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Garrett, Sandra E. Renfro. "A Survey of Young Writers' Conferences in School Districts in the State of Texas." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278096/.
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This study describes young writers' conferences in school districts in the state of Texas. The study proposed: (a) to describe the characteristics of young writers' conferences; (b) to determine how young writers' conferences were created and implemented; (c) to identify the purpose of writing conferences; (d) to identify the population served; (e) to describe the unique contribution of conferences; (e) to determine the perceived value of conferences to school district personnel. A 26 item survey was developed and distributed to 133 Texas school districts. One hundred percent of the districts responded to the survey or telephone interview Data was collected from the ten districts that provided young writers' conferences for young writers during the 1994-95 school year. Eighty percent of the school administrators surveyed rated their program as very beneficial for young writers. Twenty percent rated their program at the second highest rating, or beneficial. All of the districts reported that as a result of the workshop, writing has become more important in the districts. In addition, the majority of the districts reported that parents are more aware of the importance of writing and that teacher attitudes toward writing have improved as a result of participation in the workshop Districts also reported that students have a more positive attitude toward writing and are more interested in writing after having attended the workshop. It can be concluded from the study that students in grades nine through twelve were largely undeserved by the districts in the sample. Therefore, the researcher suggests that districts serve this population in future conferences. The researcher also recommends that a democratic process be established that would maximize the number of participants attending young writers' conferences in each district. Information obtained from the study can inform educational policy makers, educators, parents and citizens about young writers' conferences and can also serve as a resource for conference planners and participants as similar programs for young writers are created, implemented and evaluated.
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Rink, Juliana. "Analise da produção academica apresentada nos encontros de pesquisa em educação ambiental (EPEA)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/251576.
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Orientador: Jorge Megid NetoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: O presente trabalho caracteriza-se como uma pesquisa do tipo Estado da Arte e tem por objetivo descrever e analisar as características e tendências da produção científica apresentada sob a forma de artigos nos quatro Encontros de Pesquisa em Educação Ambiental (EPEA), realizados nos anos de 2001, 2003, 2005 e 2007. Os 303 trabalhos completos foram estudados a partir dos seguintes descritores: autor do artigo; instituição de origem; nível educacional; área de conhecimento e foco temático do estudo. Os resultados apresentam dados sobre a base institucional da produção, revelando forte desequilíbrio inter-regional da mesma, que se encontra deslocada para o eixo Sudeste-Sul do país; além de claro predomínio de autorias vinculadas às instituições promotoras dos Encontros - Unesp, USP e UFSCar. Revelam também: (a) o forte interesse com questões voltadas para o ensino escolar Formal, prevalecendo os trabalhos que abrangem os vários níveis escolares de maneira genérica (22%), ou aqueles voltados para a Educação Superior (16%) ou Anos Finais do Ensino Fundamental (13%); (b) a falta de investigações ligadas à Educação Infantil e aos Anos Iniciais do Ensino Fundamental; (c) que grande parcela da produção não privilegia uma área de conhecimento específica relativa à Educação Ambiental (45%), embora haja quantidade significativa de estudos ligados à Ecologia (11%); (d) o predomínio de investigações que mapeiam ou abordam as Características e Concepções de Indivíduos (33%) sobre algum aspecto da Educação Ambiental, seguido por um conjunto de trabalhos com foco temático em Fundamentos Teóricos e Curriculares em/para Educação Ambiental (29%); além de parcela significativa de artigos voltados para Conteúdos e Métodos em Educação Ambiental (10%). O trabalho ainda aponta elementos importantes para reflexão sobre a pesquisa em Educação Ambiental e sobre a constituição dos EPEAs enquanto promotores da divulgação das pesquisas na área, sinalizando para a necessidade de se ampliar e estimular a difusão da produção acadêmica brasileira em Educação Ambiental.
Abstract: This work is characterized as State of the Art research and aims to describe and analyze the characteristics and trends of scientific production presented in four encounters Research in Environmental Education (EPEA), conducted from 2001, 2003, 2005 and 2007. The 303 complete papers were studied from the following descriptors: author of the article, the home institution, educational level, knowledge, and the thematic focus of the study. The results provide data on the institutional basis of production, showing strong inter-regional imbalance of the same, which is moved to the South-south, in addition to the predominance of authorship related to the institutions promoting the encounters - UNESP, USP and UFSCar. They also reveal: (a) strong interest in issues facing the school formal, whichever works covering the various grade levels in a generic way (22%) or those pursuing higher education (16%) or the Final Years Elementary school (13%) (b) the lack of investigations on the Early Childhood Education and Early Years of Elementary Education, (c) that a large portion of production does not favor a specific area of expertise on environmental education (45%) although there are significant number of studies related to ecology (11%) (d) the predominance of research that maps or address the characteristics and conceptions of individuals (33%) on some aspect of Environmental Education, followed by a series of works focused theme in Theoretical Foundations and Curriculum in / for environmental education (29%), besides a significant portion of articles focused on Contents and Methods in Environmental Education (10%). The work also shows important elements for reflection on research in environmental education and the formation of EPEAs while promoting the dissemination of research in the area, indicating the need to expand and encourage the dissemination of the Brazilian academic production in Environmental Education.
Mestrado
Ensino, Avaliação e Formação de Professores
Mestre em Educação
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Mariani, Mack David. "A gendered pipeline? the advancement of state legislators to Congress in five states /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.
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Petterson, Matthew. "The Characteristics of Physicians Elected and Serving in State Legislatures and the United States Congress." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/603678.
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A Thesis submitted to The University of Arizona College of Medicine - Phoenix in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Medicine.Physician participation in United States governance has a long and honorable history, dating to the nation’s inception. At a time of unprecedented change in health policy ‐ to control the growth of health care costs, to cover the uninsured through Affordable Care Act (ACA) provisions, to improve quality, to meet the demand for health services as the population grows and ages ‐ the need for physician leadership to guide policy interventions has never been greater. Yet physician‐legislator participation has declined. There is little data about physicians involved in shaping health policy in state or federal legislative branches. This study examines the characteristics of physician‐legislators at the federal and state levels, and compares them to U.S. physicians in general. Using rosters fixed on March 13, 2014, the study reviewed biographic and demographic information on physician‐legislators. The study’s four hypotheses were that physician‐legislators were more likely to be (1) men than women, (2) members of the Republican Party than the Democratic Party, (3) a non‐primary care physician than a primary care physician, and (4) elected in the states where they completed graduate medical education than where they attended college. Ninety‐five physician‐legislators were identified in 51 legislative bodies in 2014. Physician‐legislators were more likely to be male than female, to be Republican than Democrat, and to be practicing in a non‐primary care than in a primary care specialty. Physician‐legislators were less likely to be elected in the state where they completed graduate medical education training than where they attended college. No personal factor was identified that linked the majority of physician‐legislators to the state in which they were elected.
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McDanal, Charles E. "Ethics in Congress." Thesis, This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-06232009-063346/.
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Craig, Alison W. "Policy Collaboration in the United States Congress." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1500388358652607.
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Jordan, Nicholas Edward. "Predictors of incivility in Congress." Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002153.
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Feeley, T. Jens. "Policy ownership in the modern Congress, 1979-1998 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10695.
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Beillard, Mariano J. "The United States Congress and Venezuela's Hugo Chávez." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1477.
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The Soviet Union's dissolution in December 1991 marks the end of the Cold War and the elimination of the United States' main rival for global political-economic leadership. For decades U.S. foreign policymakers had formulated policies aimed at containing the spread of Soviet communism and Moscow's interventionist policies in the Americas. They now assumed that Latin American leftist revolutionary upheavals could also be committed to history.
This study explores how Congress takes an active role in U.S. foreign policymaking when dealing with revolutionary changes in Latin America. This study finds that despite Chavez's vitriolic statements and U.S. economic vulnerability due to its dependence on foreign oil sources, Congress today sees Chavez as a nuisance and not a threat to U.S. vital interests. Devoid of an extra-hemispheric, anti-American patron intent on challenging the United States for regional leadership, Chavez is seen by Congress largely as a threat to the stability of Venezuela's institutions and political-economic stability. Today both the U.S. executive and the legislative branches largely see Bolivarianism a distraction and not an existential threat.
The research is based on an examination of Bolivarian Venezuela compared to revolutionary upheaval and governance in Nicaragua over the course of the twentieth century. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate. To analyze both the U.S. executive and legislative branches' reaction to revolutionary change, Cole Blasier's theoretical propositions as developed in the Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America 1910- 1985 are utilized. The present study highlights the fact that Blasier's propositions remain a relevant means for analyzing U.S. foreign policymaking.
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Sen, Suhit Kumar. "The transitional state : congress and government in U.P c.1946-57." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299477.
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Bovitz, Gregory Lowell. "Porkbusters in congress : the electoral politics of terminating distributive programs /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9945688.
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Berlin, Peter. "The budget, the President and the 97th Congress." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26783.
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This thesis looks at House budgetary actions in the 97th Congress in 1981 and 1982. In 1981, despite the opposition of the economic committees and the Democratic majority leadership, the House voted through a budget drawn up by the White House. In 1982, however, they refused to pass a budget drawn to President Reagan's blueprint.
The first chapter is a narrative of the events of those two years. The second chapter is an account of the theoretical literature on the subject which pose several questions about those events and also suggest some answers. The third chapter is a statistical analysis of nine House roll calls over the two years. It attempts, first, to identify those Representatives who made the difference between Presidential victory in 1981 and frustration in 1982. Second, it tries to explain what these marginal presidential supporters had in common and what made them switch sides.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Thompson, Steven Mark. "The United States administration, Congress, and NATO : 1969-1977." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305922.
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Scott, Katherine Anne. "Reining in the State: Civil Society, Congress, and the Movement to Democratize the National Security State, 1970-1978." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/38730.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation explores the battle to democratize the national security state, 1970-1978. It examines the neo-progressive movement to institutionalize a new domestic policy regime, in an attempt to force government transparency, protect individual privacy from state intrusion, and create new judicial and legislative checks on domestic security operations. It proceeds chronologically, first outlining the state's overwhelming response to the domestic unrest of the 1960s. During this period, the Department of Justice developed new capacities to better predict urban unrest, growing a computerized databank that contained millions of dossiers on dissenting Americans and the Department of Defense greatly expanded existing capacities, applying cold war counterinsurgency and counterintelligence techniques developed abroad to the problems of protests and riots at home. The remainder of the dissertation examines how the state's secret response to unrest and disorder became public in the early 1970s. It traces the development of a loose coalition of reformers who challenged domestic security policy and coordinated legislative and litigative strategies to check executive power.
Temple University--Theses
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Black, Marigold. "The Nature of a State in a State of Nature: The Earliest Imaginings of American Sovereignty, 1765-1776." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17024.
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This thesis examines colonial perspectives of sovereignty on the eve of the American Revolution. It argues that between 1765 and 1776, the colonists of British America formulated a distinct impression of sovereignty made sensible by the particularities of existence on a vast continent remote from the metropole. Where historians tend to discount the colonists’ discursive contributions in this era, arguing that they ultimately concurred with the logic of established legal and political doctrines, this thesis shows that their impressions also diverged from tradition, entailing notions of place, prosperity, identity, and faith, as well as law and politics. It was during this period, marked by the devolution of relations with the mother country, that lawyers, landholders, merchants, clergymen, and politicians assembled in Congress to consider the nature of a state in a state of nature and imagine sovereignty at its most fundamental level. Where does sovereignty operate? What are its sources and principles? Who decides on its character? What is its purpose? And by what means does it function? By analysing the pamphlets, political treatises, and official records, against the informal discourse that took place within the correspondence and private reveries of individuals, this thesis discovers how the colonists posed and answered these questions. As I will show, they claimed meanings both abstract and material for sovereignty, as it became a general and unassailable mandate for a revolutionary course. What was most arresting about their conceptions, and what constitutes the central contention of this thesis was that against the backdrop of the American enlightenment, the idea of sovereignty they devised was unequivocally divine. The laws of nature and nature’s God shaped its legal form, the God-given right to property and a life of liberty shaped its narrated structures, orders of providence and a concern for the good of mankind shaped its practice and perceptibility, and attentions to virtue and a prevailing belief in the supreme sovereignty of God shaped the bond of its power. This thesis explores the ways in which the sacred quality of sovereignty became known and fashioned into the cohering imperative and foundational notion for the legitimation of a fully fleshed nation.
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Morris, Melanie K. "Term limits in the U.S. Congress : a historical and judicial investigation." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1014810.
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Limiting the terms of members of Congress has become a highsalience issue in contemporary American political discourse, necessitating the attention of the United States Supreme Court to provide constitutional guidance. The forces reviving this debate, dormant since the nation's founding period, merit scrutiny. In addition to reviewing the positions of term limitation advocates and opponents, specific limitation proposals--which lack uniformity as some are chamber-specific, others are life-time bans, etc--also require investigation. The review of relevant judicial precedents will also provide helpful preliminary information useful to analyze U.S. Term Limits vs. Thornton, the term limits case decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in May 1995. Researching this increasingly divisive political issue ought to generate a useful, concise synopsis of the historical and judicial issues underpinning the debate, the discussion itself, and analysis of relevant judicial action.Department of Political Science
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Lacefield, Arleigh B. "Earmark Reform within the 110th Congress policy, transparency and effectiveness." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FLacefield.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Doyle, Richard. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-135). Also available in print.
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Tollestrup, Jessica Scott. "Limitation Riders in the Postreform House: A Test of Procedural Cartel and Conditional Party Government Theories." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/398.
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The theoretical debate over the ability of parties and leaders in the House of Representatives to influence legislative decision-making is at the center of much of the literature on Congress. On the one hand, the Procedural Cartel perspective argues that while the tools used by the majority party leadership to assure the triumph of its preferences may vary depending on the institutional context, the basic ability of the leadership to impact legislative outcomes remains consistent. In contrast, Conditional Party Government (CPG) theory posits that any power the majority party and its leadership possesses over legislative decision-making is directly conditioned upon the amount of agreement within the majority party caucus as to collective goals, as well as the amount of ideological polarization that exists between the majority and minority parties. This thesis provides an original test of these two theoretical perspectives by evaluating their comparative ability to account for the proposal and passage of limitation riders on the House floor during the annual appropriations process since the 1980s. Limitation riders provide a good vehicle to test theories of congressional voting as they often have important policy implications in areas of significant controversy. In addition, the extent to which the individual members or legislative parties are able to successfully utilize limitation riders as a means of making substantive policy is indicative of larger patterns of committee or party domination of the floor process. After reviewing the relevant literature on congressional decision-making, this analysis proceeds to outline the theoretical predictions that the Procedural Cartel and CPG perspectives make regarding limitation riders. An original dataset comprised of over 800 limitation riders from the 97th through the 110th Congresses is analyzed both with respect to overall proposal and passage rates as well their party of origin. This study finds that while the CPG perspective is best able to account for what occurs during periods of low polarization and cohesion, Procedural Cartel provides the most accurate prediction of what occurs when polarization and cohesion are high. These findings suggest that, although these theories both have some ability to account for congressional decision-making on the House floor, both of these frameworks need to be revisited so that they can accurately account for what occurs during floor phase of the legislative process.
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Mason, Drew. "The political effect of casework on Congress : the congressman and the American political system /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1987.
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Norton, Mike. "Papers on the polarization of Congress." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5ce87b5b-2d2f-403e-b2d4-85f23b2a14cc.
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This dissertation, a collection of independent papers, explores the polarization of the United States Congress through the lens of primary elections, campaign finance, and party structures during a pivotal moment in American political history. Paper 1 focuses on the top two primary format and its potential in producing moderate candidates and legislators, while Paper 2 expounds on the deleterious consequences it poses for the party system as a whole, particularly in this modern era of both high polarization and high fragmentation. Paper 3 examines the Downsian median voter theorem from the perspective of primary election voters, asking if general election wins/losses beget the nomination of more ideological/moderate nominees next cycle. Ultimately, the article illustrates that the parties instead retain consistent records through both election wins and losses, linked to credibility concerns from position changes as well as the inability of members to disentangle from national party identities. Its companion paper, Paper 4, takes that Downsian question to elites in Washington, D.C. Through original interviews with twenty-three individuals including former members of Congress, leadership, congressional staff, and think tank scholars, I describe the electoral and legislative pressures that prevent officeholders from responding to their median voter, especially among those in swing districts most exposed to the risks of partisan behavior. Paper 5, the final paper, brings together the themes of those preceding it by analyzing the ways in which outside interference, specifically political action committees and more inclusive primary elections, propagates legislative caucus fragmentation and weakens official leadership. This work plays one minor role in providing prescriptive steps to improve and empower channels of dialogue in the U.S. legislative brancha - in spite of larger systemic sorting along geographical and partisan lines - and ensure the mediation of ideology between voters and their elected representatives results in policy solutions rather than gridlock.
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Kuracina, William F. "Toward a Congress Raj : Indian nationalism and the pursuit of a potential nation-state." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Ivanchenko, Roman. "Interactions Between Congress and the Supreme Court." The Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1180455617.
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Moti, Danish Saleem. "The Dichotomy of Congressional Approval." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30496/.
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This thesis seeks to understand how political awareness affects what information one uses to indicate their approval or disapproval of Congress and its members. More concisely, do more and less aware individuals rely on the same pieces of political information to mold their opinions of Congress? The second question of concern is what role does media consumption play in informing survey respondents about Congress. Third, I consider how survey respondents use cues like the condition of the economy and presidential job performance to help formulate their opinion of Congress Finally, by applying the Congressional approval literature to incumbent level approval, I seek to advance the theory and literature on what motivates the approval of incumbents.
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Hanson, Todd T. "An analysis of Other Transactions : have Other Transactions met the intent of Congress? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FHanson.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Contract Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Richard B. Doyle, E. Cory Yoder. Includes bibliographical references (p. 127-130). Also available online.
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Ludlam, Daniel. "The Expansion of the California State Legislature and U.S. House of Representatives." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1872.
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This research examines the central question of representation in the California State Legislature and the United States House of Representatives. This thesis examines the proper size for both legislative bodies in comparison to their current sizes. Considering this analysis, this thesis proposes that the California State Legislature be doubled in size, and that the United States House of Representatives be increased in size in accordance with the Wyoming Rule. This thesis examines the advantages and drawbacks of a larger legislature in both settings. Increasing the size of the California State Legislature would lower campaign costs, improve representation for communities of interest, and reduce the effectiveness of partisan gerrymandering. Increasing the size of the U.S. House of Representatives would reduce malapportionment among states, make the Electoral College more equitable, and increase political diversity among the states.
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Johnson, Mark Chapin. "An Assessment of United States Ethanol Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/24.
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From 1978 on there have been a series of legislative acts that have placed substantial protectionist burdens on the American taxpayer to provide incentives, credits and mandates for the production and use of ethanol under the rationale of reducing U.S. dependence on foreign sources of oil while purporting to economically benefit the American economy and strengthening American security. While there has been much discussion about the economic benefits of ethanol policy, there is growing literature suggesting that in addition to being neither economically nor environmentally beneficial, ethanol policy may not be achieving its intended goals. Connection between political contributions, policy formation, and the actual outcomes of the enacted policies does not appear to have been addressed. Throughout the course of ethanol policy development the narrow interests of some stakeholders may have been met at the expense of others. Given the very large economic and social costs of ongoing ethanol subsidies and mandates an exploration of such a nexus would be illuminating and valuable.
Hence the question of this research will be:
Has the ethanol energy policy of the United States, as outlined in legislative actions, requiring subsidies and mandates from taxpayers, been reflective of a deliberative democratic process that after taking into account the input and influence of various competing viewpoints has resulted in a beneficial national policy? Consequently have the policy outcomes of the legislative stakeholders matched the stated intentions of those involved in the deliberative debate that enacted it or, where have those objectives not been met?
Research that can increase understanding of how such an important policy may have failed can inform policy deliberation in such diverse areas as agriculture, national security and energy policy while illuminating how and why such public policy was made. Examination of a policy created and continuing which may have failed the most basic cost benefit analysis and does very little to enhance national energy security could demonstrate how a distortion of the legislative process resulted in outcomes that differ markedly from the stated intentions of those who enacted the policy.
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Banerjee, Champak Kumar. "Dynamics of West Bengal politics: a study of the changing dimensions of political strategies of the state congress party vis-a-vis the congress high command 1950-1966." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/212.
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Del, Rosso Jared. "The Reality of Torture: Congress and the Construction of a Political Fact." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104402.
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Thesis advisor: Stephen J. PfohlExisting studies of governmental responses to human rights allegations emphasize the rhetorical forms that official claims take at the expense of demonstrating how contextual factors influence discourse. Analytically, this dissertation accounts for these factors by theorizing and analyzing how knowledge and culture operate in American political discourse of torture. Drawing on a qualitative content and discourse analysis of 40 congressional hearings, held between 2003 and 2008, this dissertation documents a transition in American politics from a discourse of denial, which downplayed allegations of abuse and torture, to a discourse of acknowledgment, which criticized the Bush administration's interrogation policies on the grounds that the policies permitted torture and undermined U.S. interests. By situating this transition within its institutional and political context, this study examines the influence of documentary evidence of torture, interpretive frames in which American officials situated that evidence, and political power as expressed in control over congressional committees on political discourse. Between 2003 and 2008, a significant volume of documentary evidence of violence against detainees in U.S. custody entered public discourse. Typically, shifts in congressional discourse followed the release of official, documentary evidence produced by government sources, such as military police or FBI agents, that provided first-hand or localized portrayals of abuse and torture at U.S. detention facilities. Such documents, including the photographs taken at Abu Ghraib prison and FBI emails documenting torture at Guantánamo, secured a "reality" of violence that members of Congress found difficult to rationalize as legitimate state violence. This difficulty stems, in part, from the fact that localized portrayals of interpersonal violence frequently capture the excesses of that violence--the irrationality, sadism, and innovations in cruelty of torturers and the vulnerabilities of sufferers of torture. Significantly, though, the political meaning of documentary evidence derives from the interpretive frames in which it is situated. Between 2003 and 2008, "human rights" and the "rule of law" became increasingly available as interpretive frames for the political debate over detention and interrogation. This development resulted from several changes in the political environment, including the Bush administration's mobilization of human rights to legitimize the Iraq war and the Supreme Court's rulings on cases involving detainees. The Democrat's mid-term victory in 2006, which won Democrats control over both the House of Representatives and Senate, also profoundly influenced political discourse. Democrats used congressional committees to pursue broad, reflective hearings on the Bush administration's detention and interrogation policies. By inviting legal scholars and representatives of human rights organizations to speak about the policies, the Committees further elevated human rights and the rule of law in the debate about torture. Given these developments, a critical discourse of torture gradually emerged and solidified. This discourse labeled American interrogation practices--known to their supporters as "enhanced interrogation"--as torture and linked their use to significant and negative global consequences for the U.S
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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Ragland, James Deen Greig James Michael. "The commander's sword & the executive's pen presidential success in congress and the use of force /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3926.
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Barzilay, Karen Northrop. "Fifty gentlemen total strangers: A portrait of the First Continental Congress." W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623537.
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When news of the Coercive Acts reached the mainland colonies of British North America in May 1774, there was no such thing as a Continental Congress. Provincial leaders, agreeing that an intercolonial gathering was necessary to protest recent Parliamentary measures, anticipated only a congress---an isolated diplomatic convention in the tradition of the Stamp Act Congress and the Albany Congress. Although the fifty-six colonial deputies assembling in Philadelphia knew that they attended an historic meeting, none of them foresaw that this conference would turn out to be the genesis of the United States government. Recasting the First Continental Congress as an essentially diplomatic encounter, this dissertation asks how members of twelve independent delegations, products of a dozen disparate and distrustful American provinces, defied precedent to construct an imperfect yet permanent intercolonial coalition.;"Fifty Gentlemen Total Strangers" argues that the congressional deputies' unified public support for the Suffolk Resolves and revolutionary Continental Association, hardly preordained, was heavily dependent on the identities and actions of the men who were present and on the character of their interactions with one another. Using biographical information, letters, and portraits made prior to 1774, the dissertation develops a prosopography of the congressional delegates that encompasses age, family, religious affiliation, education, professional background, political involvement, and previous associations. What emerges is a collective profile of leaders with similar values, sensibilities, and life experiences. Dominating the Congress were cosmopolitan men who had come of age in the 1730s and 1740s---established members of the popularly-elected political elite shaped by both the persistent localism of their respective provinces and the homogenizing and Anglicizing forces of the Consumer Revolution.;Turning to the Congress itself, the dissertation focuses especially on ostensibly non-political encounters and venues, carefully examining the deputies' out-of-doors experiences as crucial political and diplomatic work took place outside of Carpenters' Hall. Making formal visits to one another's lodgings, attending dinner parties at the homes of local gentlemen, and gossiping in quiet private conversations, the delegates continually manipulated mutually understood standards of gentility, speech, and sensibility to advance their political interests. Building on relationships formed in person or through correspondence prior to 1774, a crucial nucleus of resistance leaders---including Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee, Christopher Gadsden, and Thomas Mifflin---were able to fashion a potent and organized faction while in Philadelphia that successfully shaped the direction of the meeting, pushing the Congress to take irrevocable steps towards revolution.
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Grove, Carl D. "The official English debate in the United States Congress : a critical analysis /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9481.
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Holm, Michael 1975. "Brothers in arms : Congress, the Reagan administration and Contra aid, 1981-1986." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101882.
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From 1981 to 1986, the Reagan administration viewed Nicaragua's Marxist regime as a threat to regional and U.S. national security. The administration's support of the Contra rebels, who were actively fighting to overthrow Nicaragua's government, embroiled the U.S. in a "limited" regional war. While conventional scholarship has characterized this conflict as "Reagan's War", Congress played a significant role in keeping the Contra army active and intact. Caught between Reagan's strident anti-Communist ideology and the fear of a Marxist state in Central America, Congress attempted to establish a middle-of-the-road policy, first cautiously funding the Contras through covert operations and non-lethal aid, finally approving full military support in 1986. Despite opportunities to end U.S. involvement, Congress failed to curb both military escalation and Reagan's ideological ambitions. Ultimately, responsibility for U.S. involvement in the Contra war does not lie solely with the White House; this burden must also be shared by Congress.
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Fossett, Victoria Lea Hagler Dorse Harland. "May 1856 Southern reaction to conflict in Kansas and congress /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3673.
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Kim, Insook. "Toshiba crisis: U.S. Congress threatens sanctions for violating COCOM regulations." Thesis, Boston University, 1988. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/38056.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This case study explores how Toshiba Corporation, a Japanese electronics company, managed the crisis caused by its subsidiary. Toshiba Machine Co. (TMC)'s illegal exporting activities to the Soviet Union. Between 1981 and 1984, TMC sold eight military sensitive machine tools to the Soviet Union. It was a violation of COCOM (Coordinating Committee on Export Controls) regulations that monitor the sales of sensitive military equipment to the Communist countries. Because the sales allegedly damaged the U.S. national security, the Congress accused TMC as well as its parent company, Toshiba, and threatened sanction to ban importing an Toshiba products. How did Toshiba identify and confront the crisis? What was the impact and the effect of tactics and strategies employed by Toshiba? The major discussions focus on Toshiba's crisis management efforts. This study is based on articles from American and Japanese newspapers and magazines as well as documents and news releases obtained from Toshiba. Furthermore, interviews with two managers of Toshiba's public communications office, one in charge of domestic and the other in charge of overseas public communications, were conducted in order to get Toshiba's insights and perspectives towards the crisis. The results of this study show some influential factors which arise from the diversity of infrastructures and characterize the public relations strategies of a Japanese company manufacturing its product in the United States. Moreover. the interdependency of the multinational corporations is clarified through the study.
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Varayudej, Same. "The international deep seabed mining regime and third states." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1993. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/26618.
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This thesis analyses the legal effects on third States of the deep seabed mining regime embodied in the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention. As a general rule, a treaty can neither impose obligations, nor confer rights, upon a third State without its consent. However, the thesis argues that the legal position of the third States could be affected by the Convention's regime in one or more of the following ways: namely, the objective legal personality of the International Seabed Authority, the customary status of the common heritage principle, the concept of an "objective regime" and the concept of an obligation erga omnes. The thesis examines these concepts in turn, relying on the assumption that the Convention (including Part XI) will come into force in its present form with widespread acceptance from many States including some major industrialized States, and that some States, particularly the US, will remain non-parties to the Convention. Finally, the thesis examines the interim obligations of certain industrialized States which are signatories to the Convention in the context of the compatibility of the reciprocating States regime with the Convention's regime.
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Curry, Brett W. "The courts, congress, and the politics of federal jurisdiction." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1124055554.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiv, 421 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 390-412). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Hussey, Wesley Allen. "The coalition of extremes ends against the middle in the United States Congress /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1481678211&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Webster, Daniel Charles. "The taking of the Fifth : the contested 1960 election in the Indiana Fifth Congressional District." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/467700.
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Elections are seldom covered in detail below the level of the national contests. Regional, district, and local elections often appear to be too provincial to be worth the time and effort to research and analyze in any detail."Taking the Fifth" is about a contested congressional race that was in dispute between various local and forces longer than any other House race on record.The Fifth District of Indiana leaned Republican, but it swung to the Democrats about once a decade. The 1960 election broke that historic pattern.Since 1960 was a pivotal election year for both political parties, and since the U. S. Congress was divided by various regional and philosophical factions, it is the contention of the dissertation that the Indiana Fifth District took on more importance than it would have under normal circumstances.Pursuit of power by local and national figures became inextricably involved with the struggle of the candidates in the Fifth District of Indiana. Intraparty grudges between district and state Democratic leaders, scars from Republican battles for congressional leadership posts, Dixiecrat versus urban Democrats maneuvering for dominance on key congressional committees, and an energetic young President and his allies -- bent on making a lasting mark on history -- all influenced the outcome of the race.As the gap widens between election day in Indiana and final settlement of the contest, the two candidates fade into secondary roles, and eventually appear to be little more than pawns for the congressional and national figures who had pre-empted the contest for their own political purposes.
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Burdge-Small, Paulina. "Personality Conflict vs. Partisan Conflict in the United States Congress, from 1851-2004." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1207.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
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Lowenberg, Benjamin J. "The United States and the 1973 Arab-Israeli War: Congress Holds the Line." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1247596386.
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English, Ross M. "Legislation for clean water : Congress and the Water Quality Act of 1987." Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301457.
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Filho, José Filomeno de Moraes. "Congresso Constituinte, constituição dirigente e estado de bem-estar." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2133/tde-06052010-165428/.
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A presente tese tem por objetivo a análise da decisão sobre a constituição econômica, no âmbito da realização da constituição dirigente e da instituição do Estado Democrático e Social de Direito no Brasil, por meio do processo constituinte levado a efeito nos anos de 1987 e 1988. Partindo da constatação de que a literatura jurídico-constitucional brasileira não dá a necessária atenção à problemática constituinte nem à articulação entre Estado, Constituição e Política e tendo em vista a constituição econômica presente no texto constitucional de 1988, o trabalho articula os temas do poder constituinte, da constituição dirigente-econômica e da reconstrução do Estado, utilizando-se do instrumental da teoria constitucional, da teoria do Estado e da história constitucional. Avalia-se, pois, que a manifestação do poder constituinte se inscreve como locus privilegiado para a observação da correspondência entre Estado, Constituição e Política, demonstrado pela observação das suas manifestações no Brasil, em diversos momentos, nomeadamente em 1987/1988. De fato, na esteira da convocação estabelecida pela Emenda Constitucional n. 26, de 27 de novembro de 1985, o Brasil viveu um dos mais importantes momentos de ativação política da sociedade civil organizada, que dava continuidade ao processo de mudança política, o qual, iniciando-se em meados da década de 70 e prolongando-se pelos anos 80, ocasionou a inflexão do regime militar, a construção de instituições representativas e multipartidárias e a realização de uma nova Constituição. Assim, se o ritmo cadenciado das mudanças e as negociações entre os agentes que pressionavam pela abertura política e os líderes do regime burocrático-autoritário sugeriram a existência de um tipo especial de transição, denominado transição pela transação, e apesar das limitações constantes do ato convocatório do Congresso Constituinte, o produto final do esforço constituinte ficou mais próximo das aspirações democráticas e progressistas. Constata-se que, nas duas últimas décadas, apesar das transformações que ocorreram no capitalismo, com a desconstrução do padrão regulatório keyenesiano, a expansão dos mercados, a relativização do Estado, enfim, a ameaça neoliberal, o caráter dirigente da Constituição brasileira, todavia, mantém-se intacto. Por tudo isso, decorridos vinte anos da promulgação da Constituição Federal, conformação normativa de uma ordem econômica, fundada na valorização do trabalho humano e na livre iniciativa, com o fim de assegurar a todos existência digna, conforme os ditames da justiça social (CF, art. 170, caput), representa um salto de qualidade no constitucionalismo nacional e está a desafiar a realização conjunta da democracia política, da sociedade de bem-estar e do desenvolvimento econômico.This thesis has as its objective an analysis of the decision on the \"economic constitution\", within the ambit of the directive constitution and the establishment of the Social and Democratic State of Law in Brazil, through the constituent process carried out during the years of 1987 and 1988. In view of the fact that legal and constitutional Brazilian literature does not give the necessary attention to the problem nor the linkage between constituent State, Constitution and Politics and in view of the \"economic constitution\" laid out in the constitutional text of 1988, this paper articulates the themes of constituent power, economic directive constitution and the reconstruction of the State, using the tools of constitutional theory, theory of the state and constitutional history. So, it has been assessed that the manifestation of the constituent power comes as privileged locus for the observation of the correlation between State, Constitution and Politics, demonstrated by observing its manifestations in Brazil, at different times, particularly in 1987/1988. In fact, in the wake of the call established by the 26th Constitutional Amendment, from November 27th 1985, Brazil experienced one of its most important moments of political awakening of organized civil society, which had been pushing for political change, from the mid-70s and into the 80s, that led to the fall of the military regime, the building of representative institutions and the founding of multiparty system and a new constitution. Thus, if the rhythmical pace of change and the negotiations between the players that struggled for political opening and the leaders of the political and bureaucratic-authoritarian regime suggested the existence of a special type of transition, called \"transition through the transaction\", and despite the limitations of the call for the Constituent Congress, the final product of the effort was closer to the constitutional democratic and progressive aspirations. It appears that in the past two decades, despite the changes that have occurred in capitalism, with the abandonment of Keynes regulatory standard, the expansion of markets, the relativization of the state, in other words, the neoliberal threat, the leading character of the Brazilian Constitution, however, remains intact. It can be concluded that after twenty years of the enactment of the Federal Constitution, conformation of a normative \"economic order, based on the enhancement of human labor and free enterprise\", in order to \"ensure a dignified livelihood for all, according to the dictates of social justice\" (Federal Constitution, art. 170, caput), it represents a great leap in national constitutionalism and challenges a joint realization of political democracy, social welfare and economic development.
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MECHAM, MILO ROSS. "CONGRESS AND THE ENERGY DECADE: A ROLL-CALL ANALYSIS OF CONGRESSIONAL VOTING ON ENERGY RELATED QUESTIONS, 1973 - 1983." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184027.
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This study examines individual roll call votes on energy issues taken in Congress during the years 1973 to 1983. Logit analysis is used to compare the influence of partisan identification; personal ideology, as measured by support and opposition to the conservative coalition; and district or state energy characteristics, including energy consumption and production. The potential for misleading results due to the multicollinearity of party and ideology is eliminated through the use of a residual variable representing the non-party component of ideology. The results indicate that members of Congress demonstrated considerable variability in voting on energy matters. The House of Representatives was more responsive to variations in energy constituencies. Both the House and the Senate showed a different response when the substantive character of energy issues varied. Questions with an economic impact were more influenced by partisanship, while environmentally related issues were more strongly influenced by ideology. The gross impact of changes in public opinion and changes in the presidency are noticeable throughout, but most especially after the election of Ronald Reagan, when many of the policy changes made previously were dismantled. The results of this study support the basic proposition that individual roll call votes are a product of constituency influence. The results also indicate that the political partisanship and ideology of members are representative of a member's supportive and reelection constituency. The statistical methods used allowed a direct comparison of the influence of party, ideology, and variables representing the characteristics of member's districts. The results obtained substantiate the importance of constituent influence in congressional voting.
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Dunaway, Johanna. "Changing Ideological Boots: Adaptive Legislator Behavior in Changing Districts." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3254/.
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Congressional roll-call votes are often used to investigate legislative voting behavior. To depict adaptive roll-call behavior in response to demographic changes that occur during redistricting, I use issue specific interest group scores from the ADA, NFU, and COPE. This exploits the bias in the selection of the issues that interest groups utilize to rate U.S. representatives, by using them to reflect changes in response to significant demographic fluctuations in the constituency population. The findings indicate that while party is the most significant factor in whether legislators adapt their voting in favor of certain groups, they do notice group composition changes within district and adapt their voting accordingly. This illustrates the impact of redistricting on policy and legislators' adaptation to changes in district composition.
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Cox, Jamesha. "The Influence of Campaign Contributions on Proportionality of Representation in the United States Congress." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/945.
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There are proportionally fewer Hispanic Americans, African Americans and women in Congress than in the United States population. Existing literature prescribes a variety of explanations for this disparity including skewed nominations procedures, differing participation rates, racial gerrymandering, voting biases, and funding inequities. This study revisits one aspect of the underrepresentation issue: campaign contributions. Money has been an integral component of the electoral process since before the American Revolution and its impact on the current composition of Congress ought to be explored to a greater extent. Previous research shows that contributors rarely, if at all, discriminate on the basis of gender. This study intends to further investigate the congressional campaign funding of African Americans and provide some much needed insight regarding the campaign financing of Hispanic American candidates. Using financial and biographical data from each candidate within the 2004 and 2008 election cycles, a multiple regression model will be employed to evaluate the extent to which gender and minority status determine the distribution of congressional campaign funds independent of other electability traits considered influential by contributors (the percentage of vote received in the last election, incumbency, and the leadership position held are indications of candidate strength that affect campaign contributions). The magnitude and statistical significance of these coefficients provides further understanding into funding inequitiesB.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Sharpnack, Barrett S. "FIREPOWER BY MAIL: “GUN-TOTING,” STATE REGULATION, AND THE ORIGINS OF FEDERAL FIREARMS LEGISLATION, 1911-1927." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1433579362.
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McAndrews, John Russell. "Representation and lawmaking in the United States Congress and the Canadian House of Commons." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59099.
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This dissertation considers two aspects of legislative representation: (1) how citizens use information about legislative activities and outcomes to assess the performance of the US president and the congressional majority party, and (2) why Canadian MPs debate government bills—even when the government controls the outcome. An investigation of these questions is divided into three principal chapters. First, I examine the effects of legislative outcomes on citizens’ assessment of the president and the majority party in Congress. Prominent theories of legislative behavior argue—and media pundits often assert—that Americans reward these actors if they succeed in passing their bills. But what if the bill is divisive, as is likely the case with well-publicized legislation? Using survey experiments, I show that, on average, citizens still express greater approval for the president and the majority party if Congress passes their ideologically contentious bills—compared with if Congress does not pass them. However, I also find that this reward is typically concentrated among those who already favor the underlying policy change; among policy opponents, the effect is often statistically indistinguishable from zero. Second, I investigate the sophistication of citizens’ judgments of legislative performance. Specifically, do inferential biases—common in other domains—interfere with how citizens evaluate the president and the congressional majority party in light of bill failure? Again using survey experiments, I find that citizens avoid the serious inferential mistake of treating these actors as if they had performed poorly. Instead, I show that their assessments—even in the absence of diagnostic information about those involved—are broadly consistent with realistic beliefs about legislative performance and the obstacles to success in Congress. Third, I explore why Canadian MPs debate government bills. Whereas recent research tends to emphasize legislative speech as a means of communicating with the electorate, the particular rules of government bill debate—coupled with the relatively low visibility of such deliberations—suggest alternative motivations. Using an original dataset of 53 debates, I find no evidence of personal vote seeking; instead, I find patterns of debate participation consistent with attempted obstruction by bill opponents and attempted persuasion by bill proponents.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Menifield, Charles E. "Influence on minority groups in Congress : the black, women's issues, and hispanic caucuses /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1996. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9821336.
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Ragland, James Deen. "The Commander's Sword & the Executive's Pen: Presidential Success in Congress and the Use of Force." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3926/.
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Post-force congressional rally effects are presented as a new incentive behind presidential decisions to use diversionary behavior. Using all key roll call votes in the House and Senate where the president has taken a position for the years 1948 to 1993, presidents are found to receive sharp decreases in both presidential support and success in Congress shortly after employing aggressive policies abroad. Evidence does suggest that presidents are able to capitalize on higher levels of congressional support for their policy preferences on votes pertaining to foreign or defense matters after uses of force abroad. But, despite these findings, diversionary behavior is found to hinder rather than facilitate troubled presidents' abilities to influence congressional voting behavior.
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Michel, Aaron. "Does background matter?: an examination of whether the background and party affiliation of members of Congress predict their environmental voting record." Thesis, Boston University, 2003. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27723.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
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