Relevant bibliographies by topics / State-Society Relations

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'State-Society Relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 24 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "State-Society Relations"

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Botelho, André. "Political sociology: State–society relations." Current Sociology 62, no. 6 (May 23, 2014): 868–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392114533213.

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Howell, Jude. "Refashioning State-Society Relations in China." European Journal of Development Research 6, no. 1 (June 1994): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09578819408426605.

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Kibris, Arzu, and Özgür Kibris. "State-Society Relations in Civil Conflicts." Terrorism and Political Violence 32, no. 1 (October 2, 2017): 138–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2017.1364634.

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Knox, Colin, and Sholpan Yessimova. "State-Society Relations: NGOs in Kazakhstan." Journal of Civil Society 11, no. 3 (June 29, 2015): 300–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2015.1058322.

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Koh, David. "State‑Society Relations In Vietnam: Strong or Weak State?" Southeast Asian Affairs 2001 2001, no. 1 (April 2001): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa01w.

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Lemanski, Charlotte. "Infrastructural citizenship: (de)constructing state–society relations." International Development Planning Review 42, no. 2 (April 2020): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/idpr.2019.39.

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Chatterjee, Anasua. "Politics and state–society relations in India." Contemporary South Asia 26, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2018.1433400.

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Tsyrendorzhieva, Dari, and Kseniya Bagaeva. "State-religious relations in modern Russian society." SHS Web of Conferences 28 (2016): 01103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20162801103.

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Mogalakwe, Monageng, and David Sebudubudu. "Trends In State-Civil Society Relations In Botswana." Journal of African elections 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2006): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2006/v5i2a14.

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Kabonga, Itai, and Kwashirai Zvokuomba. "State–Civil Society Relations in Zimbabwe’s “Second Republic”." International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity 16, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2021.1949361.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "State-Society Relations"

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Mouawad, Jamil. "The negotiated state : state-society relations in Lebanon." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.694061.

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Edigheji, Oghenemano Emmanuel. "The State, State-Society Relations and Developing Countries’ Economic Performance." Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of sociology and political science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-1779.

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Developing countries have undergone different development trajectories beginning in the 1970s -- a period that coincided with the current form of globalisation. Most of these countries have experienced low economic growth, poverty, high unemployment, diseases and inequalities. Few others have witnessed an unprecedented high rate of economic growth combined with qualitative improvements in the living standards of their people.

The initial and pervasive discourse about these diverse developmental outcomes was cast in terms of the former set of countries having gotten the “economic fundamentals” wrong while the latter set of countries got the “basic economic fundamentals” right. A key thrust of this conceptual framework was that the market is the most efficient allocator of resources and that integration into the global economy depends on the ability of countries to get the fundamental rights. Once again, there seems to be a resurgence of the Smithian invisible hand, where markets were seen as the best protector of the public good. Within this framework, the state becomes almost irrelevant to the process of national economic reforms and integration into the global economy – indeed unimportant to successful economic transformation and public welfare.

By the 1980s however, a school of revisionist institutionalists had emerged to reassert the centrality of the state to economic transformation. Broadly, this school argued that the ability of countries to take advantage of the opportunities flowing from economic globalisation depends on the state’s capacity. Consequently, a number of state capacity theories were advanced to explain variations in national economic outcomes among developing countries. Despite these various attempts, we lack a comprehensive state-capacity theory. Furthermore, most of these explanations relied on a hodgepodge of case studies, and few were comparative in nature. Although, these sorts of case studies are valuable for their mastery of details, most failed to operationalise how differences in state institutions lead to variations in national economic outcomes. The only existing study that has attempted to develop comparative indicators is limited to “Weberianness”, and by so doing excludes an important aspect of state autonomy. Worse, none of the studies provided measurable indicators for state-society relations as important domestic institutions. The discussion in this study is anchored in measurable indicators of state autonomy and (statesociety) synergy across developing countries. Furthermore, the study focuses on equitable growth rather than a narrower concern with growth that has been the major preoccupation of most studies.

This study develops a number of operational indicators for state institutions and state-society relations for the purposes of comparing developmental outcomes across countries. It develops and compares the institutional characteristics of twelve developing countries. On this basis, two main hypotheses were tested in this study, namely (a) that successful economic performance (that is high economic growth combined with low inequality) is highly associated with autonomous state institutions that are synergistically tied to its socio-economic partners, and (b) that a country’s institutional attributes determine its capacity to effectively engage with the globalisation process.

Through the pursuit and application of comparative indicators, the dissertation concludes that, indeed, countries with highly synergistic autonomous (Auto-Synergy) institutions have achieved egalitarianism and high economic growth. But contrary to a priori expectations, it also concludes that in rare circumstances, such as in countries with rich natural resource endowments and initial income and wealth distributions that altered the ownership pattern and production relations, countries with low or no levels of Auto-Synergy can still achieve equitable growth.

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Morcom, Shaun. "State-Society relations in postwar Russia 1945-1953." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496710.

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Hannah, Joseph. "Local non-government organizations in Vietnam : development, civil society and state-society relations /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/5670.

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Paker, Hande. "Social aftershocks : rent seeking, state failure, and state-civil society relations in Turkey." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85026.

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This research emerged from the belief that merely economic explanations of rent seeking were too narrow and an interdisciplinary approach was needed to understand historical structural factors that contribute to particularistic exchanges. Rent-seeking and particularistic ties are almost always explained from a strictly neoclassical perspective which tend to be reductionist approaches that fail to explain why some states will be rent-seeking while others will not. Moreover, other frameworks that analyze state-civil society interaction do so without taking into account particularistic state-civil society interaction. Thus, there is a need to explain such particularistic ties in a comparative institutional framework. My dissertation research was undertaken on two associations in Turkey, namely the Turkish Red Crescent (Kizilay) and AKUT (a search and rescue team), in order to understand the dynamics of the relationship between a particularistic state and civil society associations. The TRC was chosen because it was involved in particularistic exchanges and functioned as an institution of the state, which meant that it partook in the state failure the state in Turkey faced in the aftermath of a devastating earthquake in 1999. The Marmara earthquake was devastating not only physically in terms of the damage it caused, but also socially in terms of the extent of the failure of state institutions it exposed and the extent of criticisms it unleashed. The immediate chaos that ensued in the aftermath of the earthquake was marked by the "absence of the state". The failure of the state provoked an unprecedented civil reaction and mobilization. AKUT, the second case of the research, also became the focus of public attention, albeit for completely the opposite reason. It was revered for the successful rescue work it carried out in the earthquake while the TRC was severely criticized for its failure to deliver services.
My dissertation research has shown that in cases of state failure, the state can only establish particularistic ties creating a multilevel chain system of particularized exchanges and fails to deliver public goods and services universally. Thus, the state co-opts a civil society organization into this chain system, demonstrated both by the TRC and AKUT. Furthermore, in cases of state failure, a civil society organization that has developed independently of the state becomes over-missionized with filling the gap created by state failure (AKUT), with public expectations and demands from AKUT far exceeding their self-defined goals and capabilities. Thus, ineffectiveness of the state does not translate into well-working civil society organizations. The absence of a capable state affects the nature of civil society organizations adversely. This finding is a direct contribution to the more general debate on the effectiveness of state institutions and the voluntary sector. More importantly, my research effectively shows that much of the dichotomous discussion of the state on the one hand, and civil society on the other, needs to be discarded. Such dichotomous thinking does not capture the complex interactions between the state and civil society organizations, as I have shown in the case of Turkey.
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Bienvenu, Fiacre. "Making African Civil Society Work: Assessing Conditions for Democratic State-Society Relations in Rwanda." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3822.

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This dissertation offers a single case in-depth analysis of factors precluding civil society from democratizing African polities. Synthesizing existing literature on Rwanda, I first undertake an historical search to trace the origins and qualities of civil society in the colonial era. This effort shows, however, that the central authority—commencing before the inception of the Republic in 1962—consistently organized civil society to buttress its activities, not to challenge them. Next, using ethnographic research, I challenge conventional economic and institutional accounts of civil society’s role in democratization. I show that institutional change and the economic clout of organized groups are marginal and transient in effect, and hence possess considerable limitations to democratize state and non-state-groups relations. I argue that the Genocide and its historical materials, social and economic precariousness, and neo-patrimonial power configurations have erected a prevailing political culture that still conditions how Rwanda’s state-society relations are imagined, realized, and challenged. Conversely, just as that political culture has lengthened the reach of the state into society, limiting the potential autonomy of civil society, it has also been the basis for rebuilding the society, restoring the state’s authority, and enacting major state-building oriented reforms. Consequently, for CSOs to induce a liberal democratic order in domestic politics, subsequent activism will require long-term strategic and organic investment of actors into the dispersed, parochial strands of democracy first, not into ongoing confrontational, yet fruitless, political warfare that hinders social capital formation and that civil society is not yet equipped to win.
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Chui, Hiu-kwan Cheryl, and 徐曉君. "Child welfare NGOs in China : implications for state-society relations." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/206334.

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The civil society perspective and the corporatist perspective have thus far dominated studies on state-society relations in the Chinese context. While these paradigms are insightful, their unidirectional and rigid natures may no longer adequately describe the complex nature of evolving state-society relations in China. As such, Joel S. Migdal’s State-in-Society framework is adopted as the theoretical premise of this study. Allowing for more fluidity, the State-in-Society theory serves as an alternative approach towards examining interactions between the state and nonprofits and between the state and society. The concept of social control within the framework is examined in further detail. Descriptive multiple case study was used as a method of inquiry, followed by thematic analysis. Findings generally corroborate with the logic of social control, with compliance, participation and legitimacy being the incremental stages with which both nonprofits and the state seek to attain from each other and from the public. It was found that the state employ strategies including co-optation, procedural validation and hijacking scholarship to gain participation whereas moral reinforcement, rhetoric validation, and image consolidation are used to attain legitimacy. Ironically, nonprofits employ similar strategies in an attempt to change the state’s behaviour. Vilification and shaming are used to gain compliance, while resource appropriation and preemptive engagement are employed to attain participation. Moral reinforcement, image consolidation, individual credibility and persistence were found to be critical factors in bolstering organizational legitimacy. Furthermore, findings generally support the claim that nonprofits operating in rural areas enjoy greater autonomy than those active in urban areas. Even so, state-society relations is highly localized and therefore overgeneralization should be avoided. In addition to contributing to the discourse on state-society relations, this study seeks to identify the role of nongovernmental organizations in orphan care provision in China. Along with content analysis and field observations, 10 in-depth cases are presented to illustrate existing obstacles pertaining to orphan care provision. Identified barriers are subsequently compartmentalized into five main categories: knowledge level, policy level, cultural level, organizational level, and state-NGO relations. Given the distinct welfare system extant between rural and urban areas, findings indicate that orphans in rural areas are disproportionately disadvantaged compared to those residing in cities. This may be due to the relatively weak economic and human resources that often characterize rural China. One important observation is the growing tendency for local governments to regard nongovernmental organizations as critical service partners. However, the sustainability of this service model is questionable, especially when the state claims to carry primary responsibility over citizen welfare. The legal ambiguity concerning the registration and governance of nonprofits also jeopardizes future undertakings. Nevertheless, it is strategically and rationally sensible for local governments to ally with nonprofits insofar as there are deficiencies in the former’s capacity to deliver social services for disadvantaged children. This study concludes by discussing policy implications on China’s third sector and social development.
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Paik, Woo Yeal. "Political participation, clientelism, and state-society relations in contemporary China." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1925793231&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Amer, Rawya M. Tawfik. "State-society relations and regional role : comparing Egypt and South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c00e6d89-06a1-40b5-b760-33965d32bcef.

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The study explains the regional roles of Egypt and South Africa in the last two decades by reference to the state’s relationship with society, a variable that has long been underplayed in international relations and foreign policy literature. It suggests that the different character of this relationship in each country has shaped the opportunities and constraints affecting the foreign policy choices of both the state and societal institutions in the two countries. The study adopts a cross-disciplinary approach using debates on state capacity and its relationship with regime type in comparative politics and political economy to understand and evaluate the two countries' foreign policies in their respective regions. After analysing the impact of state-society relationships on the regional role conceptions of the state and societal actors, the study compares the performance of these actors in two case studies; the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in the case of Egypt and the Zimbabwean crisis in the case of South Africa. It concludes that although the role of each state in resolving its respective regional conflict has been less than effective, the post-apartheid democratic dispensation has provided opportunities for South African social forces to play roles that complemented, checked and balanced the role of the state, compared to their Egyptian counterparts. On the other hand, the soft authoritarian Egyptian state used its role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to maintain the international alliances that helped to sustain its domestic control. This constrained the state's foreign policy options. It made marketing peace as 'a strategic choice' and containing resistance movements the priorities of Egypt's intervention in the Palestinian issue. The co-optation of the Egyptian business community and the exclusion of Islamist forces by the state weakened their roles in conflict resolution, depriving the state of tools of effectiveness. In the case of South Africa, racial politics, the ANC's liberation movement psyche, and the domination of the presidency over foreign policy making have hindered the promotion of NEPAD's principles of democracy and respect for human rights in the case of Zimbabwe. However, South African civil society played a crucial role in supporting its Zimbabwean counterpart, holding the South African state accountable to its foreign policy principles and its democratic institutions, and intervening where the state's role was missing or insufficient.
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Mello, Brian Jason. "Evaluating social movement impacts : labor and the politics of state-society relations /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10711.

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Books on the topic "State-Society Relations"

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1936-, Banks Michael, and Shaw Martin, eds. State and society in international relations. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991.

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Civil society and state relations in Sweden. Aldershot, Hants, England: Avebury, 1995.

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Jimoh, Amzat, ed. State and civil society relations in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Hope Publications Ltd., 2009.

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Jimoh, Amzat, ed. State and civil society relations in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Hope Publications Ltd., 2009.

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1961-, Bokovoy Melissa K., Irvine Jill A, and Lilly Carol S. 1959-, eds. State-society relations in Yugoslavia, 1945-1992. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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Margaret, Sutton, and Arnove Robert F, eds. Civil society or shadow state?: State/NGO relations in education. Greenwich, Conn: Information Age Pub., 2004.

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State-society relations in Ba'thist Iraq: Facing dictatorship. London: Routledge, 2010.

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State-civil society and donor relations in Zambia. Lusaka, Zambia: UNZA Press, 2010.

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Rohde, Achim. State-society relations in Ba'thist Iraq: Facing dictatorship. London: Routledge, 2010.

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Birol, Başkan, ed. State-society relations in the Arab Gulf States. Berlin, Germany: Gerlach Press, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "State-Society Relations"

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Gaunder, Alisa. "State-society relations." In Japanese Politics and Government, 133–47. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003216841-10.

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Dicklitch, Susan. "State—Civil Society Relations." In The Elusive Promise of NGOs in Africa, 98–122. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502116_4.

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Halliday, Fred. "State and Society in International Relations." In Rethinking International Relations, 74–93. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23658-9_4.

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Galimberti, Deborah. "Local State-Society Relations in France." In Close Ties in European Local Governance, 133–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44794-6_10.

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Egner, Björn, Hubert Heinelt, and Detlef Sack. "Local State-Society Relations in Germany." In Close Ties in European Local Governance, 149–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44794-6_11.

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Getimis, Panagiotis. "Local State-Society Relations in Greece." In Close Ties in European Local Governance, 165–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44794-6_12.

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Eyþórsson, Grétar Þór, and Eva Marín Hlynsdóttir. "Local State–Society Relations in Iceland." In Close Ties in European Local Governance, 181–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44794-6_13.

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Russell, Paula. "Local State-Society Relations in Ireland." In Close Ties in European Local Governance, 195–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44794-6_14.

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Magnier, Annick, and Marcello Cabria. "Local State-Society Relations in Italy." In Close Ties in European Local Governance, 215–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44794-6_15.

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Reinholde, Iveta, Inese Āboliņa, and Malvine Stučka. "Local State-Society Relations in Latvia." In Close Ties in European Local Governance, 231–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44794-6_16.

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Conference papers on the topic "State-Society Relations"

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Vasilieva, S. V. "Old Believers of Buryatia in the conditions of State confessional policy formation in Soviet society." In Old Belief: History and Modernity, Local Traditions, Relations in Russia and Abroad. Buryat State University Publishing Department, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/978-5-9793-0771-8-63-68.

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Achsin, Muhaimin. "State–Society Relations to Prevent Radicalism and Violent Extremism in the Cyberspace of Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 1st Hasanuddin International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, HICOSPOS 2019, 21-22 October 2019, Makassar, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.21-10-2019.2291537.

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Emanova, A. A., and T. A. Stavrova. "On the need for comprehensive improvement of state control and supervision in the sphere of financial legal relations." In VIII Information school of a young scientist. Central Scientific Library of the Urals Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32460/ishmu-2020-8-0026.

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In each state, organization of the management over public finances plays a crucial role, and a well-established management system is an integral part of public administration. In order to ensure the stability and balance of the country's economy, the task of improving the effectiveness of the state financial management is one of the most important tasks of the state. The result of risk management in the economy, as well as the socio-economic well–being of citizens (and of other aspects) depends on how the issue of the management in the sphere of public (state) Finance is resolved in society.
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Semenova, V. I., and M. F. Fridman. "STATE PERSONNEL POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF INFORMATION AND ECONOMIC CONFRONTATION." In INNOVATIVE TECHNOLOGIES IN SCIENCE AND EDUCATION. DSTU-Print, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23947/itno.2020.289-293.

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This article is devoted to the most important issue of ensuring an innovative breakthrough in socio-economic development in the conditions of information and economic confrontation. Today, humanity is entering an era of a fundamentally different system of social relations, values and meanings. The emergence of a multipolar world model increases the competition of developed countries, on the one hand, and weakens the role of the state in society, on the other. Economic sanctions significantly hinder innovative development, so the state, as one of the main social institutions, still needs qualitatively new, more productive, innovative solutions, the emergence and implementation of which is impossible without appropriate personnel: researchers, analysts, developers, managers and workers.
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"Еransformation of Marriage and Family Relations in the first half of the XX Century: the Example of Orenburg Oblast." In XII Ural Demographic Forum “Paradigms and models of demographic development”. Institute of Economics of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17059/udf-2021-1-5.

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Events of the first half of the 20th century led to fundamental shifts not only in the state structure, but also in all spheres of life of Russian society, causing economic, social and cultural changes. The most unshakeable institution — family, which for a long time represented the age-old traditions — has also undergone transformations. The idea of universal equality widespread in Russia in that time assumed equality in all spheres of society, including in the family. Now the divorce procedure, which could be initiated by a woman, was significantly simplified, the age of marriage changed, there were no restrictions for representatives of different nationalities and religions. Indeed, the new decrees concerning the family and marriage represented the most modern, most fashionable trends of the 20th century.
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Крохичева, Галина, Galina Krohicheva, Елена Сидоренко, Elena Sidorenko, Татьяна Побиванец, Tatyana Pobivanets, Элеонора Корниенко, and Eleonora Kornienko. "THE OPERATION OF COMPANIES IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE DIGITAL ECONOMY." In Modern problems of an economic safety, accounting and the right in the Russian Federation. AUS PUBLISHERS, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.26526/conferencearticle_5c50608f6a3bf9.28396878.

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The digital economy in the Russian Federation as an independent structure began to form and develop not so long ago, but it is aimed at all spheres of society. The state places great emphasis on the development of this form of economic relations. The Industry 4.0 project shows us the scale of the digital economy in Russia. We can say that this is a full-fledged transition of the functioning of society’s life to the technological sphere. The purpose of digitalization is to automate all spheres of society, improve the social life of the population, simplify state control over the circulation of funds in the country, and more. Therefore, with the development of digitalization, it is important to identify the characteristics of enterprises in the aspects of electronic commerce.
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Chistyakov, Maxim, Aleksey Gubernatorov, Aleksey Krasnov, Ivan Trifonov, and Lyudmila Shmeleva. "Health as an enduring value asset and resource factor of social wealth." In Human resource management within the framework of realisation of national development goals and strategic objectives. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.tldc2642.

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This study is devoted to current health issues as an individual and public good to identify the dependence and correlation of the individual’s quality of life and health in the general concept of valuable goods of global civilizational development in increasing threats to the individual and humanity. The indicator of the well-being of society – life expectancy, which directly depends on the institutional factors of the state policy of health as a resource factor and value asset of society. Statistical data of the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation, characterizing mortality from various causes, and life expectancy in chronological dynamics in different age groups are given. The article reveals cause-and-effect relations of the necessity of constructive consolidation of power, business, and society to responsible attitude to own personal health while considering external and implemented environmental background factors in raising the economic status of health as public wealth. The authors are unanimous that the social significance and economic effect of health preservation as a basic value resource is the convergence of lifestyle, environmental conditions, family and upbringing, harmful factors of a person’s harmful lifestyle (bad habits).
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Alawi Kazim, Kamil. "Fiscal policy in Iraq in light of the shocks after 2003." In 11th International Conference of Economic and Administrative Reform: Necessities and Challenges. University of Human Development, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicearnc/30.

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The Iraqi economy suffers from a triple shock, the first shock represented by the demonstrations that erupted in November 2019, the second shock related to the collapse of oil prices and the reduction of its production under the OPEC + agreement, and the third shock represented by the Corona pandemic and the resulting shock of supply and demand at the same time, and then led to slowing economic growth. The problems of the Iraqi economy are related to the rentier economy, which made the state control its relations with society with the presence of oil rents and dependence on it, which made it move away from its society, and thus weakened the effectiveness of the role of civil society institutions or their supervisory role, especially in the economic issue. The Iraqi economy's dependence on oil in its movement has become sensitive to external and internal shocks, so the research will focus on the development of fiscal policy in Iraq after 2003 in light of the shocks it has been exposed to and their effects on economic activity.
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Alawi Kazim, Kamil. "Fiscal policy in Iraq in light of the shocks after 2003." In 11th International Conference of Economic and Administrative Reform: Necessities and Challenges. University of Human Development, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/icearnc/30.

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The Iraqi economy suffers from a triple shock, the first shock represented by the demonstrations that erupted in November 2019, the second shock related to the collapse of oil prices and the reduction of its production under the OPEC + agreement, and the third shock represented by the Corona pandemic and the resulting shock of supply and demand at the same time, and then led to slowing economic growth. The problems of the Iraqi economy are related to the rentier economy, which made the state control its relations with society with the presence of oil rents and dependence on it, which made it move away from its society, and thus weakened the effectiveness of the role of civil society institutions or their supervisory role, especially in the economic issue. The Iraqi economy's dependence on oil in its movement has become sensitive to external and internal shocks, so the research will focus on the development of fiscal policy in Iraq after 2003 in light of the shocks it has been exposed to and their effects on economic activity.
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Kaluzhina, Marina, Yuri Tishchenko, Anastasia Samoilova, and Natalya Kraeva. "On the content of the concept of “criminological situation”." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.yzsp2002.

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The article considers the content of the concept of “criminological situation” in the criminological aspect, determines its structure. The differentiation of the concept of “criminological situation” with related concepts used in the special literature is given. The concept of criminological situation is proposed, taking into account its division into the main constituent elements, the mechanism of interaction between phenomena and the result of this interaction is shown. The main features of a criminological situation are determined, these features are defined by common regular connections and dependencies between the phenomena of social development and crime at the levels of the development of the social environment, the formation of the system of social relations, the state and development of social processes management. Considering a criminological situation as a dynamic category, the authors determined the affecting criminogenic, anti-criminogenic or functional factors. It is concluded that their in-depth study and analysis create favorable conditions for generating organizational-tactical decisions, taking into account the real possibilities of society and the state in combating crime, determining the main directions, strategies. Innovative methods for studying, analyzing and assessing a criminological situation, as well as the ways, forms of combating crime are considered. A critical judgment is made about why some developments and recommendations proposed by specialists, despite the high scientific-technical level, do not bring the desired effect in practice. It is concluded that a criminological situation acts as a social reality, an objectively given phenomenon, and therefore its assessment should be the same for all institutions of the state and society.
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Reports on the topic "State-Society Relations"

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Phillips, Daniel, Chris Coffey, Emma Gallagher, Paul Fenton Villar, Jennifer Stevenson, Stergiani Tsoli, Sharnic Dhanasekar, and John Eyers. State-society relations in low- and middle-income countries: an evidence gap map. International Initiative for Impact Evaluation (3ie), March 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23846/egm007.

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Kokurina, O. Yu. VIABILITY AND RESILIENCE OF THE MODERN STATE: PATTERNS OF PUBLIC-LEGAL ADMINISTRATION AND REGULATION. Kokurina O.Yu., February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/kokurina-21-011-31155.

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The modern understanding of the state as a complex social system allows us to assert that its resilience is based on ensuring systemic homeostasis as a stabilizing dynamic mechanism for resolving contradictions arising in society associated with the threat of losing control over the processes of public administration and legal regulation. Public administration is a kind of social management that ensures the organization of social relations and processes, giving the social system the proper coordination of actions, the necessary orderliness, sustainability and stability. The problem of state resilience is directly related to the resilience of state (public) administration requires a «breakthrough in traditional approaches» and recognition of «the state administration system as an organic system, the constituent parts and elements of which are diverse and capable of continuous self-development». Within the framework of the «organizational point of view» on the control methodology, there are important patterns and features that determine the viability and resilience of public administration and regulation processes in the state and society. These include: W. Ashby's cybernetic law of required diversity: for effective control, the degree of diversity of the governing body must be no less than the degree of diversity of the controlled object; E. Sedov’s law of hierarchical compensations: in complex, hierarchically organized and networked systems, the growth of diversity at the top level in the structure of the system is ensured by a certain limitation of diversity at its lower levels; St. Beer’s principle of invariance of the structure of viable social systems. The study was supported by the RFBR and EISI within the framework of the scientific project No. 21-011-31155.
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Racu, Alexandru. The Romanian Orthodox Church and Its Attitude towards the Public Health Measures Imposed during the COVID-19 Pandemic: Too Much for Some, Too Little for Others. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-3-racu.

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This paper discusses the religious dimension of the public debate concerning the public health measures adopted by the Romanian authorities during the pandemic and focuses on the role played by the Romanian Orthodox Church within this context. It delineates the different camps that were formed within the Church in this regard and traces their evolution throughout the pandemic. It contextualizes the position of the Church in order to better understand it, placing it within the broader context of the Romanian society during the pandemic and integrating it within the longer history of post-communist relations between the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Romanian state and the Romanian civil society. It analyses the political impact of the public health measures and the role of the Church in shaping this impact. Finally, starting from the Romanian experience of the pandemic and from the ideological, theological and political disputes that it has generated within the Romanian public sphere, it develops some general conclusions regarding the relation between faith, science and politics whose relevance, if proven valid, surpasses the Romanian context and thus contributes to a more ecumenical discussion regarding the theological, pastoral and political lessons that can be learned from an otherwise tragic experience.
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Sergeyev, Mykola. Ukrainian National Idea in the Modern Ukrainian Media Space. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11407.

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M. Sergeyev’s article “Ukrainian National Idea in the Modern Ukrainian Media Space” states that modern Ukrainian philosophical thought tries to get rid of the flaws and stereotypes of its one-sided orientation “to the East” and tries to establish a European orientation in the minds of Ukrainian citizens. The theoretical proof of the new worldview took place throughout the formation of the Ukrainian state from Little Russia to Ukraine and presents its actual struggle for independence. It is an integral concept that reflects the process of forming theories and views of prominent Ukrainian thinkers on the place and role of Ukrainians in the becoming and development of an independent Ukrainian state. As O. Zabuzhko emphasizes, “all Ukrainian philosophical, historical, sociological thought of the past and our centuries (including the diaspora) is permeated with the sacred idea of nationalism”. The author concludes that the logic of the historical development of the Ukrainian national idea reveals only one model of its socio-political future, which implies the need for Ukraine’s integration into the European and world community. This path requires the moral and political readiness of the entire Ukrainian society for its implementation and prevents the emergence of any other - alternative ideas. Solving this problem is complicated by the need to return to Ukraine the temporarily occupied territories of Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk regions. Of course, this model will lead to significant political and economic tensions in society (the final severance of economic relations with Russia, the closure of non-competitive industries, the outflow of labor to the west). At the same time, the orientation of the Ukrainian national idea to the west will increase competition in all branches of production and will be a condition for further self-improvement of Ukrainian society.
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Omondi Okwany, Clifford Collins. Territoriality as a Method for Understanding Armed Groups in Kenya and Strengthening Policy Responses. RESOLVE Network, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2023.1.lpbi.

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This policy note explores the characteristics of community-based armed groups (CBAGs) unique to the Kenyan context through a comparison of local CBAGs with other nonstate armed groups, particularly violent extremist organizations (VEOs). In doing so, it introduces the concept of territoriality—the degree to which government and security agents are able to monopolize political, social, and security control of spaces—and suggests that both CBAGs and VEOs are most likely to thrive in Kenya under conditions of semi-territoriality, where state authority sometimes shifts fluidly from strong to weak depending on capacity or interest. To combat the rise of VEOs it recommends community-oriented policing as a devolved security strategy, strengthening relations between civil society and the police through the Police Reforms Working Group Kenya (PRWGK), helping to monitor and evaluate the police service. Additionally, mapping CBAGs and VEOs through clan structures is a community-oriented strategy that helps strengthen territoriality and counter semi-territoriality.
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Belafi, Carmen. Where There’s a Will There’s a Way: The Role of Political Will in Creating/Producing/Shaping Education Systems for Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-ri_2022/043.

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This Insight Note argues that political will is a decisive factor in explaining both the homogeneity in the expansion of schooling and the heterogeneity in the expansion of learning, and introduces three takeaways as necessary conditions for a meaningful and sustained prioritisation of learning: The highest authorities of a country have the political will to prioritise learning. The highest authorities of a country want to get every child learning (as they define learning goals as universal goals). The highest authorities of a country adopt a long-horizon view to reap the benefits of a learning-oriented system for the long haul. That said, there are good reasons why many disdain appeals to ‘political will’ and why political will is described as “the slipperiest concept in the policy lexicon” (Hammergren 1998: 12).1 My purpose is not to invoke political will as a deus ex machina or an exogenously given characteristic of a country like its latitude. I explore what political will is (and who needs to have it), how one can identify it, and how it arises in different political regime types. To make “because they wanted it” a workable and useful insight, we need to dig deeper into questions such as: “How do some countries come to want to and others not?” and “What, if anything, can be done to foment the wanting to?” As will be shown, the standard RISE Systems Framework is only partially capable of explaining how the political willof the highest authorities of a state is formed. Therefore, an additional typology of political regimes is introduced to distinguish between different modalities of rule and state-society relations. This typology not only helps in separating different ways in which political will is formed, but also outlines different pathways for how political will may be fostered, depending on the type of regime. The Insight Note is structured as follows: Section 2 defines the term ‘political will’. Section 3 hones in on the three key points and offers empirical examples of political will and prioritisation of learning. Section 4 discusses the formation of political will in different political contexts and highlights the strengths and weaknesses of the RISE Systems Framework in capturing the different modalities of political will formation. Section 5 introduces a typology of political regimes that can help guide analysis on how political will is formed in different regime types and how interventions to create political will may have to look different depending on the type of political system. Section 6 concludes.
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Haider, Huma. Political Settlements: The Case of Moldova. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.065.

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The new elite in post-1991 independent Moldova gradually captured state institutions, while internal drivers of reforms have generally been weak. Civil society has had limited effectiveness; and the media is largely dominated by political and business circles (BTI, 2022). The Moldovan diaspora has emerged in recent years, however, as a powerful driver of reform. In addition, new political parties and politicians have in recent years focused on common social and economic problems, rather than exploiting identity and geopolitical cleavages. These two developments played a crucial role in the transformative changes in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020 and 2021, respectively.1 The new Moldovan leadership has experienced many challenges, however, in achieving justice and anti-corruption reforms—the primary components of their electoral platform—due to the persistence of rent-seeking and corruption in the justice sector (Minzarari, 2022). This rapid review examines literature—primarily academic and non-governmental organisation (NGO)-based—in relation to the political settlement of Moldova. It provides an overview of the political settlement framework and the political history of Moldova. It then draws on the literature to explore aspects of the social foundation and the power configuration in Moldova; and implications for governance and inclusive development. The report concludes with recommendations for government, domestic reformers, Moldovan society, and donors for improving inclusive governance and development in Moldova, identified throughout the literature. This report does not cover political settlement in relation to Transnistria.
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Lewis, Dustin, and Naz Modirzadeh. Taking into Account the Potential Effects of Counterterrorism Measures on Humanitarian and Medical Activities: Elements of an Analytical Framework for States Grounded in Respect for International Law. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/qbot8406.

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For at least a decade, States, humanitarian bodies, and civil-society actors have raised concerns about how certain counterterrorism measures can prevent or impede humanitarian and medical activities in armed conflicts. In 2019, the issue drew the attention of the world’s preeminent body charged with maintaining or restoring international peace and security: the United Nations Security Council. In two resolutions — Resolution 2462 (2019) and Resolution 2482 (2019) — adopted that year, the Security Council urged States to take into account the potential effects of certain counterterrorism measures on exclusively humanitarian activities, including medical activities, that are carried out by impartial humanitarian actors in a manner consistent with international humanitarian law (IHL). By implicitly recognizing that measures adopted to achieve one policy objective (countering terrorism) can impair or prevent another policy objective (safeguarding humanitarian and medical activities), the Security Council elevated taking into account the potential effects of certain counterterrorism measures on exclusively humanitarian activities to an issue implicating international peace and security. In this legal briefing, we aim to support the development of an analytical framework through which a State may seek to devise and administer a system to take into account the potential effects of counterterrorism measures on humanitarian and medical activities. Our primary intended audience includes the people involved in creating or administering a “take into account” system and in developing relevant laws and policies. Our analysis zooms in on Resolution 2462 (2019) and Resolution 2482 (2019) and focuses on grounding the framework in respect for international law, notably the U.N. Charter and IHL. In section 1, we introduce the impetus, objectives, and structure of the briefing. In our view, a thorough legal analysis of the relevant resolutions in their wider context is a crucial element to laying the conditions conducive to the development and administration of an effective “take into account” system. Further, the stakes and timeliness of the issue, the Security Council’s implicit recognition of a potential tension between measures adopted to achieve different policy objectives, and the relatively scant salient direct practice and scholarship on elements pertinent to “take into account” systems also compelled us to engage in original legal analysis, with a focus on public international law and IHL. In section 2, as a primer for readers unfamiliar with the core issues, we briefly outline humanitarian and medical activities and counterterrorism measures. Then we highlight a range of possible effects of the latter on the former. Concerning armed conflict, humanitarian activities aim primarily to provide relief to and protection for people affected by the conflict whose needs are unmet, whereas medical activities aim primarily to provide care for wounded and sick persons, including the enemy. Meanwhile, for at least several decades, States have sought to prevent and suppress acts of terrorism and punish those who commit, attempt to commit, or otherwise support acts of terrorism. Under the rubric of countering terrorism, States have taken an increasingly broad and diverse array of actions at the global, regional, and national levels. A growing body of qualitative and quantitative evidence documents how certain measures designed and applied to counter terrorism can impede or prevent humanitarian and medical activities in armed conflicts. In a nutshell, counterterrorism measures may lead to diminished or complete lack of access by humanitarian and medical actors to the persons affected by an armed conflict that is also characterized as a counterterrorism context, or those measures may adversely affect the scope, amount, or quality of humanitarian and medical services provided to such persons. The diverse array of detrimental effects of certain counterterrorism measures on humanitarian and medical activities may be grouped into several cross-cutting categories, including operational, financial, security, legal, and reputational effects. In section 3, we explain some of the key legal aspects of humanitarian and medical activities and counterterrorism measures. States have developed IHL as the primary body of international law applicable to acts and omissions connected with an armed conflict. IHL lays down several rights and obligations relating to a broad spectrum of humanitarian and medical activities pertaining to armed conflicts. A violation of an applicable IHL provision related to humanitarian or medical activities may engage the international legal responsibility of a State or an individual. Meanwhile, at the international level, there is no single, comprehensive body of counterterrorism laws. However, States have developed a collection of treaties to pursue specific anti-terrorism objectives. Further, for its part, the Security Council has assumed an increasingly prominent role in countering terrorism, including by adopting decisions that U.N. Member States must accept and carry out under the U.N. Charter. Some counterterrorism measures are designed and applied in a manner that implicitly or expressly “carves out” particular safeguards — typically in the form of limited exceptions or exemptions — for certain humanitarian or medical activities or actors. Yet most counterterrorism measures do not include such safeguards. In section 4, which constitutes the bulk of our original legal analysis, we closely evaluate the two resolutions in which the Security Council urged States to take into account the effects of (certain) counterterrorism measures on humanitarian and medical activities. We set the stage by summarizing some aspects of the legal relations between Security Council acts and IHL provisions pertaining to humanitarian and medical activities. We then analyze the status, consequences, and content of several substantive elements of the resolutions and what they may entail for States seeking to counter terrorism and safeguard humanitarian and medical activities. Among the elements that we evaluate are: the Security Council’s new notion of a prohibited financial “benefit” for terrorists as it may relate to humanitarian and medical activities; the Council’s demand that States comply with IHL obligations while countering terrorism; and the constituent parts of the Council’s notion of a “take into account” system. In section 5, we set out some potential elements of an analytical framework through which a State may seek to develop and administer its “take into account” system in line with Resolution 2462 (2019) and Resolution 2482 (2019). In terms of its object and purpose, a “take into account” system may aim to secure respect for international law, notably the U.N. Charter and IHL pertaining to humanitarian and medical activities. In addition, the system may seek to safeguard humanitarian and medical activities in armed conflicts that also qualify as counterterrorism contexts. We also identify two sets of preconditions arguably necessary for a State to anticipate and address relevant potential effects through the development and execution of its “take into account” system. Finally, we suggest three sets of attributes that a “take into account” system may need to embody to achieve its aims: utilizing a State-wide approach, focusing on potential effects, and including default principles and rules to help guide implementation. In section 6, we briefly conclude. In our view, jointly pursuing the policy objectives of countering terrorism and safeguarding humanitarian and medical activities presents several opportunities, challenges, and complexities. International law does not necessarily provide ready-made answers to all of the difficult questions in this area. Yet devising and executing a “take into account” system provides a State significant opportunities to safeguard humanitarian and medical activities and counter terrorism while securing greater respect for international law.
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Mizrahi, Itzhak, and Bryan A. White. Uncovering rumen microbiome components shaping feed efficiency in dairy cows. United States Department of Agriculture, January 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2015.7600020.bard.

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Ruminants provide human society with high quality food from non-human-edible resources, but their emissions negatively impact the environment via greenhouse gas production. The rumen and its resident microorganisms dictate both processes. The overall goal of this project was to determine whether a causal relationship exists between the rumen microbiome and the host animal's physiology, and if so, to isolate and examine the specific determinants that enable this causality. To this end, we divided the project into three specific parts: (1) determining the feed efficiency of 200 milking cows, (2) determining whether the feed- efficiency phenotype can be transferred by transplantation and (3) isolating and examining microbial consortia that can affect the feed-efficiency phenotype by their transplantation into germ-free ruminants. We finally included 1000 dairy cow metadata in our study that revealed a global core microbiome present in the rumen whose composition and abundance predicted many of the cows’ production phenotypes, including methane emission. Certain members of the core microbiome are heritable and have strong associations to cardinal rumen metabolites and fermentation products that govern the efficiency of milk production. These heritable core microbes therefore present primary targets for rumen manipulation towards sustainable and environmentally friendly agriculture. We then went beyond examining the metagenomic content, and asked whether microbes behave differently with relation to the host efficiency state. We sampled twelve animals with two extreme efficiency phenotypes, high efficiency and low efficiency where the first represents animals that maximize energy utilization from their feed whilst the later represents animals with very low utilization of the energy from their feed. Our analysis revealed differences in two host efficiency states in terms of the microbial expression profiles both with regards to protein identities and quantities. Another aim of the proposal was the cultivation of undescribed rumen microorganisms is one of the most important tasks in rumen microbiology. Our findings from phylogenetic analysis of cultured OTUs on the lower branches of the phylogenetic tree suggest that multifactorial traits govern cultivability. Interestingly, most of the cultured OTUs belonged to the rare rumen biosphere. These cultured OTUs could not be detected in the rumen microbiome, even when we surveyed it across 38 rumen microbiome samples. These findings add another unique dimension to the complexity of the rumen microbiome and suggest that a large number of different organisms can be cultured in a single cultivation effort. In the context of the grant, the establishment of ruminant germ-free facility was possible and preliminary experiments were successful, which open up the way for direct applications of the new concepts discovered here, prior to the larger scale implementation at the agricultural level.
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Mapping the evidence on state-society relations. International Initiative for Impact Evaluation, June 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23846/pb2017026.

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