriotism as identification with the state, which

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8

Moreno, Luis. "Crafting State-nations. India and Other Multinational Democracies." Regional & Federal Studies 23, no. 3 (2013): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2013.797711.

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9

Hoover, Joe. "The human rights state: Justice within and beyond sovereign nations." Contemporary Political Theory 17, S2 (2017): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-017-0120-4.

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10

Stenhammar, Fredrik. "Swedish State Practice 2004–5: United Nations Targeted Sanctions." Nordic Journal of International Law 75, no. 2 (2006): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181006778666632.

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11

Bailey, Michael A., Anton Strezhnev, and Erik Voeten. "Estimating Dynamic State Preferences from United Nations Voting Data." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 2 (2016): 430–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715595700.

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United Nations (UN) General Assembly votes have become the standard data source for measures of states preferences over foreign policy. Most papers use dyadic indicators of voting similarity between states. We propose a dynamic ordinal spatial model to estimate state ideal points from 1946 to 2012 on a single dimension that reflects state positions toward the US-led liberal order. We use information about the content of the UN’s agenda to make estimates comparable across time. Compared to existing measures, our estimates better separate signal from noise in identifying foreign policy shifts, h

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12

Frezzo, Mark. "The Human Rights State: Justice Within and Beyond Sovereign Nations." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 46, no. 4 (2017): 437–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306117714500q.

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13

Cadiot, Juliette. "Ronald Grigor Suny, Terry Martin, eds, A state of nations." Cahiers du monde russe 43, no. 43/4 (2002): 768–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.4046.

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14

Glatz, Ferenc. "State, state-nation, cultural nation." European Review 1, no. 4 (1993): 385–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870000079x.

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The paper examines the background of current national and minority conflicts in Eastern and Central Europe and argues that a deeper-going analysis of these phenomena calls for a reconsideration of the traditional European territorial-administrative institutions. It argues that the European State-structure as shaped in the 17–19th centuries is the greatest obstacle to the prevention of global dangers, then looks at the typical arguments against dismantling the present national-state borders.The conclusion is that European nations are primarily cultural nations and they have to survive in that f

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15

Dagan, Nir, and Oscar Volij. "Formation of Nations in a Welfare-State Minded World." Journal of Public Economic Theory 2, no. 2 (2000): 157–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1097-3923.00035.

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16

Leddy-Owen, Charles. "Bringing the State Back into the Sociology of Nationalism: The Persona Ficta Is Political." Sociology 54, no. 6 (2020): 1088–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038520925730.

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This article re-examines two key questions from the sociology of nationalism – why nationalism resonates emotionally and to what extent nations are socially salient – and the implications of these for a sense of peoplehood and collective political agency. The particular focus is on the state. Instead of conflating statehood with nationhood, or seeking to expose it as illusory, sociologists should consider how the state – imagined and experienced as a permanent, trans-historical fixture structuring public power and authority – has crucial conditioning effects on society and politics. It will be

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17

Campbell, John C., Keith G. Banting, and Richard Simeon. "Redesigning the State: The Politics of Constitutional Change in Industrial Nations." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 5 (1986): 1108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042784.

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18

Larking, Emma. "The Human Rights State: Justice Within and Beyond Sovereign Nations." Australian Journal of Politics & History 63, no. 1 (2017): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12345.

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19

Grzymala-Busse, Anna, and Dan Slater. "Making Godly Nations: Church-State Pathways in Poland and the Philippines." Comparative Politics 50, no. 4 (2018): 545–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041518823565597.

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20

MAKINDA, SAMUEL M. "The United Nations and State Sovereignty: Mechanism for Managing International Security." Australian Journal of Political Science 33, no. 1 (1998): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149850750.

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21

Chinkin, Christine. "The Legality Of Nato'S Action In The Former Republic Of Yugoslavia (Fry) Under International Law." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 4 (2000): 910–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064733.

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The use of force has been prohibited in international relations since at least the United Nations Charter, 1945. Article 2 (4) of the Charter states:All members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the United Nations.

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22

Berkes, Antal. "The League of Nations and the International Law of State Responsibility." International Community Law Review 22, no. 3-4 (2020): 331–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341433.

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Abstract The League of Nations set up The Hague codification conference that focused, among three specific agendas, on the responsibility of states for damage caused in their territory to the person or property of foreigners. Scholarship has dominantly ignored or considered the work of the League of Nations in the law of state responsibility as a failure, starting the story of the codification with the International Law Commission. This article proposes to rethink the dominant view and claims that the League of Nations’ codification process not only initiated, but substantially contributed to

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23

Frydl, Kathleen J. "Kidnapping and State Development in the United States." Studies in American Political Development 20, no. 1 (2006): 18–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x06000022.

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A nation-state defending against threats may, in the process, alter itself: some threats cannot be handled by existing political and institutional arrangements. Of course, the dynamic response undertaken to answer external, state-issued threats has been widely noted. Many students of government—if not history—understand wars between nations to be a great catalyst for state development. Interestingly, even non-state and vastly weaker threats can elicit transformative responses.

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24

Chernilo, Daniel. "Beyond the Nation? Or Back to It? Current Trends in the Sociology of Nations and Nationalism." Sociology 54, no. 6 (2020): 1072–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038520949831.

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This article critically reviews three of the most significant debates in the sociology of nations and nationalism over the past 50 years: (1) the problem of methodological nationalism on the main features of nation-states; (2) the tension between primordialism and modernism in understanding the historicity of nations; and (3) the politics of nationalism between universalism and particularism. These three debates help us clarify some key theses in our long-term understanding of nations and nationalism: processes of nation and nation-state formation are not opposed to but compatible with the ris

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25

Rahimov, Mirzohid. "From Soviet Republics to Independent Countries: Challenges of Transition in Central Asia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 291–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207766.

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AbstractIn the twentieth century, the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan passed through a complex historical period. They were originally founded as republics of the Soviet Union in the 1920s-30s as a result of national and territorial state delimitation. The process of the creation of new national state formations began after the Soviet Union disintegrated and these republics achieved independence. At the same time, the region's nations are facing complex problems of transition and the creation of new societies. Nevertheless, these coun

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26

FUKURAI, Hiroshi. "The Decoupling of the Nation and the State: Constitutionalizing Transnational Nationhood, Cross-Border Connectivity, Diaspora, and “National” Identity-Affiliation in Asia and Beyond." Asian Journal of Law and Society 7, no. 1 (2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2019.26.

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AbstractSince the first Asian Law and Society Conference (ALSA) was held at the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 2016, a number of special sessions have been organized to focus on the deconstruction of the Westphalian transnational order based on the concept of the “nation-state.”1 This dominant hegemony was predicated on the congruence of the geo-territorial boundaries of both the state and the nation, as well as the “assumed integration” of state-defined “citizenship” and another distinctly layered “membership” based on culture, ethnic, religious, and indigenous affiliations. The “n

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27

Haque, Shamsul M. "The Paradox of Bureaucratic Accountability in Developing Nations under a Promarket State." International Political Science Review 19, no. 4 (1998): 357–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251298019004002.

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28

Timmer, Daniel. "Political Models and the End of the World in Zephaniah." Biblical Interpretation 24, no. 3 (2016): 310–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685152-00243p02.

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This article pairs the lenses of religious studies and political analysis in order to understand better the utopian future envisioned by the Book of Zephaniah. Identifying prominent political elements in light of common ancient Near Eastern models of statehood, it focuses on the political process that the Book of Zephaniah sees as culminating world history. The elimination from Judah and from other nations of those who do not follow or submit to Yhwh is correlated with empire formation, followed by a surprising shift to a territorial state model in which the remaining citizens of the nations a

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29

Liebich, Andre. "Must Nations Become States?" Nationalities Papers 31, no. 4 (2003): 453–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000152942.

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A world in which every nation has become a state, that is, a world in which cultural and political units coincide, would be a very different world from the one we know. There are now close to 200 political units recognized as states in the international system. Nations, understood as cultural units, are not as easily identified. Taking only language as a defining criterion, one could count some 6,000 linguistically defined groups. Many of these groups number so few speakers and are so close to extinction that their future can be discounted. If one turns to other cultural markers, however, from

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30

Sandner, Günther. "Nations without nationalism." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 2 (2005): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.2.06san.

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In addition to the socialist discourse on popular education, theoretical contributions of Austro-Marxist intellectuals such as Karl Renner, Otto Bauer and Otto Neurath on multiculturalism represent an important intellectual source of leftist culturalism. Considering actual debates, the Austro-Marxist approach on nation and culture moved between the politics of recognition and the politics of difference. Their concept combined both the recognition of (a positively evaluated) difference between national cultures and the demand for political unification transcending the nation state. Beyond their

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31

Mardon, Russell. "The State and The Effective Control of Foreign Capital: The Case of South Korea." World Politics 43, no. 1 (1990): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010553.

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The literature on the political economy of developing nations has focused attention upon the weakness and vulnerability of the nation-state and its limited ability to deal with and effectively alter the dominant forces of the international economy. Despite common international structures, however, the empirical pattern of foreign ownership and control of the means of production varies in newly industrializing nations. Domestic political structures and alternative state strategies may therefore have a significant impact on the pattern of foreign ownership and on the degree of control that forei

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32

Allard, Silas W. "WHO AM I? WHO ARE YOU? WHO ARE WE? LAW, RELIGION, AND APPROACHES TO AN ETHIC OF MIGRATION." Journal of Law and Religion 30, no. 2 (2015): 320–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2015.6.

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In her essay “The Decline of the Nation-State and the End of the Rights of Man,” Hannah Arendt famously wrote, “Nobody had been aware that mankind, for so long a time considered under the image of a family of nations, had reached the state where whoever was thrown out of one of these tightly organized closed communities found himself thrown out of the family of nations altogether.” Surveying the aftermath of the world wars, the same aftermath that eventually led to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Arendt found that a person had to be emplaced—the subject of a political space—in the s

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33

Peregudov, S., and I. Semenenko. "Scottish Referendum and Future of British State." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2015): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-3-64-75.

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The Scottish referendum occupies a special place in the row of events determining the very essence of the current political transformations in the United Kingdom, and is bound to influence both the future of the British statehood and the long-term development of British political institutions. The referendum campaign and the results of the Scottish vote have further aggravated the imbalances between the “home nations” in the UK. The promises given by the British political class to Scottish voters will have long-time consequences for the ardently debated constitutional reform. Relations between

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34

Youssef, M. Dr Yassar Ahmed. "Iraqi political movement in the League of Nations From the years (1921-1932)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 222, no. 2 (2018): 471–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v222i2.411.

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The study is concerned with the study of an important period of time in the history of modern Iraq, the period of the establishment of modern Iraq and independence through the end of the British Mandate and acceptance of joining the League of Nations, an international organization, which includes the membership of independent free countries, which took on the establishment of security and world peace through the adoption of the principle Prohibition of the use of force and the adoption of the principle of resolving international disputes by peaceful means, the research aims to achieve a set of

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35

Blekesaune, M. "Public Attitudes toward Welfare State Policies: A Comparative Analysis of 24 Nations." European Sociological Review 19, no. 5 (2003): 415–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/19.5.415.

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36

Tupper, Allan, Keith G. Banting, and Richard Simeon. "Redesigning the State: The Politics of Constitutional Change in Industrial Nations." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 12, no. 2 (1986): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550489.

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37

Sadow, Jeffrey D., Robert S. Jordan, and Paul Sanchez-Navarro. "Computer Applications in Teaching International Political Interaction." Political Science Teacher 2, no. 1 (1989): 8–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000477.

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As the computer more and more becomes a tool to further quantitative political science research, the data analysis function threatens to overshadow the use of computers as information processors. Among the many functions of contemporary computer software is the ability to move text from user to user. These packages, available on almost any mainframe system, generally take the form of “electronic mail” systems and have proven invaluable for academics in communicating with each other around the world, making information thousands of miles distant seem located just around the corner.Mail systems

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38

Mathews-Schultz, A. Lanethea. "The Untold History of the United Nations, the US State Department, and Organized Interests in the Postwar Era." Social Science History 44, no. 2 (2020): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2020.4.

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ABSTRACTIn 1945, a vast range of US civic organizations and other groups were mobilized into a state-sanctioned campaign on behalf of a new international governance structure: the United Nations. This was a novel collaboration, one that demonstrated the State Department’s acknowledgment of the value of civic activity and organized interests to securing foreign policy goals and that positioned US groups to assert an independent role in shaping the formal institutions of the United Nations. While scholars of American political development (APD) have tentatively embraced the notion that internati

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39

Willmott, Kyle. "From self-government to government of the self: Fiscal subjectivity, Indigenous governance and the politics of transparency." Critical Social Policy 40, no. 3 (2019): 471–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018319857169.

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In 2013 the Canadian Parliament passed the First Nations Financial Transparency Act (FNFTA). Subject to immediate controversy, the law generated legal and political resistance from Indigenous leaders and scholars. The law requires First Nations governments to post audited consolidated financial statements and the salaries of chiefs and councillors online for public consumption. The article traces the use of transparency as a technology of government to examine how disclosure acts as an organizing mechanism of commensuration and moral scrutiny. The article then shows how transparency and disclo

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40

Choudry, Aziz. "Suffer the Little Children: Genocide, Indigenous Nations and the Canadian State." Studies in Social Justice 13, no. 1 (2019): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v13i1.1839.

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41

Mulherin, Peter E., and Benjamin Isakhan. "State–Media Consensus on Going to War? Australian Newspapers, Political Elites, and Fighting the Islamic State." International Journal of Press/Politics 24, no. 4 (2019): 531–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161219853514.

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This article assesses the link between the state and the media in their coverage of foreign policy decisions. It holds up to empirical scrutiny the claim that genuine press criticism can only occur within the bounds of political-elite debate. Taking the Australian government’s 2014 decision to fight the Islamic State as its case study, it explores areas of consensus and dissensus between political discourse and the media. Conducting a qualitative analysis of three media frames used by major newspapers, it tests the “indexing hypothesis” and concludes that some press coverage went beyond the pa

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42

Pace, John P. "Human rights in Iraq's transition: the search for inclusiveness." International Review of the Red Cross 90, no. 869 (2008): 91–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383108000052.

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AbstractThe aftermath of the invasion of Iraq set unprecedented challenges to the United Nations in the political and in the human rights spheres. Since the first involvement of the United Nations under Security Council Resolution 1483 (2003), the United Nations, through its assistance mission (UNAMI), has provided support to the process of transition from a military occupation resulting from an unlawful invasion to a fully sovereign and independent state, an objective yet to be fully achieved. The article looks at this trajectory from the angle of the involvement of the Security Council, the

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43

Martin, Ian, and Alexander Mayer-Rieckh. "The United Nations and East Timor: from self-determination to state-building." International Peacekeeping 12, no. 1 (2005): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353331042000286595.

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44

Soliman, Hussein, and Sherry Cable. "Sinking under the weight of corruption: Neoliberal reform, political accountability and justice." Current Sociology 59, no. 6 (2011): 735–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392111419748.

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The United Nations adopted the 2003 Convention Against Corruption to reduce corruption in developing nations. Corruption’s determinants include political systems’ permeability to economic influence, state economic intervention, weak political competition and officials’ discretionary power to allocate resources. Corruption’s outcomes are slowed economic development, misallocation of government resources, income inequalities and, less frequently, disasters. Using archival and interview data, this article documents corruption’s shaping of the 2006 sinking of an Egyptian ferry in the Red Sea, whic

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45

Popova, Irina V., Nataliya G. Isaeva, and Peshawa Khalid Hama Amin. "Political uncertainty of the nation as an objective factor in shaping the life plans of the Kurdish youth (empirical research experience)." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 6, no. 4 (2020): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2020-4-334-345.

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The article presents both legal and sociological views on the problems of Nations living in the conditions of another state. The article examines the impact of the contradiction between the right of a nation to self-determination and the principle of territorial integrity as an urgent problem for the Kurdish youth. Attention is drawn to the need to humanize international law in relation to Nations in conditions of political uncertainty. It is proposed to use the following means to reduce violence: international law, international supranational organizations, and General humanization of social

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46

Jung, Tobias. "Foundations in the U.K.: Organizations and Nations in a State of Flux." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 13 (2018): 1933–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773450.

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In the absence of a legal foundation form, and with differing national legal contexts, researching U.K. foundations presents major conceptual and practical challenges. This article maps and critically discusses the U.K. foundation landscape; it highlights the blurred boundaries of foundations as an organizational form and outlines the different expressions of charity laws that foundations face across the U.K.’s constituent parts. Examining data on foundation characteristics, the article shows that although data on foundations indicate that the organizational characteristics and activities of U

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47

Swank, Duane. "Politics and the Structural Dependence of the State in Democratic Capitalist Nations." American Political Science Review 86, no. 1 (1992): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964014.

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I explore empirically a central claim of the structural dependence thesis, namely, that capitalists' ability to disinvest fundamentally conditions policy choices in democratic capitalist systems. Utilizing time-series data for 16 affluent democracies from 1965 to 1984, I find that, indeed, low rates of business investment are associated with reductions in corporate tax burdens and that these reductions are more pronounced in periods of economic crisis. Moreover, low rates of capital formation engender cuts in personal income taxes during periods of economic stress. However, I also find that th

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48

Klepka, Rafał. "Flemings and Walloons – Two Nations in One State: the Political and Cultural Dilemmas of the Belgians." Politeja, no. 31 (2014): 459–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.11.2014.31_1.24.

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49

Siatitsa, Ilia Maria, and Maia Titberidze. "Human Rights in Armed Conflict: Ten Years of Affirmative State Practice within United Nations Resolutions." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 3, no. 2 (2012): 233–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-00302007.

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The debate concerning the interrelation of international human rights law and international humanitarian law is certainly not new within the relevant academic circles. Nevertheless, a comprehensive study of recent State practice in the UN political bodies, that puts the opposition to the applicability of human rights to a real test, adds a new and rather intriguing twist to the matter. It appears that the statements of governments arguing for the exclusive application of international humanitarian law in armed conflicts are not always supported by their own practice within the UN political bod

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Licklider, Roy. "You, the People: The United Nations, Transitional Administration, and State-Buildingby Simon Chesterman." Political Science Quarterly 120, no. 1 (2005): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2005.tb00541.x.

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