Journal articles on the topic 'Stephen Dorsey'

Doreen Stephens, whose work and career are now largely forgotten, was very active in the production and management of British television during the 1950s and 1960s. This article will consolidate the author's earlier work on Stephens’ central role in the successful expansion of postwar women's television at the BBC. It will chronicle and explore Stephens’ involvement in other significant episodes at the BBC as well as her subsequent appointment in 1967 as London Weekend Television's Head of Children's Religious and Adult Educational Programmes. Such work continues the process of rewriting and repositioning Stephens into existing narratives of television history and demonstrates that the exploration of women's careers in television allows us to establish critical histories of women's professional expertise in television production and management.

-Bill Maurer, Mimi Sheller, Consuming the Caribbean: From Arawaks to Zombies. New York: Routledge, 2003. ix + 252 pp.-Norman E. Whitten, Jr., Richard Price ,The root of roots: Or, how Afro-American anthropology got its start. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press/University of Chicago Press, 2003. 91 pp., Sally Price (eds)-Holly Snyder, Paolo Bernardini ,The Jews and the expansion of Europe to the West, 1450-1800. New York: Berghahn Books, 2001. xv + 567 pp., Norman Fiering (eds)-Bridget Brereton, Seymour Drescher, The mighty experiment: Free labor versus slavery in British emancipation. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. 307 pp.-Jean Besson, Kathleen E.A. Monteith ,Jamaica in slavery and freedom: History, heritage and culture. Kingston; University of the West Indies Press, 2002. xx + 391 pp., Glen Richards (eds)-Michaeline A. Crichlow, Jean Besson, Martha Brae's two histories: European expansion and Caribbean culture-building in Jamaica. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. xxxi + 393 pp.-Christopher Schmidt-Nowara, Joseph C. Dorsey, Slave traffic in the age of abolition: Puerto Rico, West Africa, and the Non-Hispanic Caribbean, 1815-1859. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003. xvii + 311 pp.-Arnold R. Highfield, Erik Gobel, A guide to sources for the history of the Danish West Indies (U.S. Virgin Islands), 1671-1917. Denmark: University Press of Southern Denmark, 2002. 350 pp.-Sue Peabody, David Patrick Geggus, Haitian revolutionary studies. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002. xii + 334 pp.-Gerdès Fleurant, Elizabeth McAlister, Rara! Vodou, power, and performance in Haiti and its Diaspora. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002. xviii + 259 pp. and CD demo.-Michiel Baud, Ernesto Sagás ,The Dominican people: A documentary history. Princeton NJ: Marcus Wiener, 2003. xiii + 278 pp., Orlando Inoa (eds)-Samuel Martínez, Richard Lee Turits, Foundations of despotism: Peasants, the Trujillo regime, and modernity in Dominican history. Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 2003. x + 384 pp.-Eric Paul Roorda, Bernardo Vega, Almoina, Galíndez y otros crímenes de Trujillo en el extranjero. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 2001. 147 pp.''Diario de una misión en Washington. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 2002. 526 pp.-Gerben Nooteboom, Aspha Bijnaar, Kasmoni: Een spaartraditie in Suriname en Nederland. Amsterdam: Uitgeverij Bert Bakker, 2002. 378 pp.-Dirk H.A. Kolff, Chan E.S. Choenni ,Hindostanen: Van Brits-Indische emigranten via Suriname tot burgers van Nederland. The Hague: Communicatiebureau Sampreshan, 2003. 224 pp., Kanta Sh. Adhin (eds)-Dirk H.A. Kolff, Sandew Hira, Het dagboek van Munshi Rahman Khan. The Hague: Amrit/Paramaribo: NSHI, 2003. x + 370 pp.-William H. Fisher, Neil L. Whitehead, Dark Shamans: Kanaimà and the poetics of violent death. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 2002. 309 pp.-David Scott, A.J. Simoes da Silva, The luxury of nationalist despair: George Lamming's fiction as decolonizing project. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000. 217 pp.-Lyn Innes, Maria Cristina Fumagalli, The flight of the vernacular. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2001. xvi + 303 pp.-Maria Cristina Fumagalli, Tobias Döring, Caribbean-English passages: Intertextuality in a postcolonial tradition. London: Routledge, 2002. xii + 236 pp.-A. James Arnold, Celia Britton, Race and the unconscious: Freudianism in French Caribbean thought. Oxford: Legenda, 2002. 115 pp.-Nicole Roberts, Dorothy E. Mosby, Place, language, and identity in Afro-Costa Rican literature. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2003. xiii + 248 pp.-Stephen Steumpfle, Philip W. Scher, Carnival and the formation of a Caribbean transnation. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003. xvi + 215 pp.-Peter Manuel, Frances R. Aparicho ,Musical migrations: transnationalism and cultural hybridity in Latin/o America, Volume 1. With Maria Elena Cepeda. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. 216 pp., Candida F. Jaquez (eds)-Jorge Pérez Rolón, Maya Roy, Cuban Music. London: Latin America Bureau/Princeton NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2002. ix + 246 pp.-Bettina M. Migge, Gary C. Fouse, The story of Papiamentu: A study in slavery and language. Lanham MD: University Press of America, 2002. x + 261 pp.-John M. McWhorter, Bettina Migge, Creole formation as language contact: the case of the Suriname creoles. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2003. xii + 151 pp.

The paper discusses some of the issues emanating out of reading the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report and the surrounding media reports. In particular, the paper looks at the ways the notion of ‘cutural diversity’ has been incorporated to the Report's recommendations on racism awareness training. This is linked with the fundamental problem of the inclusion of Britain's racialized minorities into its citizenship body in a way that would reflect differences and differential positionings. The paper ends with a note on a particular kind of active citizenship - that of political motherhood and the way Doreen Lawrence has been constructed in the British national imagination.

This paper describes the previously unknown larva of Plectrocnemia renetta Malicky 1975. Information on the morphology of the final instar larva is given and the most important diagnostic features are illustrated. A preliminary discriminatory matrix for the Greek larvae of Plectrocnemia Stephens 1836 is also provided. Plectrocnemia renetta and P. conspersa conspersa (Curtis 1834) belong to the group where the inner and outer dorsal secondary setae on abdominal segment IX are strongly different in length. These two species can be separated from each other by the arrangement of muscle attachment spots on the head capsule, number and length of setae on abdominal sternum IX, and by distribution patterns. With respect to zoogeography, Plectrocnemia renetta has been reported from Cyprus, Turkey, and from the Greek islands of Ikaria and Samos.

Three new species of Ceraclea (Leptoceridae) from Southeast Asia are described and illustrated: Ceraclea (Athripsodina) trisdikooni n. sp. from Myanmar, C. (A.) thongnooi n. sp. from Thailand and Myanmar and C. (A.) thongpongi n. sp. from Laos. Ceraclea trisdikooni n. sp. is distinguished from other species by its inferior appendages recurved ventrad nearly 180° apically. The apex of the basal segment of each inferior appendage is more pointed. In ventral view, each inferior appendage of the new species has an obvious basoventral lobe with numerous long setae. Ceraclea thongnooi n. sp. is distinguished from those by inferior appendages that are each shaped like a seahorse head both in lateral view and ventral view. Ceraclea thongpongi n. sp. is distinguished from other species by the rectangular preanal appendages. In dorsal view, the apical end of segment X is oval and notched apically; in ventral view, the subapicodorsal lobe of each inferior appendage is rounded and straight.

Brown, Paul B., Ronald Millecchia, Jeffrey J. Lawson, Stephanie Stephens, Paul Harton, and James C. Culberson. Dorsal horn spatial representation of simple cutaneous stimuli. J. Neurophysiol. 79: 983–998, 1998. A model of lamina III–IV dorsal horn cell receptive fields (RFs) has been developed to visualize the spatial patterns of cells activated by light touch stimuli. Low-threshold mechanoreceptive fields (RFs) of 551 dorsal horn neurons recorded in anesthetized cats were characterized by location of RF center in cylindrical coordinates, area, length/width ratio, and orientation of long axis. Best-fitting ellipses overlapped actual RFs by 90%. Exponentially smoothed mean and variance surfaces were estimated for these five variables, on a grid of 40 points mediolaterally by 20/segment rostrocaudally in dorsal horn segments L4–S1. The variations of model RF location, area, and length/width ratio with map location were all similar to previous observations. When elliptical RFs were simulated at the locations of the original cells, the RFs of real and simulated cells overlapped by 64%. The densities of cell representations of skin points on the hindlimb were represented as pseudocolor contour plots on dorsal view maps, and segmental representations were plotted on the standard views of the leg. Overlap of modeled and real segmental representations was at the 84% level. Simulated and observed RFs had similar relations between area and length/width ratio and location on the hindlimb: r( A) = 0.52; r( L/ W) = 0.56. Although the representation of simple stimuli was orderly, and there was clearly only one somatotopic map of the skin, the representation of a single point often was not a single cluster of active neurons. When two-point stimuli were simulated, there usually was no fractionation of response zones or addition of new zones. Variation of stimulus size (area of skin contacted) produced less variation of representation size (number of cells responding) than movement of stimuli from one location to another. We conclude that stimulus features are preserved poorly in their dorsal horn spatial representation and that discrimination mechanisms that depend on detection of such features in the spatial representation would be unreliable.

Cololejeunea (Spruce 1884: 291) Stephani (1891: 208), with over 400 published binominals, is the largest genus of Lejeuneaceae Cavers (1910: 291) and the most species of the genus are distributed in the tropical and subtropical regions (Zhu & So 2001, Yu et al. 2013). These usually small sized liverworts grow preferably in extreme habitats, such as on the surface of living leaves, on twigs, or in running water (Gradstein et al. 2003). The currently accepted generic concept of the genus is based on its incubous foliation, leaves consisting of a dorsal lobe and a ventral lobule, Lejeunea-type branching, lack of underleaves, and transverse section of stem comprising of 5(–8) cortical cells and 1 medullary cell (Yu et al. 2013, and references therein).

The under-representation of Black British history in British film and television drama has attracted significant public debate in recent years. In this context, this article revisits a critically overlooked British film adaptation featuring a woman of African origin as a protagonist in a drama set in Victorian England. The Sailor’s Return (1978), directed by Jack Gold, is an adaptation of a historical fiction written by David Garnett and first published in 1925. This article aims to situate the novel and its adaptation in three important contexts: set in rural Dorset in 1858, the narrative can be considered in the context of Victorian attitudes to people of African origin; written by a member of the Bloomsbury circle, the novel is informed by modernist perspectives on the legacies of the Victorian era; broadcast to a popular audience in the late 1970s, the film can be located in a politically progressive tradition of British television drama. Approached in this way, this multiply mediated cultural representation serves to generate insights into the treatment of racism in liberal left cultural production, from early twentieth century modernist milieus to the anti-racism of the British left in the 1970s. These contexts will inform close textual analysis of two motifs — the depiction of the countryside, and the role of costume — which have proved central to ongoing debates about racialized constructions of national identity in British historical film genres. This article will argue that the 1978 film adaptation of The Sailors Return presents a significant precedent when considering what Stephen Bourne has termed the “invisibility” of Black British history in British historical film.

Jueptner, M., K. M. Stephan, C. D. Frith, D. J. Brooks, R.S.J. Frackowiak, and R. E. Passingham. Anatomy of motor learning. I. Frontal cortex and attention to action. J. Neurophysiol. 77: 1313–1324, 1997. We used positron emission tomography to study new learning and automatic performance in normal volunteers. Subjects learned sequences of eight finger movements by trial and error. In a previous experiment we showed that the prefrontal cortex was activated during new learning but not during automatic performance. The aim of the present experiment was to see what areas could be reactivated if the subjects performed the prelearned sequence but were required to pay attention to what they were doing. Scans were carried out under four conditions. In the first the subjects performed a prelearned sequence of eight key presses; this sequence was learned before scanning and was practiced until it had become overlearned, so that the subjects were able to perform it automatically. In the second condition the subjects learned a new sequence during scanning. In a third condition the subjects performed the prelearned sequence, but they were required to attend to what they were doing; they were instructed to think about the next movement. The fourth condition was a baseline condition. As in the earlier study, the dorsal prefrontal cortex and anterior cingulate area 32 were activated during new learning, but not during automatic performance. The left dorsal prefrontal cortex and the right anterior cingulate cortex were reactivated when subjects paid attention to the performance of the prelearned sequence compared with automatic performance of the same task. It is suggested that the critical feature was that the subjects were required to attend to the preparation of their responses. However, the dorsal prefrontal cortex and the anterior cingulate cortex were activated more when the subjects learned a new sequence than they were when subjects simply paid attention to a prelearned sequence. New learning differs from the attention condition in that the subjects generated moves, monitored the outcomes, and remembered the responses that had been successful. All these are nonroutine operations to which the subjects must attend. Further analysis is needed to specify which are the nonroutine operations that require the involvement of the dorsal prefrontal and anterior cingulate cortex.

Supposed syntype specimens of Frullania mexicana comprise two morphologically distinct species. One is the authentic F. mexicana, consistent with its original description in Synopsis Hepaticarum. A lectotype is designated for that species based on a specimen in C.G. Nees von Esenbeck’s herbarium, now in STR. The other was listed by F. Stephani as ‘F. mexicana’ in Species Hepaticarum, but is not that species. Rather, it is described here as new based on a specimen deposited in Stephani’s herbarium, now in G. Frullania clarkii sp. nov. differs from F. mexicana in having involute versus more or less flat dorsal lobes; a ligulate, instead of triangular to narrowly triangular proximal portion of the lobule; broadly ovate underleaves with repand margins versus obovate underleaves with plane margins; and 4-keeled versus 8–10 keeled perianth. Its closest morphological affinities are with F. laxiflora and F. planifolia.

The 2019 Annual General Meeting and Young Investigators’ Forum of the Canadian Society for Clinical Investigation / Société Canadienne de Recherche Clinique (CSCI/SCRC) and Clinician Investigator Trainee Association of Canada / Association des Cliniciens-Chercheurs en Formation du Canada (CITAC/ACCFC) was held in Banff, Alberta on November 8–10th, 2019. The theme was “Positioning Early Career Investigators for Success: Strategy and Resilience”. Lectures and workshops provided knowledge and tools to facilitate the attendees’ development as clinician investigators. Dr. Jason Berman (President of CSCI/SCRC), Elina Cook (President of CITAC/ACCFC) and Drs. Doreen Rabi and Zelma Kiss (University of Calgary Organizing Co-Chairs) gave opening presentations. The keynote speakers were Dr. William Foulkes (McGill University) (Distinguished Scientist Award winner) and Dr. Andrés Finzi (Université de Montréal) (Joe Doupe Young Investigator Award winner). Dr. Robert Bortolussi (Dalhousie University) received the Distinguished Service Award for his work as the Editor-in-Chief of Clinical and Investigative Medicine and for being instrumental in the development of the Canadian Child Health Clinician Scientist Program. This meeting was the first to host a panel discussion with Drs. Stephen Robbins and Marcello Tonelli from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research. Workshops on communication, career planning and work-life balance were hosted by André Picard and Drs. Todd Anderson, Karen Tang, William Ghali, May Lynn Quan, Alicia Polachek and Shannon Ruzycki. The AGM showcased 90 presentations from clinician investigator trainees from across Canada. Most of the abstracts are summarized in this review. Eight outstanding abstracts were selected for oral presentation at the President’s Forum.

Salenius, Stephan, Karin Portin, Matti Kajola, Riitta Salmelin, and Riitta Hari. Cortical control of human motoneuron firing during isometric contraction. J. Neurophysiol. 77: 3401–3405, 1997. We recorded whole scalp magnetoencephalographic (MEG) signals simultaneously with the surface electromyogram from upper and lower limb muscles of six healthy right-handed adults during voluntary isometric contraction. The 15- to 33-Hz MEG signals, originating from the anterior bank of the central sulcus, i.e., the primary motor cortex, were coherent with motor unit firing in all subjects and for all muscles. The coherent cortical rhythms originated in the hand motor area for upper limb muscles (1st dorsal interosseus, extensor indicis proprius, and biceps brachii) and close to the foot area for lower limb muscles (flexor hallucis brevis). The sites of origin corresponding to different upper limb muscles did not differ significantly. The cortical signals preceded motor unit firing by 12–53 ms. The lags were shortest for the biceps brachii and increased systematically with increasing corticomuscular distance. We suggest that the motor cortex drives the spinal motoneuronal pool during sustained contractions, with the observed cortical rhythmic activity influencing the timing of efferent commands. The cortical rhythms could be related to motor binding, but the rhythmic output may also serve to optimize motor cortex output during isometric contractions.

AbstractThis is the first of several projected articles on the taxonomy of southern African Metzgeriaceae H. Klinggr. A brief history of the genus Metzgeria Raddi in southern Africa, the only local representative, is presented. Family and genus descriptions, as well as a key to the species, are provided. Of the seven species currently recognized in southern Africa, M. nudifrons is the only species with gemmae on the dorsal surface of the thallus. It is also characterized by the distinctly broad costa, hairy male branchlets as well as single and straight hairs on the ventral face and margins of the thallus. Metzgeria nudifrons is described, illustrated and its geographical distribution mapped.

Scott, Stephen H., Lauren E. Sergio, and John F. Kalaska. Reaching movements with similar hand paths but different arm orientations. II. Activity of individual cells in dorsal premotor cortex and parietal area 5. J. Neurophysiol. 78: 2413–2426, 1997. Neuronal activity in primary motor cortex (MI) is altered when monkeys make reaching movements along similar handpaths at shoulder level with two different arm orientations, either in the natural orientation with the elbow positioned below the level of the shoulder and hand or in an abducted orientation with the elbow abducted nearly to shoulder level. The present study examines to what degree two other cortical areas, the dorsal premotor (PMd) and parietal area 5, also show modulation of cell activity related to arm geometry during reaching. The activity of most (89%) of the 207 cells in PMd recorded while monkeys made reaching movements showed a statistically significant change in activity between orientations [analysis of variation (ANOVA), P < 0.01]. A common effect of arm orientation on cell activity was a change in the overall level of discharge either before, during, and/or after movement (67%, ANOVA, task main effect, P < 0.01). Many cells (76%) showed a statistical change in their response to movement direction (ANOVA, task × direction interaction term, P < 0.01), including changes in dynamic range and changes in the preferred direction of cells that were directionally tuned in both arm orientations. Overall, these effects were similar qualitatively but not as strong quantitatively as those observed in MI. A sample of cells was recorded in area 5 of one monkey. Most (95%) of the 79 area 5 cells showed a change in activity when reaching movements were performed using different arm orientations (ANOVA, P < 0.01). As in PMd and MI, many area 5 cells (56, 71%) showed changes in their tonic discharge before, during, and/or after movement, and 70 cells (89%) showed changes in their response to movement direction (ANOVA, task × direction interaction term, P < 0.01). The observed changes in neuronal activity related to posture and movement in MI, PMd and area 5 demonstrate that single-cell activity in these cortical areas is not simply related to the spatial attributes of hand trajectory but is also strongly influenced by attributes of movement related to arm geometry.

The species of the weevil genus Tychius Germar, 1817 (Curculionidae: Curculioninae: Tychiini) in China are herein reviewed. Thirty-five taxa are reported, 14 already known from China: T. albolineatus Motschulsky, 1860, T. herculeanus Reitter, 1902, T. uralensis Pic, 1902, T. longulus Desbrochers des Loges, 1873, T. praescutellaris (Pic, 1902), T. tectus LeConte, 1876, T. oriens A. Hoffmann, 1964, T. thompsoni Caldara, 1990, T. perrinae Caldara, 1990, T. ovalis Roelofs, 1875, T. medicaginis C. N. F. Brisout de Barneville, 1863, T. meliloti Stephens, 1831, T. kerulensis (Bajtenov, 1981), T. breviusculus Desbrochers des Loges, 1873; 18 cited for the first time from China: T. rufirostris Schoenherr, 1832, T. hauseri Faust, 1889, T. squamulatus Gyllenhal, 1835, T. flavus Becker, 1864, T. aureolus Kiesenwetter, 1852, T. junceus (Reich, 1797), T. crassirostris Kirsch, 1871, T. vossi Caldara, 1990, T. picirostris (Fabricius, 1787), T. morawitzi Becker, 1864, T. winkleri (Franz, 1940), T. urbanus Faust, 1885, T. sulphureus Faust, 1881, T. bajtenovi Caldara, 1986, T. kaszabi (Bajtenov, 1977), T. gracilitubus (Bajtenov, 1977), T. hedysaricus Karasyov, 1991, T. crassifemoris (Bajtenov, 1977); and three new to science: T. tachengicus Jiang & Caldara n. sp., T. obrieni Jiang & Caldara n. sp., T. zhangi Jiang & Caldara n. sp. A key to the species is provided. Diagnosis, comparative notes and distribution are reported for each species. Dorsal and lateral habitus, as well as details of rostrum, femur, tibia, genitalia, tarsus and claw are illustrated.

Based on adults, mature pupae, and larvae sampled at the same sites on mainland Greece and on the Greek islands of Kerkyra (Corfu) and Crete, the previously unknown larval stages of Rhyacophila tsurakiana Malicky 1984, R. gudrunae Malicky 1972, and R. biegelmeieri Malicky 1984 could be associated and identified. This material enabled us to describe and illustrate the final instar larvae of these three species, and to extract reliable diagnostic characters updating the existing larval key to the Greek species of genus Rhyacophila Stephens 1836 (Karaouzas et.al. 2015). In the context of this key, R. tsurakiana (together with R. tristis Pictet 1834 and R. obtusa Klapálek 1894) lacks abdominal gills; the three species can be separated by the shape of the dorsal sclerite of abdominal segment IX and by anal proleg morphology. Rhyacophila gudrunae is the only Greek species so far where larvae are fitted with one four-filament gill on each body side of the abdomen. Finally, R. biegelmeieri has one tufted multifilament gill on each body side and can be separated from four other species sharing this gill morphology by coloration patterns and head widths; however, separation from R. nubila Zetterstedt 1840 and R. palmeni McLachlan 1879 is not yet possible. Rhyacophila tsurakiana and R. biegelmeieri are large-scale endemic caddisfly species of European Ecoregion 6 (Hellenic Western Balkan), whereas R. gudrunae is a micro-endemic species of this region and restricted to the island of Crete (Malicky 2005b; Graf et al. 2008).

An analysis of the known Ethiopian Plinthisus fauna shows that there are at least 12 species-groups. Two groups, the subgenera Locutius and Isioscytus, have Old World Palearctic and tropicopolitan distributions that extend into Australia. The other 10 species-groups are endemic to Africa, nine having a center of endemicity in the Cape Region of South Africa with apparent relationships to the Australian fauna. Eight new species of Plinthisus are described, each as a representative of a distinct species-group, seven from South Africa: P. (Isioscytus) pulchellus n. sp, P. (Nanoplinthisus) ericae n. sp, P. (N.) fynbosi n. sp, P. (N.) peninsularis n. sp., P. (N.) lamprus n. sp., P. (N) zuurb- ergi n. sp., and P. (N.) drakensbergensis n. sp,; and one, P. (Plinthisus) brachyoccus n. sp., from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. P. beniamaricus Linnavuori, 1978 stat. nov. and P. kilimensis Horv th, 1906 stat. nov. are raised from subspecies of P. himyaritus Linnavuori, 1978 and P.afer Horv th, 1906, respectively to specific rank. Plinthisus hirsutus Slater, 1964 is placed in a species-group distinct from the subgenus Dasythisus. The Nearctic species Plinthisus americanus Van Duzee, 1910, P. compactus Uhler, 1904 and P. indentatus Barber, 1918 are placed in the subgenus Dasythisus. Included are 123 figures illustrating dorsal views, heads, metathoracic scent gland areas, metathoracic wing stridulitra, abdominal structure, male genital capsules, claspers, phalli, spermathecae, and prothoracic legs.

Trichoptera is the largest order of exclusively aquatic insects, comprising more than 16,000 described species with cosmopolitan distribution. There are about 800 species recorded from Brazil so far, mostly from the North, Southeast, and South regions. In Northeastern Brazil, the state of Rio Grande do Norte has only one Trichoptera species recorded so far (Oecetis excisa). Here, Chimarra (Chimarra) potiguar n. sp. is described and illustrated. The new species can be easily distinguished from its congeners by the following features: Segment X has its mesal lobe elongate, sub-rectangular; lateral lobes long and rounded apically, dorsal margin with subapical invagination; the apex of each inferior appendage has a pronounced apicodorsal acute projection, and the phallotremal sclerite complex is curved, with small spines dorsally. Chimarra (C.) potiguar is morphologically similar to Chimarra (Chimarra) bidens, but the new species differs from it by the length and shape of the mesal lobe and lateral lobes of segment X, and by general shape of the basal regions of inferior appendages. Five additional caddisfly species are recorded for the first time from Rio Grande do Norte state: three in Hydropsychidae (Leptonema sparsum, Macrostemum hyalinum, and Smicridea (Smicridea) palifera) and two in Polycentropodidae (Cyrnellus fraternus and Cernotina bibrachiata).

Oyelese, Adetokunbo A., Marco A. Rizzo, Stephen G. Waxman, and Jeffery D. Kocsis. Differential effects of NGF and BDNF on axotomy-induced changes in GABAA-receptor-mediated conductance and sodium currents in cutaneous afferent neurons. J. Neurophysiol. 78: 31–42, 1997. The effects of nerve growth factor (NGF) and brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) on injury-induced changes in the electrophysiological properties of adult rat cutaneous afferent dorsal root ganglion (DRG) neurons were examined. Whole cell patch-clamp techniques were used to study γ-aminobutyric acid-A (GABAA)-receptor-mediated conductance, voltage-dependent sodium currents, and action potential waveform in cutaneous afferent neurons (35–60 μm diam) cultured from control and axotomized animals. Cutaneous afferent neuronswere identified by retrograde labeling with hydroxy-stilbamidine (Fluoro-gold, a fluorescent retrograde axonal tracer); the sciatic nerve was transected 1 wk after Fluoro-gold injection and L4/L5 DRG neurons were cultured 2–3 wk after axotomy. NGF, BDNF, or Ringer (vehicle) solution was delivered in vivo directly to the transected sciatic nerve stump in axotomized rats via an osmotic pump. Recordings were obtained from neurons 5–24 h after culture. Axotomized neurons from rats treated with vehicle solution displayed a twofold increase in GABA-induced conductance and a prominent reduction in the proportion of neurons expressing action potentials that had inflections on the falling phase. The expression of kinetically slow tetrodotoxin (TTX)-resistant sodium current was markedly reduced and an increased expression of kinetically fast TTX-sensitive current was observed in neurons from vehicle-treated, axotomized rats. Treatment with NGF (0.25 μg/μl at 12 μl/day for 14 days) in axotomized animals resulted in an increase in the proportion of neurons expressing TTX-resistant, slow sodium currents and inflected action potentials, but had no effect on GABA-induced conductance. Treatment with BDNF (0.5 μg/μl at 12 μl/day for 14 days) attenuated the axotomy-induced increase in GABAA-receptor-mediated conductance while minimally affecting action potential waveform. The observed neurotrophin effects occurred independently of cell size changes. These findings indicate a differential regulation of GABAA receptor and sodium channel properties in axotomized rat cutaneous afferent neurons by specific neurotrophic factors.

The prevalence of ADHD children increases every year. Some researchers have shown that psychosocial behavior therapy (antecedents-consequences modification) was effective to decrease hyperactivity and increase attention to ADHD children. This study aims to find out the effectiveness of antecedents-consequences modification by parents and teachers to decrease hyperactivity and increase attention to a 6 years old boy with ADHD. The study was a single case experimental design. Psychosocial behavior therapy has been used with antecedents-consequences modification. The antecedents-consequences modification was applied by teacher at school and parents at home. Data were analyzed using Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test. Results showed that there’s a significant decrease of hyperactivity behavior and significant increase of doing his assignment both at school and also at home. Not only about the content of behavior therapy itself, but how to give the therapy is important. 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Acta Crystallogr., 2000, v. C56(1), pp. e1–e2. https://doi.org/10.1107/s0108270199016017 Chervenyuk G. I., Babyuk P. F., Belotskii D. P., Chervenyuk T. G. Phase equilibria in the Bi–Se–I system along the BiSeI–Bi and BiSeI–BiI sections. Izv. Akad. Nauk, Neorg. Mater., 1982, v. 18, pp. 1569–1572. (in Ukr.) Babanly M. B., Tedenac J. C., Aliev Z. S., Balitsky D. M. Phase equilibriums and thermodynamic properties of the system Bi–Te–I. J. Alloys Compd., 2009, v. 481, pp. 349–353. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jallcom.2009.02.139 Horak J., Rodot H. Preparation de cristaux du compose BiTeI. C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris Serie B, 1968, v. 267(6), pp. 363–366. Valitova N. R., Aleshin V. A., Popovkin B. A., Novoselova A. V. Investigation of the P-T-x phase diagram for the BiI3–Bi2Te3 system. Izv. Akad. Nauk, Neorg. Mater., 1976, v. 12(2), pp. 225–228. (in Russ.) Tomokiyo A., Okada T., Kawanos S. Phase diagram of system (Bi2Te3)–(BiI3) and crystal structure of BiTeI. Jpn. J. Appl. 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A detailed redescription of the Middle Cambrian metazoan Wiwaxia corrugata (Matthew) is given with the aid of photographs, mostly taken under ultraviolet radiation, and explanatory camera lucida drawings. Wiwaxia is known only from the Stephen Formation with four localities within the Bathyuriscus-Elrathina Zone, the celebrated Burgess Shale (Phyllopod bed) and Ogygopsis Shale and two localities that appear to expose strata relatively high in the Formation, and a new locality in the underlying Glossopleura Zone. Specimens from the Ogygopsis Shale consist almost entirely of isolated sclerites, whereas in the Phyllopod bed the species is also known from entire specimens, semi-isolated assemblages and isolated soft-parts. T he description here is based almost entirely on Phyllopod bed m aterial. Wiwaxia was originally largely covered by sclerites. On the basis of shape and arrangement five distinct zones are recognizable: dorsal, upper lateral, lower lateral, anterior and ventro-lateral. In addition, there was a row of elongate dorso-lateral spinose sclerites running along either side of the body. Each sclerite was inserted separately via a root-like structure. Growth of the animal appears to have occurred by moulting of the sclerites; one unique juvenile specimen appears to be preserved in the act of moulting. The ventral surface was apparently an area of soft tissue devoid of sclerites. Little is known of the internal anatomy, although anteriorly there was a feeding apparatus consisting of two rows of posteriorly directed teeth. Most stages of growth are known varying from presumed juveniles, which at their smallest may have lacked spines, to adults over 50 mm long. Wiwaxia appears to have been an epifaunal deposit feeder that crawled across the sea-bed, although smaller juveniles may have been infaunal. The dorso-lateral spines may have provided protection against predators and the existence of broken spines suggests the successful deterrence of attack. The affinities of Wiwaxia do not appear to lie with the polychaetous annelids. While the possibilities of convergence cannot be eliminated, there appears to be a significant similarity between Wiwaxia and molluscs that suggests a related derivation from a turbellarian ancestor. Nevertheless, Wiwaxia has a distinctive bodyplan and as such cannot be accommodated in any known phylum. While Wiwaxia is unique to the Stephen Formation isolated sclerites from Lower Cambrian rocks appear to represent earlier wiwaxiids, although these sclerites show differences in their size and composition as com pared with Wiwaxia . Wiwaxia enhances knowledge of early metazoan evolution and ecology in the Cambrian. In particular, it gives fresh insights into the origin and relative success of certain metazoan bodyplans, the origin of trace fossils, and the importance of predation in Cambrian communities.

One of the commonplace and myopic reactions to the rise of televisual time-shifting via video-on-demand, DVD rental services, illegal downloads, and streaming media was to decree “the death of the communal television experience”. For many, new forms of watching television unconstrained by time-bound, regularly scheduled programming meant the demise of the predominant form of media liveness that existed commercially since the 1950s. Nevertheless, as time-shifting practices evolved, so have attendant notions of televisual temporality—including changing forms of liveness, shared experience, and the plastic and flexible nature of new viewing patterns (Bury & Li; Irani, Jefferies, & Knight; Turner; Couldry). Although these temporal conceptualisations are relevant to streaming media, in the few years since the launch of platforms such as Netflix, Hulu, and Amazon, what it means “to stream” has rapidly expanded. Social media platforms like Twitter, Facebook, Snapchat, YouTube, and TikTok allow users to record, share, and livestream their own content. Not only does social media add to the growing definition of streaming, but these streaming interactions are also predominately mobile (Munson; Droesch). Taken together, a live and social experience of time via audio-visual media is not lost but is instead reactivated through the increasingly mobile nature of streaming. In the following article, I examine how mobile streaming media practices are part of a construction of shared temporality that both draws upon and departs from conceptualisations of televisual and fixed streaming liveness. Accordingly, HQ Trivia—a mobile-specific streaming gameshow app launched in August 2017—demonstrates novel attempts at reimagining the temporally-bound live televisual experience while simultaneously offering new monetisation strategies via mobile streaming technologies. Through this example, I argue that pervasive Web-connectivity, streaming platforms, data collection, mobile devices, and mobile streaming practices form arrangements of valorisation that are temporally bound yet concomitantly mobile, allowing new forms of social cohesion and temporal control.A Brief History of Televisual TemporalityTime is at once something infinitely mysterious and inherently understood. As John Durham Peters concisely explains, “time lies at the heart of the meaning of our lives” (175). It is precisely due to the myriad ontological, phenomenological, and epistemological dimensions of time that the subject has long been the focus of critical inquiry. As part of the so-called spatial turn, Michel Foucault argues that theory formerly treated space as “the dead, the fixed, the undialectical, the immobile. Time, on the contrary, was richness, fecundity, life, dialectic” (70). While scholarly turns toward space and later mobility have shifted the emphasis of critical inquiry, time is not rendered irrelevant. For example, Doreen Massey defines spaces as the product of interrelations, as sphere of possibility and heterogeneous multiplicity, and as always under construction (9). Critical to these conceptualisations of space, then, is the element of time. Considering space not as a static container in which individual actors enter and leave but instead as a production of ongoing becoming demonstrates how space, mobility, and time are inexorably intertwined. Time, space, and mobility are also interrelated when it comes to conversations of power. Judy Wajcman and Nigel Dodd contend that temporal control is related to dynamics of power, in that the powerful are fast and the powerless slow (3). Questions of speed, mobility, and the control of time itself, however, require attention to the media that help construct time. Aspects of time may always escape human comprehension, yet, “Whatever time is, calendars and clocks measure, control, and constitute it” (Peters 176). Time is a sociotechnical construction, but temporal experience is bound up in more than just time-keeping apparatuses. Elucidated by Sarah Sharma, temporalities are not experienced as uniform time, but instead produced within larger economies of labor and temporal worth (8). To reach a more productive understanding of temporalities, Sharma offers power-chronography, which conceptualises time as experiential, political, and produced by social differences and institutions (15). Put another way, time is an experience structured by the social, economic, political, and technical toward forms of social cohesion and control.Time has always been central to the televisual. Though it is often placed in a genealogy with film, William Uricchio contends that early discursive imaginings and material experiments in television are more indebted to technologies such as the telegraph and telephone in promising live and simultaneous communication across distances (289-291). In essence, film is a technology of storage, related to 18th- and 19th-century traditions of conceptualising time as fragmented; the televisual is instead associated with the “contrasting notion of time conceived as a continuous present, as flow, as seamless” (Uricchio 295). Responding to Uricchio, Doron Galili asserts that the relationship between film and television is dialectical and not hierarchical. For Galili, the desire for simultaneity and storage oscillates—both are present, both remain separate from one another. It is the synthesis of simultaneity and storage that allows both to operate together as a technological and mediated vision of mastering time. Despite disagreements regarding how best to conceptualise early film and television, it is clear that the televisual furthered a desire for spatial and temporal coordination, liveness, and simultaneity.In recent years, forms of televisual “time-shifting” allow viewers to escape temporally-bound scheduling. In what is commonly periodised as TVIII, the proliferation of digital platforms, video-on-demand, legal and illegal downloads, and DVD players, and streaming media displaced more traditional forms of watching live television (Jenner 259). It is important to note that while streaming is often related to the televisual, the televisual-to-streaming shift is not a clean linear evolution. Televisual-style content persists in streaming, but streaming might be better defined as matrix media, where content is made available away from the television set (Jenner 260). Regardless, the rise of streaming media platforms such as Netflix, Hulu, and Amazon Prime is commonly framed as part of televisual temporal disruption, as scholars note the growing plurality of televisual-type viewing options (Bury and Li 594). Further still, streaming platforms are often defined as television, a recent example occurring when Netflix CEO Reed Hastings called the service a “global Internet TV network” in 2016.The changing landscape of streaming and time-shifting notwithstanding, individuals remain aware of the viewing patterns of others, and this anticipation impacts the coordination and production of the collective television experience (Irani, Jeffries, and Knight 621). Related to this goal is how liveness connects viewers to shared social realities as they are occurring and helps to create a collective sense of time (Couldry 355-356). This shared experience of the social is still readily available in a time-shifted landscape, in that even shows released via an all-at-once format (for example, Netflix’s Stranger Things) can rapidly become a cultural phenomenon. Moreover, livestreaming has become commonplace as alternative to cable television for live events and sports, along with new uses for gaming and social media. As Graeme Turner notes, “if liveness includes a sense of the shrinking temporal gap between oneself and the rest of the world, as well as a palpable sense of immediacy, then this is something we can find as readily online as in television”. To this end, the claim that streaming media is harbinger of the “death of liveness” is far too simplistic. Liveness vis-à-vis streaming is not something that ceases to exist—shared temporal experiences simply occur in new forms.HQ TriviaOne such strategy to reactive a more traditional form of televisual liveness through streaming is to make streaming more social and mobile. Launched in August 2017, HQ Trivia (later retitled HQ Trivia and Words) requires users, known as HQties, to download the app and log in at 3.00 pm and 9.00 pm Eastern Standard Time to join a live gameshow. In each session, gameshow hosts ask a series of 12 single-elimination questions with three answer choices. Any users who successfully answer all 12 questions correctly split the prize pool for the show, which ranges from $250 to $250,000. Though these monetary prizes appear substantial, the per-person winnings paid out are often quite low based on the number winners splitting the pool. In the short time since its inception, HQ has had high and low audience participation numbers and has also spawned a myriad of imitators, including Facebook’s “Confetti” gameshow.Mobile streaming via trivia gameshows are a return to forms of televisual liveness and participation often disrupted by the flexible nature of streaming. HQ’s twice-a-day events require users to re-adapt to temporal constraints to play and participate. Just as intriguing is that “HQ sees its biggest user participation—and largest prizes—on Sundays, especially if games coincide with national events, such as holidays, sports games or award shows” (Alcantara). Though it is difficult to draw conclusions from this correlation, the fact that HQ garners more players and attention during events and holidays complicates notions of mobile trivia as a primary form of entertainment. It is possible, perhaps, that HQ is an evolution to the so-called second screen experience, in which a mobile device is used simultaneously with a television. As noted by Hye-Jin Lee and Mark Andrejevic, the rise of the second screen often enables real-time monitoring, customisation, and targeting that is envisioned by the promoters of the interactive commercial economy (41). Second screens are a way to reestablish live-viewing and, by extension, advertising through the importance of affective economies (46). Affect, or a preconscious structure of feeling, is critical to platform monetisation, in that the capture of big data requires an infrastructuralisation of desire—in streaming media often a desire for entertainment (Cockayne 6). Through affective capture, users become willing to repeat certain actions via love for and connection to a platform. Put another way, big data collection and processing is often the central monetisation strategy of platforms, but capturing this data requires first cultivating user attachment and repeat actions.To this end, many platforms operate by encouraging as much user engagement as possible. HQ certainly endeavors for strong affective investment by users (a video search for “HQ Trivia winner reactions” demonstrates the often-zealous nature of HQties, even when winning relatively low amounts of prize money). However, HQ departs from the typical platform streaming model in that engagement with the app is limited to two games per day. These comparatively diminutive temporal appointments have substantial implications for HQ’s strategies of valorisation, or the process of apprehending and making productive the user as laborer in new times and spaces (Franklin 13). Media theorists have long acknowledged the “work of watching” television, in which the televisual is “a real economic process, a value-creating process, and a metaphor, a reflection of value creation in the economy as a whole” (Jhally and Livant 125). Televisual monetisation is predominately based on the advertising model, which functions to accelerate the selling of commodities. This configuration of capital accumulation is enabled by a lineage of privatisation of broadcasting; television is heralded as a triumph of deregulation, but in practice is an oligopolistic, advertising-supported system of electronic media aided by government policies (Streeter 175). By contrast, streaming media accomplishes capitalistic accumulation through the collection, storage, and processing of big data via cloud infrastructure. Cloud infrastructure enables unprecedented storage and analytic capacity, and is heavily utilised in streaming media to compress and transmit data packets.Although the metaphor of the cloud situates user data as ephemeral and free, these infrastructures are better conceptualised as a “digital enclosure”, which invokes the importance of privatisation and commodification, as well as the materiality and spatiality of data collection (Andrejevic 297). As such, streaming monetisation is often achieved through the multitude of monetisation possibilities that occur through the collection of vast amounts of user data. Streaming and mobile streaming, then, are similar to the televisual in that these processes monetise the work of watching; yet, the ubiquitous data collection of streaming permits more efficient forms of computational commodification.Mobile streaming media continues the lineage of ubiquitous immaterial labor—a labor form that can, and commonly is, accomplished by “filling the cracks” of non-work time with content engagement and accompanying data collection. HQ Trivia, nevertheless, functions as a notable departure from this model in that company has made public claims that the platform will not utilise the myriad user identification and location data collected by the app. Instead, HQ has engaged in brand promotions that include Warner Brothers movies Ready Player One and Rampage, along with a brief Nike partnership (Feldman; Perry). Here, mobile and temporal valorisation occurs through monetisation strategies more akin to traditional televisual advertising than the techniques of big data collection often utilised by platforms. Whether or not eschewing the proclivity toward monetising user data for a more traditional form of brand promotion will yield rewards for HQ remains to be seen. Nonetheless, this return to more conventional televisual monetisation strategies sets HQ apart from many other applications that rely on data collection and subsequent sale of user data for targeted advertisements.Affective attachment and the transformation of leisure times through mobile devices is critical not just to value generation, but also to the relationship between mobile streaming and temporal and mobile control. As previously noted, Sharma elucidates that time is part of biopolitical forms of control, produced and experienced differently. Nick Couldry echoes these sentiments, in that there are rival forms of liveness stemming from a desire for connectivity, and that these “types of liveness are now pulling in different directions” (360). Despite common positionings, the relationship between television and streaming media is not a neat linear evolution—television, streaming, and mobile streaming continue to operate both side-by-side and in conjunction with one another. The experience of time, nevertheless, operates differently in these media forms. Explained by Wendy Chun, television structures temporality through steady streams of information, the condensation of time that demands response in crisis, and the most powerful moments of “touching the real” via catastrophe (74). New media differs by instead fostering crisis as the norm, in that “crises promise to move users from banal to the crucial by offering the experience of something like responsibility; something like the consequences and joys of ‘being in touch’” (Chun 75). New media crisis is often felt via reminders and other increasingly pervasive prompts that require an immediate user response. HQ differs from other forms of streaming and mobile streaming in that the plastic and flexible nature of viewing is replaced by mobile notifications and reminders that one must be ready for twice-daily games or risk losing a chance to win.In contributing to a sense of new media crisis, HQ fosters novel expectations for the mobile streaming subject. Through temporally-bound mobile livestreaming, “networked smart screens are the mechanism by which time and space will be both overcome and reanimated” as the “real world” is transformed into a magical landscape of mobile desire (Oswald and Packer 286). There is a double-edged element to this transformation, however, in that power of HQ Trivia is the ability to reanimate space through a promise that users are able to win substantial prize money only if one remembers to tune in at certain times. Within HQ Trivia, the much-emphasised temporal freedom of streaming time-shifting is eschewed for more traditional forms of televisual liveness; at the same time, smartphone technologies permit mobile on-the-go forms of engagement. Accordingly, a more traditional televisual simultaneity reemerges even as the spaces of streaming are untethered from the living room. It is in this reemphasis of liveness and sharedness that the user is simultaneously empowered vis-à-vis mobile devices and made mobile streaming subject through new temporal expectations and forms of monetisation.As mobile streaming becomes increasingly pervasive, new experimental applications jockey for user attention and time. HQ Trivia’s model of eschewing data collection for more traditional televisual monetisation represents attempts to recreate mobile media engagement not through individual isolated audio-visual practices, but instead through a live and mobile experience. Consequently, HQ Trivia and other temporally-bound gameshow apps demonstrate a reimagined live televisual experience, and, in turn, a monetisation of mobile engagement through affective investment.ReferencesAlcantara, Chris. “Diving into HQ Trivia: The Toughest Rounds, the Best Time to Play and How Some Users Beat the Odds.” The Washington Post 5 Mar. 2018. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2018/business/hq-trivia/?utm_term=.02dc389ae3a9>.Andrejevic, Mark. “Surveillance in the Digital Enclosure.” The Communication Review 10.4 (2007): 295-317.Bury, Rhiannon, and Johnson Li. “Is It Live or Is It Timeshifted, Streamed or Downloaded? 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The habitual passenger cannot grasp the folly of traffic based overwhelmingly on transport. His inherited perceptions of space and time and of personal pace have been industrially deformed. He has lost the power to conceive of himself outside the passenger role (Illich 25).The most basic definition of Stillness refers to a state of being in the absence of both motion and disturbance. Some might say it is anti-American. Stillness denies the democratic freedom of mobility in a social system where, as Ivan Illich writes in Energy and Equity, people “believe that political power grows out of the capacity of a transportation system, and in its absence is the result of access to the television screen” (26). In America, it isn’t too far of a stretch to say that most are quite used to being interpolated as some sort of subject of the screen, be it the windshield or the flat screen. Whether in transport or tele-vision, life is full of traffic and flickering images. In the best of times there is a choice between being citizen-audience member or citizen-passenger. A full day might include both.But during the summer of 2008 things seemed to change. The citizen-passenger was left beached, not in some sandy paradise but in their backyard. In this state of SIMBY (stuck in my backyard), the citizen-passenger experienced the energy crisis first hand. Middle class suburbanites were forced to come to terms with a new disturbance due to rising fuel prices: unattainable motion. Domestic travel had been exchanged for domestication. The citizen-passenger was rendered what Paul Virilio might call, “a voyager without a voyage, this passenger without a passage, the ultimate stranger, and renegade to himself” (Crepuscular 131). The threat to capitalism posed by this unattainable motion was quickly thwarted by America’s 'big box' stores, hotel chains, and news networks. What might have become a culturally transformative politics of attainable stillness was hijacked instead by The Great American Staycation. The Staycation is a neologism that refers to the activity of making a vacation out of staying at home. But the Staycation is more than a passing phrase; it is a complex cultural phenomenon that targeted middle class homes during the summer of 2008. A major constraint to a happy Staycation was the uncomfortable fact that the middle class home was not really a desirable destination as it stood. The family home would have to undergo a series of changes, one being the initiation of a set of time management strategies; and the second, the adoption of new objects for consumption. Good Morning America first featured the Staycation as a helpful parenting strategy for what was expected to be a long and arduous summer. GMA defined the parameters of the Staycation with four golden rules in May of 2008:Schedule start and end dates. Otherwise, it runs the risk of feeling just like another string of nights in front of the tube. Take Staycation photos or videos, just as you would if you went away from home on your vacation. Declare a 'choratorium.' That means no chores! Don't make the bed, vacuum, clean out the closets, pull weeds, or nothing, Pack that time with activities. (Leamy)Not only did GMA continue with the theme throughout the summer but the other networks also weighed in. Expert knowledge was doled out and therapeutic interventions were made to make people feel better about staying at home. Online travel companies such as expedia.com and tripadvisor.com, estimated that 60% of regular vacation takers would be staying home. With the rise and fall of gas prices, came the rise of fall of the Staycation.The emergence of the Staycation occurred precisely at a time when American citizens were confronted with the reality that their mobility and localities, including their relationship to domestic space, were structurally bound to larger geopolitical forces. The Staycation was an invention deployed by various interlocutors most threatened by the political possibilities inherent in stillness. The family home was catapulted into the circuits of production, consumption, and exchange. Big TV and Big Box stores furthered individual’s unease towards having to stay at home by discursively constructing the gas prices as an impediment to a happy domestic life and an affront to the American born right to be mobile. What was reinforced was that Americans ideally should be moving, but could not. Yet, at the same time it was rather un-American not to travel. The Staycation was couched in a powerful rhetoric of one’s moral duty to the nation while playing off of middle class anxieties and senses of privilege regarding the right to be mobile and the freedom to consume. The Staycation satiates all of these tensions by insisting that the home can become a somewhere else. Between spring and autumn of 2008, lifestyle experts, representatives from major retailers, and avid Staycationers filled morning slots on ABC, NBC, FOX, CBS, and CNN with Staycation tips. CNN highlighted the Staycation as a “1st Issue” in their Weekend Report on 12 June 2008 (Alban). This lead story centred on a father in South Windsor, Connecticut “who took the money he would normally spend on vacations and created a permanent Staycation residence.” The palatial home was fitted with a basketball court, swimming pool, hot tub, gardening area, and volleyball court. In the same week (and for those without several acres) CBS’s Early Show featured the editor of behindthebuy.com, a company that specialises in informing the “time starved consumer” about new commodities. The lifestyle consultant previewed the newest and most necessary items “so you could get away without leaving home.” Key essentials included a “family-sized” tent replete with an air conditioning unit, a projector TV screen amenable to the outdoors, a high-end snow-cone maker, a small beer keg, a mini-golf kit, and a fast-setting swimming pool that attaches to any garden hose. The segment also extolled the virtues of the Staycation even when gas prices might not be so high, “you have this stuff forever, if you go on vacation all you have are the pictures.” Here, the value of the consumer products outweighs the value of erstwhile experiences that would have to be left to mere recollection.Throughout the summer ABC News’ homepage included links to specific products and profiled hotels, such as Hiltons and Holiday Inns, where families could at least get a few miles away from home (Leamy). USA Today, in an article about retailers and the Staycation, reported that Wal-Mart would be “rolling back prices on everything from mosquito repellent to portable DVD players to baked beans and barbecue sauce”. Target and Kohl’s were celebrated for offering discounts on patio furniture, grills, scented candles, air fresheners and other products to make middle class homes ‘staycationable’. A Lexis Nexis count revealed over 200 news stories in various North American sources, including the New York Times, Financial Times, Investors Guide, the Christian Science Monitor, and various local Consumer Credit Counselling Guides. Staying home was not necessarily an inexpensive option. USA Today reported brand new grills, grilling meats, patio furniture and other accoutrements were still going to cost six percent more than the previous year (24 May 2008). While it was suggested that the Staycation was a cost-saving option, it is clear Staycations were for the well-enough off and would likely cost more or as much as an actual vacation. To put this in context with US vacation policies and practices, a recent report by the Center for Economic and Policy Research called No-Vacation Nation found that the US is the only advanced economy in the world that does not guarantee its workers paid vacation (Ray and Schmidt 3). Subsequently, without government standards 25% of Americans have neither paid vacation nor paid holidays. The Staycation was not for the working poor who were having difficulty even getting to work in the first place, nor were they for the unemployed, recently job-less, or the foreclosed. No, the Staycationers were middle class suburbanites who had backyards and enough acreage for swimming pools and tents. These were people who were going to be ‘stuck’ at home for the first time and a new grill could make that palatable. The Staycation would be exciting enough to include in their vacation history repertoire.All of the families profiled on the major networks were white Americans and in most cases nuclear families. For them, unattainable motion is an affront to the privilege of their white middle class mobility which is usually easy and unencumbered, in comparison to raced mobilities. Doreen Massey’s theory of “power geometry” which argues that different people have differential and inequitable relationships to mobility is relevant here. The lack of racial representation in Staycation stories reinforces the reality that has already been well documented in the works of bell hooks in Black Looks: Race and Representation, Lynn Spigel in Welcome to the Dreamhouse: Popular Media and Postwar Suburbs, and Jeremy Packer in Mobility without Mayhem: Safety, Cars and Citizenship. All of these critical works suggest that taking easily to the great open road is not the experience of all Americans. Freedom of mobility is in fact a great American fiction.The proprietors for the Great American Staycation were finding all sorts of dark corners in the American psyche to extol the virtues of staying at home. The Staycation capitalised on latent xenophobic tendencies of the insular family. Encountering cultural difference along the way could become taxing and an impediment to the fully deserved relaxation that is the stuff of dream vacations. CNN.com ran an article soon after their Weekend Report mentioned above quoting a life coach who argued Staycations were more fitting for many Americans because the “strangeness of different cultures or languages, figuring out foreign currencies or worrying about lost luggage can take a toll” (12 June 2008). The Staycation sustains a culture of insularity, consumption, distraction, and fear, but in doing so serves the national economic interests quite well. Stay at home, shop, grill, watch TV and movies, these were the economic directives programmed by mass media and retail giants. As such it was a cultural phenomenon commensurable to the mundane everyday life of the suburbs.The popular version of the Staycation is a highly managed and purified event that reflects the resort style/compound tourism of ‘Club Meds’ and cruise ships. The Staycation as a new form of domestication bears a significant resemblance to the contemporary spatial formations that Marc Augé refers to as non-places – contemporary forms of homogeneous architecture that are scattered across disparate locales. The nuclear family home becomes another point of transfer in the global circulation of capital, information, and goods. The chain hotels and big box stores that are invested in the Staycation are touted as part of the local economy but instead devalue the local by making it harder for independent restaurants, grocers, farmers’ markets and bed and breakfasts to thrive. In this regard the Staycation excludes the local economy and the community. It includes backyards not balconies, hot-dogs not ‘other’ types of food, and Wal-Mart rather than then a local café or deli. Playing on the American democratic ideals of freedom of mobility and activating one’s identity as a consumer left little room to re-think how life in constant motion (moving capital, moving people, moving information, and moving goods) was partially responsible for the energy crisis in the first place. Instead, staying at home became a way for the American citizen to support the floundering economy while waiting for gas prices to go back down. And, one wouldn’t have to look that much further to see that the Staycation slips discursively into a renewed mission for a just cause – the environment. For example, ABC launched at the end of the summer a ruse of a national holiday, “National Stay at Home Week” with the tag line: “With gas prices so high, the economy taking a nosedive and global warming, it's just better to stay in and enjoy great ABC TV.” It comes as no shock that none of the major networks covered this as an environmental issue or an important moment for transformation. In fact, the air conditioning units in backyard tents attest to quite the opposite. Instead, the overwhelming sense was of a nation waiting at home for it all to be over. Soon real life would resume and everyone could get moving again. The economic slowdown and the energy crisis are examples of the breakdown and failure of capitalism. In a sense, a potential opened up in this breakdown for Stillness to become an alternative to life in constant and unrequited motion. That is, for the practice of non-movement and non-circulation to take on new political and cultural forms especially in the sprawling suburbs where the car moves individuals between the trifecta of home, box store, and work. The economic crisis is also a temporary stoppage of the flows. If the individual couldn’t move, global corporate capital would find a way to set the house in motion, to reinsert it back into the machinery that is now almost fully equated with freedom.The reinvention of the home into a campground or drive-in theatre makes the house a moving entity, an inverted mobile home that is both sedentary and in motion. Paul Virilio’s concept of “polar inertia” is important here. He argues, since the advent of transportation individuals live in a state of “resident polar inertia” wherein “people don’t move, even when they’re in a high speed train. They don’t move when they travel in their jet. They are residents in absolute motion” (Crepuscular 71). Lynn Spigel has written extensively about these dynamics, including the home as mobile home, in Make Room for TV and Welcome to the Dreamhouse. She examines how the introduction of the television into domestic space is worked through the tension between the private space of the home and the public world outside. Spigel refers to the dual emergence of portable television and mobile homes. Her work shows how domestic space is constantly imagined and longed for “as a vehicle of transport through which they (families) could imaginatively travel to an illicit place of passion while remaining in the safe space of the family home” (Welcome 60-61). But similarly to what Virilio has inferred Spigel points out that these mobile homes stayed parked and the portable TVs were often stationary as well. The Staycation exists as an addendum to what Spigel captures about the relationship between domestic space and the television set. It provides another example of advertisers’ attempts to play off the suburban tension between domestic space and the world “out there.” The Staycation exacerbates the role of the domestic space as a site of production, distribution, and consumption. The gendered dynamics of the Staycation include redecorating possibilities targeted at women and the backyard beer and grill culture aimed at men. In fact, ‘Mom’ might suffer the most during a Staycation, but that is another topic. The point is the whole family can get involved in a way that sustains the configurations of power but with an element of novelty.The Staycation is both a cultural phenomenon that feeds off the cultural anxieties of the middle class and an economic directive. It has been constructed to maintain movement at a time when the crisis of capital contains seeds for an alternative, for Stillness to become politically and culturally transformative. But life feels dull when the passenger is stuck and the virtues of Stillness are quite difficult to locate in this cultural context. As Illich argues, “the passenger who agrees to live in a world monopolised by transport becomes a harassed, overburdened consumer of distances whose shape and length he can no longer control” (45). When the passenger is the mode of identification, immobility becomes unbearable. In this context a form of “still mobility” such as the Staycation might be satisfying enough. ConclusionThe still citizen is a threatening figure for capital. In Politics of the Very Worst Virilio argues at the heart of capitalism is a state of permanent mobility, a condition to which polar inertia attests. The Staycation fits completely within this context of this form of mobile immobility. The flow needs to keep flowing. When people are stationary, still, and calm the market suffers. It has often been argued that the advertising industries construct dissatisfaction while also marginally eliminating it through the promises of various products, yet ultimately leaving the individual in a constant state of almost satisfied but never really. The fact that the Staycation is a mode of waiting attests to this complacent dissatisfaction.The subjective and experiential dimensions of living in a capitalist society are experienced through one’s relationship to time and staying on the right path. The economic slowdown and the energy crisis are also crises in pace, energy, and time. The mobility and tempo, the pace and path that capital relies on, has become unhinged and vulnerable to a resistant re-shaping. The Staycation re-sets the tempo of suburbia to meet the new needs of an economic slowdown and financial crisis. Following the directive to staycate is not necessarily a new form of false consciousness, but an intensified technological and economic mode of subjection that depends on already established cultural anxieties. But what makes the Staycation unique and worthy of consideration is that capitalists and other disciplinary institutions of power, in this case big media, construct new and innovative ways to control people’s time and regulate their movement in space. The Staycation is a particular re-territorialisation of the temporal and spatial dimensions of home, work, and leisure. In sum, Staycation and the staging of National Stay at Home Week reveals a systemic mobilising and control of a population’s pace and path. As Bernard Stiegler writes in Technics and Time: “Deceleration remains a figure of speed, just as immobility is a figure of movement” (133). These processes are inexorably tied to one another. Thinking back to the opening quote from Illich, we could ask how we might stop imagining ourselves as passengers – ushered along, falling in line, or complacently floating past. To be still in the flows could be a form of ultimate resistance. In fact, Stillness has the possibility of becoming an autonomous practice of refusal. It is after all this threatening potentiality that created the frenzied invention of the Staycation in the first place. To end where I began, Illich states that “the habitual passenger must adopt a new set of beliefs and expectations if he is to feel secure in the strange world” (25-26). The horizon of political possibility is uniformly limited for the passenger. Whether people actually did follow these directives during the summer of 2008 is hard to determine. The point is that the energy crisis and economic slowdown offered a potential to vacate capital’s premises, both its pace and path. But corporate capital is doing its best to make sure that people wait, staycate, and see it through. The Staycation is not just about staying at home for vacation. It is about staying within reach, being accounted for, at a time when departing global corporate capital seems to be the best option. ReferencesAlban, Debra. “Staycations: Alternative to Pricey, Stressful Travel.” CNN News 12 June 2008. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://edition.cnn.com/2008/LIVING/worklife/06/12/balance.staycation/index.html›.Augé, Marc. Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity. Verso, London, 1995.hooks, bell. Black Looks: Race and Representation. Boston: South End Press, 1992.Illich, Ivan. Energy and Equity. New York: Perennial Library, 1974.Leamy, Elisabeth. “Tips for Planning a Great 'Staycation'.” ABC News 23 May 2008. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://abcnews.go.com/GMA/Parenting/story?id=4919211›.Massey, Doreen. Space, Place, and Gender. Minneapolis: Minnesota U P, 1994.Packer, Jeremy. Mobility without Mayhem: Safety, Cars, and Citizenship. Durham, NC: Duke U P, 2008.Ray, Rebecca and John Schmitt. No-Vacation Nation. Washington, D.C.: Center for Economic and Policy Research, May 2007.Spigel, Lynn. Make Room for TV: Television and the Family Ideal in Postwar America. Chicago: Chicago U P, 1992.———. Welcome to the Dreamhouse: Popular Media and Postwar Suburbs. Durham, NC: Duke U P, 2001.Stiegler, Bernard. Technics and Time 2: Disorientation. Trans. Stephen Barker. California: Stanford University Press, 2009.USA Today. “Retailers Promote 'Staycation' Sales.” 24 May 2008. 6 Mar. 2009 ‹http://www.usatoday.com/money/industries/retail/2008-05-24-staycations_N.htm›.Virilio, Paul. Speed and Politics. Trans. Mark Polizzotti. New York: Semiotext(e), 1986.———. In James der Derian, ed. The Virilio Reader. Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 1998.———. Politics of the Very Worst. New York: Semiotext(e), 1999.———. Crepuscular Dawn. New York: Semiotext(e), 2002.

ExpositionPortland, Oregon (USA) has become known for an artisanal or ‘maker’ economy that relies on a resurgence of place specificity (Heying), primarily expressed and exported to a global audience in the notion of ‘Portland Made’ (Roy). Portland Made reveals a tension immanent in the notion of ‘place’: place is both here and not here, both real and imaginary. What emerges is a complicated picture of how place conceptually captures various intersections of materiality and mythology, aesthetics and economics. On the one hand, Portland Made represents the collective brand-identity used by Portland’s makers to signify a products’ material existence as handcrafted, place-embedded, and authentic. These characteristics lead to certain assumptions about the concept of ‘local’ (Marotta and Heying): what meaning does Portland Made convey, and how is such meaning distributed? On the other hand, the seemingly intentional embedding of place-specificity in objects meant for distribution far outside of Portland begs another type of question: how does Portland come to be discursively representative of these characteristics, and how are such representations distributed to global audiences? How does this global distribution and consumption of immaterial Portland feed back into the production of material Portland?To answer these questions we look to the realm of social media, specifically the popular image-based service Instagram. For the uninitiated, Instagram is a web-based social media service that allows pictures to be shared and seen by anyone that follows a person or business’ Instagram account. Actions include posting original photos (often taken and posted with a cell phone), ‘liking’ pictures, and ‘hash-tagging’ posts with trending terms that increase visibility. Instagram presents us with a complex view of place as both material and virtual, sometimes reifying and sometimes abstracting often-contradictory understandings of place specificity. Many makers use Instagram to promote their products to a broad audience and, in doing so, makers participate in the construction of Portland’s mythology. In this paper, we use empirical insights to theorise makers’ role in shaping and cultivating the virtual and material aspects of place. Additionally, we discuss how makers navigate the complex relationships tied to the importance of place in their specific cultural productions. In the first section, we develop the notion of a curated maker subjectivity. In the second section, we consider the relationship between subjectivity and place. Both sections emphasize how Instagram mediates the relationship between place and subjectivity. Through spotlighting particular literatures in each section, we attempt to fill a gap in the literature that addresses the relationship between subjectivity, place, and social media. Through this line of analysis, we attempt to better understand how and where Portland is made, along with the implications for Portland’s makers.ActionThe insights from this paper came to us inadvertently. While conducting fieldwork that interrogated ‘localism’ and how Portland makers conceptualise local, makers repeatedly discussed the importance of social media to their work. In our fieldwork, Instagram in particular has presented us with new opportunities to query the entanglements of real and virtual embedded in collective identifications with place. This paper draws from interviews conducted for two closely related research projects. The first examines maker ecosystems in three US cities, Portland, Chicago and New York (Doussard et. al.; Wolf-Powers and Levers). We drew from the Portland interviews (n=38) conducted for this project. The second research project is our multi-year examination of Portland’s maker community, where we have conducted interviews (n=48), two annual surveys of members of the Portland Made Collective (n=126 for 2014, n=338 for 2015) and numerous field observations. As will be evident below, our sample of makers includes small crafters and producers from a variety of ‘traditional’ sectors ranging from baking to carpentry to photography, all united by a common identification with the maker movement. Using insights from this trove of data as well as general observations of the changing artisan landscape of Portland, we address the question of how social media mediates the space between Portland as a material place and Portland as an imaginary place.Social Media, Subjectivity, and Authenticity In the post-Fordist era, creative self-enterprise and entrepreneurialism have been elevated to mythical status (Szeman), becoming especially important in the creative and digital industries. These industries have been characterized by contract based work (Neff, Wissinger, and Zukin; Storey, Salaman, and Platman), unstable employment (Hesmondhalgh and Baker), and the logic of flexible specialization (Duffy and Hund; Gill). In this context of hyper individualization and intense competition, creative workers and other entrepreneurs are increasingly pushed to strategically brand, curate, and project representational images of their subjectivity in order to secure new work (Gill), embody the values of the market (Banet-Weiser and Arzumanova), and take on commercial logics of authenticity (Duffy; Marwick and boyd). For example, Duffy and Hund explore how female fashion bloggers represent their branded persona, revealing three interrelated tropes typically used by bloggers: the destiny of passionate work; the presentation of a glam lifestyle; and carefully curated forms of social sharing. These curated tropes obscure the (unpaid) emotional and aesthetic labour (Hracs and Leslie), self-discipline, and capital required to run these blogs. Duffy and Hund also point out that this concealment is generative of particular mythologies about creative work, gender, race, and class. To this list we would add place; below, we will show the use of Instagram by Portland’s makers not only perpetuates particular mythologies about artisan labour and demands self-branding, but is also a spatial practice that is productive of place through the use of visual vernaculars that reflect a localized and globalized articulation of the social and physical milieu of Portland (Hjorth and Gu; Pike). Similar to many other artists and creative entrepreneurs (Pasquinelli and Sjöholm), Portland’s makers typically work long hours in order to produce high quality, unique goods at a volume that will afford them the ability to pay rent in Portland’s increasingly expensive central city neighbourhoods. Much of this work is done from the home: according to our survey of Portland Made Collective’s member firms, 40% consist of single entrepreneurs working from home. Despite being a part of a creative milieu that is constantly captured by the Portland ‘brand’, working long hours, alone, produces a sense of isolation, articulated well by this apparel maker:It’s very isolating working from home alone. [...] The other people I know are working from home, handmade people, I’ll post something, and it makes you realize we’re all sitting at home doing the exact same thing. We can’t all hang out because you gotta focus when you’re working, but when I’m like ugh, I just need a little break from the sewing machine for five minutes, I go on Instagram.This statement paints Instagram as a coping mechanism for the isolation of working alone from home, an important impetus for makers to use Instagram. This maker uses Instagram roughly two hours per workday to connect with other makers and to follow certain ‘trendsetters’ (many of whom also live in Portland). Following other makers allows the maker community to gauge where they are relative to other makers; one furniture maker told us that she was able to see where she should be going based on other makers that were slightly ahead of her, but she could also advise other makers that were slightly behind her. The effect is a sense of collaborative participation in the ‘scene’, which both alleviates the sense of isolation and helps makers gain legitimacy from others in their milieu. As we show below, this participation demands from makers a curative process of identity formation. Jacque Rancière’s intentional double meaning of the French term partage (the “distribution of the sensible”) creates space to frame curation in terms of the politics around “sharing in” and “sharing out” (Méchoulan). For Rancière, the curative aspect of communities (or scenes) reveals something inherently political about aesthetics: the politics of visibility on Instagram “revolve around what is seen and what can be said about it, who has the ability to see and the talent to speak, around the properties of space and the possibilities of time” (8-9). An integral part of the process of curating a particular identity to express over Instagram is reflected by who they follow or what they ‘like’ (a few makers mentioned the fact that they ‘like’ things strategically).Ultimately, makers need followers for their brand (product brand, self-brand, and place-brand), which requires makers to engage in a form of aesthetic labour through a curated articulation of who a maker is–their personal story, or what Duffy and Hund call “the destiny of passionate work”–and how that translates into what they make at the same time. These identities congeal over Instagram: one maker described this as a “circle of firms that are moving together.” Penetrating that circle by curating connections over Instagram is an important branding strategy.As a confections maker told us, strategically using hashtags and stylizing pictures to fit the trends is paramount. Doing these things effectively draws attention from other makers and trendsetters, and, as an apparel maker told us, getting even one influential trendsetter or blogger to follow them on Instagram can translate into huge influxes of attention (and sales) for their business. Furthermore, getting featured by an influential blogger or online magazine can yield instantaneous results. For instance, we spoke with an electronics accessories maker that had been featured in Gizmodo a few years prior, and the subsequent uptick in demand led him to hire over 20 new employees.The formulation of a ‘maker’ subjectivity reveals the underlying manner in which certain subjective characteristics are expressed while others remain hidden; expressing the wrong characteristics may subvert the ability for makers to establish themselves in the milieu. We asked a small Portland enterprise that documents the local maker scene about the process of curating an Instagram photo, especially curious about how they aesthetically frame ‘site visits’ at maker workspaces. We were somewhat surprised to hear that makers tend to “clean too much” ahead of a photo shoot; the photographer we spoke with told us that people want to see the space as it looks when it’s being worked in, when it’s a little messy. The photographer expressed an interest in accentuating the maker’s ‘individual understanding’ of the maker aesthetic; the framing and the lighting of each photo is meant to relay traces of the maker to potential consumers. The desire seems to be the expression and experience of ‘authenticity’, a desire that if captured correctly grants the maker a great deal of purchase in the field of Portland Made consumers. This is all to say that the curation of the workspaces is essential to the construction of the maker subjectivity and the Portland imaginary. Maker workshops are rendered as real places where real makers that belong to an authentic maker milieu produce authentic Portland goods that have a piece of Portland embedded within them (Molotch). Instagram is central in distributing that mythology to a global audience.At this point we can start to develop the relationship between maker subjectivity and place. Authenticity, in this context, appears to be tied to the product being both handmade and place-specific. As the curated imaginary of Portland matures, a growing dialogue emerges between makers and consumers of Portland Made (authentic) goods. This dialogue is a negotiated form of authority in which the maker claims authority while the consumer simultaneously confers authority. The aforementioned place-specificity signals a new layer of magic in regards to Portland’s distinctive position: would ‘making’ in any other place be generative of such authority? According to a number of our interviewees, being from Portland carries the assumption that Portland’s makers have a certain level of expertise that comes from being completely embedded in Portland’s creative scene. This complex interplay between real and virtual treats Portland’s imaginary as a concrete reality, preparing it for consumption by reinforcing the notion of an authoritative collective brand (Portland Made). One bicycle accessory maker claimed that the ability of Portland’s makers to access the Portland brand transmits credibility for makers of things associated with Portland, such as bikes, beer, and crafty goods. This perhaps explains why so many makers use Portland in the name of their company (e.g. Portland Razor Company) and why so many stamp their goods with ‘Made in Portland’.This, however, comes with an added set of expectations: the maker, again, is tasked with cultivating and performing a particular aesthetic in order to achieve legitimacy with their target audience, only this time it ends up being the dominant aesthetic associated with a specific place. For instance, the aforementioned bicycle accessory maker that we spoke with recalled an experience at a craft fair in which many of the consumers were less concerned with his prices than whether his goods were handmade in Portland. Without this legitimation, the good would not have the mysticism of Portland as a place locked within it. In this way, the authenticity of a place becomes metonymic (e.g. Portlandia), similar to how Detroit became known as ‘Motor City’. Portland’s particular authenticity is wrapped up in individuality, craftiness, creativity, and environmental conscientiousness, all things that makers in some way embed in their products (Molotch) and express in the photos on their Instagram feeds (Hjorth).(Social) Media, Place, and the Performance of Aesthetics In this section, we turn our attention to the relationship between subjectivity, place, and Instagram. Scholars have investigated how television production (Pramett), branding (Pike), and locative-based social media (Hjorth, Hjorth and Gu, Hjorth and Lim, Leszczynski) function as spatial practices. The practices affect and govern experiences and interactions with space, thereby generating spatial hybridity (de Souza e Silva). McQuire, for example, investigates the historical formation of the ‘media city’, demonstrating how various media technologies have become interconnected with the architectural structures of the city. Pramett expands on this analysis of media representations of cities by interrogating how media production acts as a spatial practice that produces and governs contested urban spaces, the people in those spaces, and the habitus of the place, forming what she dubs the “media neighbourhood.” The media neighbourhood becomes ordered by the constant opportunities for neighbourhood residents to be involved in media production; residents must navigate and interact with local space as though they may be captured on film or asked to work in the background production at any moment. These material (on site shooting and local hiring practices) and immaterial (textual, musical, and visual representations of a city) production practices become exploitative, extracting value from a place for media industries and developers that capitalize on a place’s popular imaginary.McQuire’s media city and Pramett’s media neighbourhood help us understand the embeddedness of (social) media in the material landscapes of Portland. Over the past few years, Portland has begun experiencing new flows of tourists and migrants–we should note that more than a few makers mentioned in interviews that they moved to Portland in order to become makers–expecting to find what they see on Instagram overlaid materially on the city itself. And indeed, they do: ‘vibrant’ neighbourhood districts such as Alberta Arts, Belmont, Mississippi, Hawthorne, Northwest 23rd, and downtown Portland’s rebranded ‘West End’ are all increasingly full of colourful boutiques that express maker aesthetics and sell local maker goods. Not only do the goods and boutiques need to exemplify these aesthetic qualities, but the makers and the workspaces from which these goods come from, need to fit that aesthetic.The maker subjectivity is developed through the navigation of both real and virtual experiences that contour the social performance of a ‘maker aesthetic’. This aesthetic has become increasingly socially consumed, a trend especially visible on Instagram: as a point of reference, there are at least four Portland-based ‘foodies’ that have over 80,000 followers on Instagram. One visible result of this curated and performed subjectivity and the place-brand it captures is the physical transformation of Portland: (material) space has become a surface onto which the (virtual) Instagram/maker aesthetic is being inscribed, a stage on which the maker aesthetic is performed. The material and immaterial are interwoven into a dramaturgy that gives space a certain set of meanings oriented toward creativity, quirkiness, and consumption. Meanings cultivated over Instagram, then, become productive of meaning in place. These meanings are consumed by thousands of tourists and newly minted Portlanders, as images of people posing in front of Portland’s hipster institutions (such as Salt & Straw or Voodoo Donuts) are captured on iPhones and redistributed back across Instagram for the world to experience. Perhaps this is why Tokyo now has an outpost of Portland’s Blue Star Donuts or why Red Hook (Brooklyn) has its own version of Portland’s Pok Pok. One designer/maker, who had recently relocated to Portland, captured the popular imaginary of Portland in this conversation:Maker: People in Brooklyn love the idea that it came from Portland. People in Seattle love it; people in the Midwest love that it came from Portland right now, because Portland’s like the thing.Interviewer: What does that mean, what does it embody?Maker: They know that it’s local, it like, they know that maker thing is there, it’s in Portland, that they know it’s organic to Portland, it’s local to Portland, there’s this crazy movement that you hear throughout the United States about–Interviewer: So people are getting a piece of that?Maker: Yeah.For us, the dialogical relationship between material and immaterial has never been more entangled. Instagram is one way that makers might control the gap between fragmentation and belonging (i.e. to a particular community or milieu), although in the process they are confronted with an aesthetic distribution that is productive of a mythological sense of place that social media seems to produce, distribute, and consume so effectively. In the era of social media, where sense of place is so quickly transmitted, cities can come to represent a sense of collective identity, and that identity might in turn be distributed across its material landscape.DenouementThrough every wrench turn, every stitching of fabric, every boutique opening, and every Instagram post, makers actively produce Portland as both a local and global place. Portland is constructed through the material and virtual interactions makers engage in, both cultivating and framing everyday interactions in space and ideas held about place. In the first section, we focused on the curation of a maker aesthetic and the development of the maker subjectivity mediated through Instagram. The second section attempted to better understand how those aesthetic performances on Instagram become imprinted on urban space and how these inscriptions feedback to global audiences. Taken together, these performances reveal the complex undertaking that makers adopt in branding their goods as Portland Made. In addition, we hope to have shown the complex entanglements between space and place, production and consumption, and ‘here’ and ‘not here’ that are enrolled in value production at the nexus of place-brand generation.Our investigation opens the door to another, perhaps more problematic set of interrogations which are beyond the scope of this paper. In particular, and especially in consideration of Portland’s gentrification crisis, we see two related sets of displacements as necessary of further interrogation. First, as we answer the question of where Portland is made, we acknowledge that the capturing of Portland Made as a brand perpetuates a process of displacement and “spatio-subjective” regulation that both reflects and reproduces spatial rationalizations (Williams and Dourish). This dis-place-ment renders particular neighbourhoods and populations within Portland, specifically ethnic minorities and the outer edges of the metropolitan area, invisible or superfluous to the city’s imaginary. Portland, as presented by makers through their Instagram accounts, conceals the city’s “power geometries” (Massey) and ignores the broader social context Portland exists in, while perpetuating the exclusion of ethnic minorities from the conversation about what else is made in Portland.Second, as Portland Made has become virtually representative of a deepening connection between makers and place, the performance of such aesthetic labour has left makers to navigate a process that increasingly leads to their own estrangement from the very place they have a hand in creating. This process reveals an absurdity: makers are making the very thing that displaces them. The cultivation of the maker milieu attracts companies, in-movers, and tourists to Portland, thus creating a tight real estate market and driving up property values. Living and working in Portland is increasingly difficult for makers, epitomized by the recent sale and eviction of approximately 500 makers from the Town Storage facility (Hammill). Additionally, industrial space in the city is increasingly coveted by tech firms, and competition over such space is being complicated by looming zoning changes in Portland’s new comprehensive plan.Our conclusions suggest additional research is needed to understand the relationship(s) between such aesthetic performance and various forms of displacement, but we also suggest attention to the global reach of such dynamics: how is Portland’s maker ecosystem connected to the global maker community over social media, and how is space shaped differentially in other places despite a seemingly homogenizing maker aesthetic? 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