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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Statesmen, Austrian

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Academic literature on the topic 'Statesmen, Austrian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Statesmen, Austrian"

1

Kozyakova, Natal’ya S. "The problem of disarmament and the attitude of austrian statesmen to it in the 1960s and 1970s." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University 55, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/21-3/03.

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The article is devoted to international security problems in the Second Austrian Republic in the 1960s and 1970s. The aim is to consider the policy of neutral Austria, which was an active struggle for the preservation and strengthening of peace in the international arena and not flight to isolation. The topic's relevance lies in the fact that Austria's leading interests during the period under review were to ensure that all European problems were resolved peacefully and, therefore, nuclear weapons were not placed near its borders. It has been very active in the international arena, based primarily on its own interests, and has supported the solution of such problems as ensuring European security and disarmament. The study is based on the Austrian Government's materials containing resolutions on the cessation of nuclear weapons testing. Austrian politicians recognized the importance of a peaceful solution to this problem. The author pays special attention to the German question. His decision was of great importance for Austria since the country's vital interests demanded that a new hotbed of danger should not arise on its borders in the center of Europe. Until 1966, the Austrian Government had not expressed its attitude to ensuring European security while referencing the country's neutrality. In conclusion, it is noted that Austria, as a neutral country, could not be isolated from the initiatives of the socialist camp countries on security and cooperation at the Pan-European conference in connection with the emerging trends in the second half of the 1960s to defuse tensions.

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2

Kudryavtseva, E. P. "Two Chancellors: Metternich and Nesselrode." MGIMO Review of International Relations 64, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-1-64-45-58.

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The article is devoted to the relations of two distinguished statesmen of the Vienna System period – Austrian Chancellor Metternich and Russian Chancellor Nesselrode. They took the helm of the foreign affairs of the allied states for a long period of time – their cooperation lasted almost 40 years. Russian-Austrian union was based on concurrence in their political views regarding the Concert of Europe, adherence to the principles of legitimacy, conservatism and hostility to revolution and remained until the Crimean War. According to estimates of historians, Nesselrode was just an obedient apprentice of the Austrian Chancellor who orchestrated the whole European policy. Adherence to the principles of conservatism and The Holy Alliance resulted in nothing but misfortunes of Russian foreign policy and its submission to the «European Idea». Austria benefited from this and therefore Nesselrode was called «Russian foreign minister in the service of Austria». However documents witness that Nesselrode being an adept of Metternich’s doctrine wasn’t just a blindfolded follower of all Austrian initiatives. He could stand his ground in face of difficult European politics. In his way he faithfully served Russia and Nicolas the I.

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3

Kotova, Elena. "The German Question in the Foreign Policy of the Austrian Empire in 1850—1866." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016050-4.

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For centuries, the House of Austria (the Habsburgs) maintained its leadership in the Holy Roman Empire, and later in the German Union. But in the middle of the 19th century the situation changed, Austria lost its position in Germany, lost to Prussia in the struggle for hegemony. The article examines what factors influenced such an outcome of the German question, what policy Austria pursued in the 50—60s of the 19th century, what tasks it set for itself. The paper traces the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy of Austria. Economic weakness and political instability prevented the monarchy from pursuing a successful foreign policy. The multinational empire could not resist the challenge of nationalism and prevent the unification of Italy and Germany. Difficult relations with France and Russia, inconsistent policy towards the Middle German states largely determined this outcome. The personal factor was also important. None of the Austrian statesmen could resist such an outstanding politician as Bismarck.

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4

Vick, Brian. "The Vienna Congress as an Event in Austrian History: Civil Society and Politics in the Habsburg Empire at the End of the Wars against Napoleon." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000137.

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Historians usually portray theCongress ofViennain a European frame—and rightly so. The actors and the diplomatic flashpoints spanned the European continent, and the negotiations began before and continued after the Congress. The rulers and statesmen had already started parleying and planning the reconstruction of Europe as they followed behind the armies in the campaigns of 1813–1814, a process that continued while making peace with France in Paris in the spring of 1814, and amid the mixed celebrations and conversations during their visit to London that summer. Even the Congress, successful as it generally was, did not clear all the outstanding issues, which instead carried over into the discussions surrounding the Second Peace of Paris after Napoleon's renewed defeat at Waterloo in 1815 and into the ambassadors' conferences in Paris and London in succeeding years. Yet, there were good reasons why Vienna was selected as the venue for the main round of celebrations and negotiations in autumn 1814, and the location did help shape both the Congress and its diplomatic outcomes. Less often treated as a subject in its own right, however, is the question of what the Vienna Congress meant for and revealed about the history of the Habsburg monarchy, in European context to be sure, but with the focus on Austrian politics and society rather than on their contribution to the European narrative.

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Kulesha, Nadiia. "«Ukrainische Korrespondenz» (Vienna, 1917—1918) about the Ukrainian revolution: sources of information and specifics of content." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 10(28) (January 2020): 146–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-10.

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The article studies the problems of covering the revolutionary developments of 1917―1918s in Ukraine in the Ukrainian influential German-language magazine «Ukrainische Korrespondenz». Established and issued by the Main Ukrainian Rada, it actively reacted to the revolutionary transformations in the Russian Empire in 1917. It primarily covered processes of state changes in the Great (Russian-controlled) Ukraine, specifically the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917―1921s. «Ukrainische Korrespondenz» aimed to familiarize readers with these developments. Its editors used as sources information of the Ukrainian, Russian, the digest of the West European press, as well as own analytical materials. At first, it had to use borrowed informations, because the Ukrainian Press Bureau was established in Vienna only in August 1917. At that time the editors of the magazine were able to use materials of its own correspondents. In reporting the Ukrainian Revolution the editorial office preferred materials received from the Russian officials and the party press, which it considered objective. On the contrary, the materials from the Polish press were considered as unreliable, biased, and even fabricated. Most analytical materials regarding the solution of the Ukrainian cause, the editors drew from the German press. The latter was most interested in a positive outcome of the Ukrainian nationstate aspirations. A minor segment among the foreign press publications as a source in coverage of the issue of the Ukrainian Revolution was the French press. This could be explained by that the concept of «Ukraine» was a taboo in France at that time. The growing interest to the Ukrainian question in France happened only with the beginning of the revolutionary events in Russia. News has been received with a considerable delay, its own analytical materials on this topic mainly belonged to V. Kalynovych. The information about the course of developments in Ukraine, changes in social and political life of the country coexisted with a justification of historical background necessary for these changes. Publications on the Ukrainian question relating to the revolutionary events in the Russian Empire and in the Russian Ukraine were gleaned by the German press authorship. The Austrian and German statesmen, political figures, as well as scholars focused on historical aspects of the Ukrainian history and predicted decisions for the development of the Ukrainian state. Materials of the Russian press, reprinted on the pages of the magazine, focused exclusively on clarifying a flow of developments. The bulk of publications of «Die Ukraine» covered issues of the Ukrainian question on the territory of the Eastern Galicia. They illuminated the revolutionary changes in the Great Ukraine, and considered it as a catalyst for positive nation-state decisions in the Western Ukraine. Keywords: Ukrainian, «Ukrainische Korrespondenz», Germanspeaking, Russian, Polish, French press, information, revolutionary events, Ukrainian statehood, Ukrainian question.

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6

PATER, Ivan. "IVAN PULIUI AS A UKRAINIAN PATRIOT, POLITICIAN, AND STATESMAN." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 270–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-270-293.

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Ivan Puliui - an outstanding, world-class, Ukrainian physicist and electrical engineer, the discoverer of x-rays. The article concentrates on his socio-political activity, particularly his journalistic works on Ukraine's socio-political problems. He early became interested in Ukrainian public life, which revealed itself in the founding of illegal student organizations as schools for the Ukrainian national elite's education. Realizing the fundamental importance of the mother tongue in the nation's life, the scientist translated religious books into the Ukrainian language and brought them into religious practice to raise the Ukrainians' national consciousness and further develop the national liberation movement. The active participation and persistence of I. Puliui and other science and culture personalities of Halychyna in demanding the opening of a Ukrainian university in Lviv despite opposition from Polish politicians supported by the Austrian central government are noted. I. Puliui had a negative attitude to the Polish administration's insidious actions in Halychyna against Ukrainians at the beginning of World War I, its desire to use Moscophilism to destroy Ukrainians. The scientist's cooperation with the Austrian authorities is emphasized not as a goal but as a tactical tool in resolving the Ukrainian cause in specific historical conditions to realize the Ukrainian national idea, as well as his confidence in liberating Ukraine from Russian oppression. The scientist understood that the geopolitical significance of independent Ukraine was a basis for lasting peace on the European continent and creating a new Europe. Keywords: Ivan Puliui, Ukraine, Europe, mother tongue, state idea, independence.

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7

Bartsocas, Christos S. "A Greek physician’s portrait in Windsor Castle." Journal of Medical Biography 27, no. 3 (April 6, 2017): 168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772017702344.

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To the visitor to Windsor Castle, the Thomas Lawrence portraits in the Waterloo Chamber represent the most important contributors to the military defeat of Napoleon Bonaparte, by British, Prussian, Russian and Austrian forces at the Battle of Waterloo. Nevertheless, only few individuals realise that a Greek physician, Count Ioannis Capodistrias, a native of the island of Corfu, stands among these leading personalities as a diplomat, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, who contributed remarkably to European unity in the early nineteenth century and as a statesman (‘Governor’ of Greece) with a tragic end to his life, after establishing a Greek State practically from ruins.

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8

Ross, A. T. "Australian Overseas Trade and National Development Policy 1932-1939: a story of colonial larrikins or Australian statesmen?" Australian Journal of Politics & History 36, no. 2 (June 28, 2008): 184–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1990.tb00652.x.

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9

Schweitzer, Vladimir. "Bruno Kreisky and the Soviet Union." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021169179.

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The article is dedicated to the 110th anniversary of B. Kreisky (1911 – 1990), a prominent statesman of post-war Austria, one of the leaders of international social democracy. From 1959 to 1966 he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria. In 1970 ‒ 1983 he was in charge of the Government of that State. In 1976 – 1989, he was Vice-President of the Socialist International. Soviet issues were not only an integral part of his political interests, but also a topic of constant dialogue within the European establishment, an important subject of meetings with the leaders of the USSR. Being a critic of many aspects of the USSR's foreign and domestic policy, not accepting the communist interpretation of Marxism, he did not consider ideological contradictions an obstacle to contacts with the Soviet leadership on a wide range of international issues. The dialogue with the USSR touched upon the topics of European and international detente, events in the Middle East and various situations in the countries of the "Third World".

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Schweitzer, Vladimir. "The Middle East Saga of the Peacemaker (commemorating the 110th anniversary of Bruno Kreisky’s birth)." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran12021126133.

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The article is devoted to an important aspect of the political biography of Bruno Kreisky – one of the most prominent European politicians of the last third of the XXth century. A statesman of Austria (head of the Foreign Ministry in 1959–1966, Federal Chancellor in 1970–1983), long-term chairman of the Socialist Party, and in 1974–1989 – one of the vice-presidents of the Socialist International, he was constantly in touch with Middle East issues. His assessments and judgments had a certain influence on the nature of decisions made in the international community. Kreisky’s missions to the region in 1973–1977, carried out under the auspices of the Social International, contributed to the beginning of the peace process in the Middle East.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Statesmen, Austrian"

1

Bernard, Bruno. "Patrice-François de Neny (1716-1784) chef et président du conseil privé des Pays-Bas autrichiens: un homme d'état éclairé dans la Belgique des Lumières." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212885.

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Books on the topic "Statesmen, Austrian"

1

Messner, Johannes. Dollfuss: An Austrian patriot. Norfolk, Va: Gates of Vienna Books, 2003.

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2

Seltenreich, Susanne. Leopold Figl: Der Weg zum Staatsvertrag. 3rd ed. Rust: Leopold Figl-Museum, 1991.

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3

Nicholls, Bob. Statesmen & sailors: A history of Australian maritime defence, 1870-1920. Balmain, NSW: B. Nicholls, 1995.

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4

Panzer, Marita A. Don Juan de Austria (1547-1578): Karriere eines Bastards. Regensburg: F. Pustet, 2004.

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5

In the twilight of empire: Count Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal (1854-1912), imperial Habsburg patriot and statesman. Wien: Böhlau, 2009.

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6

Josef Klaus: Ein grosser Österreicher. Wien: Molden, 2000.

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7

Kreisky, Bruno. The struggle for a democratic Austria: Bruno Kreisky on peace and social justice. New York: Berghahn Books, 2000.

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8

Zwischen den Zeiten: Erinnerungen aus fünf Jahrzehnten. Berlin: Siedler, 1986.

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9

Spitzmüller, Alexander. Memoirs of Alexander Spitzmüller, Freiherr von Harmersbach (1862-1953): Former minister of trade and minister of finance in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, governor of the Austro-Hungarian Bank, director-general of the Creditanstalt Bankverein. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1987.

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10

Was bleibt?: Das politische Wirken und Vermächtnis von Dr. Fred Sinowatz. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Statesmen, Austrian"

1

"IV. SEIPEL AND THE PROBLEM OF AUSTRIAN IDENTITY: 1920-1922." In Ignaz Seipel: Christian Statesman in a Time of Crisis, 158–219. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400871605-007.

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"V. SEIPEL AND THE CRISIS OF AUSTRIAN DEMOCRACY.· 1923-1929." In Ignaz Seipel: Christian Statesman in a Time of Crisis, 220–93. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400871605-008.

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Cherny, Robert. "Harry Bridges’s Australia, Australia’s Harry Bridges." In Frontiers of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.003.0017.

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Harry Bridges, longtime leader of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU, representing Pacific Coast workers), was born in Australia in 1901 and came to the United States in 1920. Bridges brought Australian concepts of labor and politics to the docks of San Francisco in the early 1930s and injected Australian examples into his discussions of US working conditions and politics thereafter. When faced in 1939-1955 with deportation for being a Communist, he always attributed his political outlook to his early experiences in Australia. Bridges was frequently demonized in the US press, and a similar process occurred in Australia as the press there drew upon the US press in presenting Bridges. Just as business groups and conservatives in the United States saw Bridges as a dangerous radical, so too did conservative Australian politicians let their fear of Bridges carry them into a Quixotic campaign to prevent him from sneaking into their country. However, the Australian dockworkers’ union, the Waterfront Workers’ Federation, looked to Bridges and the ILWU as inspiration and exemplar, and Bridges and the ILWU worked closely with their counterparts in Australia. With the thaw in the Cold War aecline in anticommunist rhetoric in both nations, Bridges could be celebrated in both places as a “labor statesman.”

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4

Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. "Archaeology and the 1820 Liberal Revolution: The Past in the Independence of Greece and Latin American Nations." In A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0010.

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Nationalism did not end with Napoleon’s downfall, despite the intention of those who outplayed him in 1815. Events evolved in such a way that there would be no way back. The changes in administration, legislation, and institutionalization established in many European countries, and by extension in their colonies, during the Napoleonic period brought efficiency to the state apparatus and statesmen could not afford to return to the old structures. Initially, however, the coalition of countries that defeated the French general set about reconstructing the political structures that had reigned in the period before the French Revolution. In a series of congresses starting in Vienna, the most powerful states in Europe—Russia, Prussia, and Austria, later joined by Britain and post-Napoleonic France—set about reinstating absolutist monarchies as the only acceptable political system. They also agreed to a series of alliances resulting in the domination of the monarchical system in European politics for at least three decades. These powers joined forces to fight all three consecutive liberal revolutions that raged across Europe and the Americas, in 1820, 1830, and 1848, each saturated with nationalist ideals. The events which provide the focus for this chapter belong to the first of those revolutions, that of 1820 (see also Chapter 11), and resulted in the creation of several new countries: Greece and the new Latin American states. In all, nationalism was at the rhetorical basis of the claims for independence. The past, accordingly, played an important role in the formation of the historical imagination which was crucial to the demand for self-determination. The antiquities appropriated by the Greek and by Latin American countries were still in line with those which had been favoured during the French Revolution: those of the Great Civilizations. However, in revolutionary France this type of archaeology had resulted in an association with symbols and material culture whose provenance was to a very limited extent in their own territory (Chapter 11) or was not on French soil but in distant countries such as Italy, Greece, and the Ottoman Empire (Chapter 3).

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