Relevant bibliographies by topics / Strategic aspects of Indian Ocean Region

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Strategic aspects of Indian Ocean Region'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Strategic aspects of Indian Ocean Region"

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Karczewski, Maciej. "Wielka Gra” na Oceanie Indyjskim. Chiny, Indie i Stany Zjednoczone w regionalnej rywalizacji mocarstw." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 5 (October 31, 2018): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2012.5.2.

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The Indian Ocean constitutes an area which is rich in resources and vital to shipping. In this region there are some strategic sealines that enable communication of China and India with this resourceful area. Due to the fact that the Indian Ocean region is rich in oil, China and India seek dominance in this part of the world. The article explains and describes the dynamic of greatpower rivalry in various aspects. It also analyzes the role of the Unites States as stabilizing power in the new political and economic environment in Asia.
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Nanda, Biren. "India and Australia: Strategic Maritime Partners in the Indo-Pacific." Journal of Indian Ocean Studies 31, no. 2 (October 10, 2023): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32381/jios.2023.31.02.1.

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In this article the author analyses the strategic, security and maritime aspects of cooperation between India and Australia and describes how this relationship is underpinned by growing economic and people to people ties. It addresses a number of important questions including, what are the strategic drivers in the Australia-India Relationship? What are the areas of convergence in the strategic outlooks of the two countries? What are the areas of divergence in the strategic outlooks of the two countries? Why both countries must cooperate within the Regional Security Architecture. What are our doubts and reservations about each other? What common challenges are Australia and India likely to face in the future? How can we develop the Regional Security Architecture for the Indian Ocean region? What is the Evolving Asian Maritime Landscape in the Eastern Indian Ocean? How do we assess the development of India-Australia Defense and Security Ties? How has Civil Nuclear Cooperation consolidated the Strategic Ties between the two countries? What are the prospects for India-Australia Economic and People to People Ties? How does India look at Australia?
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Imran, Sameera, Maryam Raza, and Noor Fatima. "Strategic Importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands: Implications for Pakistan." Global Pakistan Studies Research Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpsrr.2018(i-i).03.

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The growing strategic importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands is now changing the dynamics of Indian ocean and maritime politics. The sea politics is now has been more tangled than before. Viewed under the theory of offensive realism proposed by John Mearsheimer that holds the concept of power maximization of states and balancing strategies to counter their rival states as all states have some offensive capabilities and countries can never be certain about the intentions of other states. The ultimate goal is to dominate. Within that context, the study aims to examine the growing strategic importance of Andaman and Nicobar Islands and its future prospects and implications on Pakistan. This paper analyzes the main indicators that India is presently working on, to develop its Tri-service theatre. The study seeks to answer the following questions a) How Andaman and Nicobar Islands are strategically important for India? b) How will the development of the two islands will change the dynamics of maritime politics and tackle increasing Chinese presence in Indian ocean? c) What will be the future implications or Pakistan? The study argues that the ANC is the significant factor for India to aggravate its control in the Indian Ocean region as it is developing its largest military and nuclear build-up. However, it can unleash negative imprints for Pakistan in future in certain aspects.
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Kim, Ki-Su. "South Korea’s Geoeconomic Response to the United States’ Geopolitical Approach." Asian Social Science 16, no. 4 (March 31, 2020): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n4p25.

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The United States “Indo-Pacific strategy” itself entails geopolitics. Since 2017, the Indo-Pacific has emerged as a major strategic region for America’s diplomacy and security. Against this backdrop, the Indo-Pacific strategy extends both the “Asia Rebalancing Strategy” and the “Asia-Pacific Security Alliance” regime to the Indian Ocean, while seeking to bring emerging countries, such as China and India, into the U.S.-led international order. Major East Asian countries are actively employing economic means to advance their geopolitical goal -- reshaping the regional order in their own favor. The U.S. has shown a confrontational and exclusionary attitude toward China in terms of politics, economy and security, while the ASEAN has sought to promote inclusiveness by publicly expressing opposition to the exclusion of China. The ASEAN highlighted economic cooperation with China, while the U.S. focused on military and security aspects. The Indo-Pacific strategy will not be able to succeed without the participation of the ASEAN that serves as a crucial geopolitical link between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Another important factor is that unlike former U.S. President Obama, who championed the Asia-Pacific rebalance, President Donald Trump does not show keen interest in the Indo-Pacific strategy. At the same time, President Moon Jae-in has been cautious about engaging in security issues that go beyond the Korean Peninsula or the Northeast Asia -- namely joining in any collective move to contain China. Currently, South Korea is grappling with the geopolitical challenges by expressing support for the ASEAN's geoeconomic approach. Instead of choosing whether to participate in the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, South Korea is seeking common ground between the strategy and its “New Southern Policy.” In other words, the New Southern Policy is a kind of buffer zone. South Korea is taking a geoeconomic response that focuses on developing the regional economy rather than adhering to the strategic and military role of the U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy.
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Batyuk, Vladimir. "US INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY AND EURASIA." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2021): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.01.06.

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Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.
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Tarapore, Arzan. "Conclusion: Strategic Policy in the Indian Ocean Region." Asia Policy 28, no. 3 (2021): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2021.0034.

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Tarapore, Arzan. "Building Strategic Leverage in the Indian Ocean Region." Washington Quarterly 43, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0163660x.2020.1850833.

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Bhaskar, C. Uday. "China and India in the Indian Ocean Region." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 311–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600311.

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China and India have divergent political ideologies, characteristics, aspirations, anxieties, and hence their strategic perceptions and orientations differ. Their strategic interaction in southern Asia has for its backdrop the 1962 border conflict. In terms of maritime security, the Pacific–Indian Ocean continuum has become the centre of gravity post-9/11 with both China and India having long-term growth trajectories in terms of naval power, a process skewed in favour of the PLA Navy (PLAN). Cognisance of the maritime dependency index for energy and anxieties about secure sea-lines of communication (SLOC) by China and India give rise to a ‘Malacca dilemma’ and a ‘Hormuz dilemma’ respectively. The firm belief at the politico-military apex that Beijing’s future strategic profile and relevance is inexorably linked with its naval capability gives the PLAN a steadily increasing footprint in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Active political engagements and long-term port investments in the IOR by Beijing, though presented as benign, trigger concerns in India. These equations are influenced by a three-tiered strategic subalternity in Asia between the US (and its allies), China and India. The manner in which contested territoriality between the Asian neighbours will be resolved is the key on which future outcomes depend. While this may point towards China acquiring a military edge in the IOR, for India prudence, restraint and capacity-building remain vital.
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Pandey, Hemant Kumar, and Akhilesh Dwivedi. "STRATEGIC ROLE OF INDIAN NAVY IN IOR AT PRESENT." SCHOLARLY RESEARCH JOURNAL FOR HUMANITY SCIENCE AND ENGLISH LANGUAGE 9, no. 46 (March 25, 2021): 11318–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21922/srjhsel.v9i46.1541.

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The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) turned out to be the most engaging region for global activities in recent years. The Indian Ocean consists of the most important trade routes of the world. The Indian Ocean provides a way to move through various regions of the world. World's huge economic players always keep an eye on the IOR for its strategic importance. The Indian Ocean is a gateway to the Atlantic Ocean through the Mediterranean Sea via the Red Sea and it also provides a way to the Pacific Ocean through the Strait of Malacca. It is the main shipping channel for the Pacific and Atlantic oceans. The Indian Ocean region is spread over 28 states, three continents and covers 17.5% of the global land area. The IOR is home to almost 36% of the population of the world. The region is proven to have a rich petroleum resources and other metals. Indian Ocean is also a rich source of fish and its export. Major Sea routes of the world pass through the Indian Ocean that connects the Middle East, Africa, and East Asia with Europe and the Americas. The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has become a home for economic developments, disputes, conflicts, and competition for regional influence by regional and extra-regional powers. The Trade flow from IOR across the globe has its importance for the global economy as well as regional countries. The growing presence of regional power (China) is a major concern for India and other regional countries and that has compelled them to reshape their maritime strategies. This article aims to state the importance of IOR in Indian reference and Chinese presence in IOR and its strategies.
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Kumar, Raghvendra. "India’s Strategic Interests and Partnership with Island States of Africa in the Western Indian Ocean Region." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 2 (August 2020): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020938996.

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The Indian Ocean has turned into the new geographical centre of power, where global power dynamics is being revealed. It has been transformed into a geostrategic heartland, forecasting new challenges and opportunities, and at the core of this is an emerging power, India, which, being located at a strategic juncture in the Indian Ocean, shapes much of this geostrategic transformation. Therefore, sustaining and improving security and continuing economic expansion, with an increased strategic presence in the region to safeguard its national, regional and global interests are some of the elements which greatly influence India’s involvement with the strategic island states of Africa in the Western Indian Ocean Region. In this backdrop, this article has tried to contextualise the ‘Western Indian Ocean Region’ and ‘situate the actors’ to explore the various contours of geostrategic engagements the region is witnessing. Further, the article examines India’s strategic interests in the Western Indian Ocean, which are critical for its global power aspirations. It discusses the linkages between India and the Western Indian Ocean island states of Africa, which would become the precursor for newer strategies and help in harnessing the potential of mutually beneficial cooperation. Lastly, the article seeks to re-engage with the island states of Africa to help forge a deeper cultural and strategic bond, which would be crucial in balancing the power equation in the region.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Strategic aspects of Indian Ocean Region"

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Keerawella, Gamini Bandara. "The growth of superpower naval rivalry in the Indian Ocean and Sri Lankan response." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28843.

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The Indian Ocean has experienced a process of profound change in its political and strategic map since World War II. This began with the British withdrawal from East of Suez, and was followed by the entry of the superpowers into the Indian Ocean, the growth of superpower naval rivalry, and the proliferation of security problems of the states in the region. The essence of these developments is the transformation of the Indian Ocean from the stability of one-power domination to the instability of superpower rivalry. The thesis examines the process of this transformation and the Sri Lankan response from a historical perspective. The transformation of the power structure in the Indian Ocean was essentially an outcome of the changes in power configurations in world politics. The growth of superpower rivalry in the Indian Ocean must be understood in relation to the evolution of political, economic, and strategic interests of the superpowers, advances in weapons systems and naval technology, and political developments in the region. The superpower naval rivalry has three interrelated elements, viz, naval deployments, weapons deals, and jockeying for bases/logistic support in the region. It evolves in three phases: from 1968 to the 1973 oil crisis; from the oil crisis to 1978; and since 1978. There are definite linkages between superpower naval rivalry and the conflict patterns in the region. The states in the region count on the superpowers for their security because of the inherent weaknessess of the ruling elites in the region, the limits of their security options, and economic dependence. The invariable outcome is a chain reaction resulting in military pacts, puppet governments, political supression, and proxy war, which forms the texture of the international politics of the Indian Ocean region. Sri Lankan responses to superpower naval rivalry can be explained in relation to the geo-political framework of her strategic thinking, and her internal political and economic processes. In the period 1948-56, Sri Lanka identified herself with the British defence structure in the Indian Ocean. With the changes introduced by the M.E.P. regime, non-alignment became the foreign policy approach of Sri Lanka after 1956. In accordance with the growth of superpower naval presence, Sri Lanka became more sensitive to Indian Ocean strategic issues in the 1960s. After 1970, Sri Lankan policy towards the Indian Ocean took a more coherent form and was designed to balance two considerations - first, at the sub-regional level, how to deal with India; and at the Indian Ocean level, how to check superpower naval rivalry and the increasing militarization of the Indian Ocean. This was reflected in Sri Lanka's proposal for an Indian Ocean Peace Zone (IOPZ). After 1977, under the changed internal and international situation, Sri Lanka soft-pedalled her earlier more articulated position regarding superpower naval riavlry in the Indian Ocean.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Ormston, Robert. "The growth of the Indian navy : what is India up to?" Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144423.

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Books on the topic "Strategic aspects of Indian Ocean Region"

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Kaushik, Devendra. Perspectives on security in Indian Ocean Region. New Delhi: Allied Publishers, 1987.

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Kumar, Madhurendra. Super power, India, and the Indian Ocean. Allahabad: Chugh Publications, 1995.

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Raizada, Ajit. The Indian ocean politics. Delhi: Sharada Pub. House, 1994.

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1944-, Dowdy William L., and Trood Russell B, eds. The Indian Ocean ; perspectives on a strategic arena. Durham: Duke University Press, 1985.

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General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University (Sri Lanka), ed. United States-China-India: Strategic triangle in the Indian Ocean Region. New Delhi: KW Publishers, 2015.

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Gupta, M. Indian Ocean region: Maritime regimes for regional cooperation. New York: Springer, 2010.

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George, Paul. Indian naval expansion. Ottawa, Ont: Canadian Institute for International Peace and Security, 1991.

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George, Paul. Superpower rivalry in the Indian Ocean. [Ottawa, Ont: Canadian Institute for International Peace and Security], 1989.

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editor, Sharma B. K., Rasheed Adil editor, and United Service Institution of India, eds. Indian Ocean region: Emerging strategic cooperation, competition and conflict scenarios. New Delhi, India: Vij Books India, 2015.

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Yadav, R. S. From ideology to pragmatism: A study of Soviet and Russian policy towards the Indian Ocean. Kurukshetra: Nirmal Book Agency, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Strategic aspects of Indian Ocean Region"

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Remnek, Richard B. "The Soviet Naval Presence in the Indian Ocean and Western Security." In US Strategic Interests in the Gulf Region, 83–105. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429270031-7.

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Ye, Hailin. "The Strategic Landscape of South Asia and Indian Ocean Region." In Current Chinese Economic Report Series, 27–40. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-45940-9_2.

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Grare, Frédéric, and Jean-Loup Samaan. "The Gulf Arab Monarchies: From Gateways to Strategic Players in the Indian Ocean?" In The Indian Ocean as a New Political and Security Region, 125–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91797-5_6.

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Khan, Zulfqar, and Zafar Khan. "India’s Maritime Strategic Outreach in the Indian Ocean Region: Power Projection and Escalation Dominance." In India’s Evolving Deterrent Force Posturing in South Asia, 85–136. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6961-6_4.

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Zhu, Cuiping. "Changes of the International Environment in the Indian Ocean Region and the Strategic Choices for China." In Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path, 3–44. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-1982-3_1.

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Chorev, Shaul. "The Suez Canal: Forthcoming Strategic and Geopolitical Challenges." In Palgrave Studies in Maritime Politics and Security, 3–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15670-0_1.

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AbstractThe Suez Canal is a strategic narrow route (chokepoint), and a geostrategic link between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea, en route to the Indian Ocean more broadly. The chapter examines the general strategic and geopolitical characteristics of the Suez Canal; the challenges, opportunities, and threats that Egypt, the country that owns, controls, and operates the canal, is likely to face over the coming decades; and how it might also influence the entire Eastern Mediterranean, the Red Sea, and the global supply chains. The stability of the Egyptian regime is the most important factor for any economic benefit provided by the Suez Canal, as well as for any efforts to secure it and make it more accessible to two-way traffic. Egypt’s efforts to secure shipping should not be limited to the Suez Canal alone. The Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea are afflicted with many security threats, most notably piracy, which decrease the attractiveness of shipping through the Canal. In economic terms, Egypt should continue to develop the economic zone around the Canal, by investment and creation of jobs. Given its strategic and economic importance, Egypt should strive to turn this region from a periphery to a center.
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"The IOR and the Strategic Importance of the Indian Ocean Region in the Post-Cold War Era." In The Indian Ocean Rim, 255–74. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315028439-20.

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Marjani, Niranjan. "Securitization of the Western Indian Ocean." In Global Geopolitical Impacts and Dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, 211–28. IGI Global, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/979-8-3693-1690-0.ch010.

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The Indo-Pacific Region is a construct with complex interactions between individual countries as well as sub-regions which are a part of the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific Region. This chapter focuses on the North Arabian Sea Crescent (NASC) of the Western Indian Ocean, a sub-region of the Indo-Pacific Region, from the perspective of the Regional Security Complex (RSC) Theory. The NASC is subject to constant securitization owing to the faultlines within West Asia as well as the participation from the extra regional powers. Iran, with its strategic location in the Western Indian Ocean, has an important role in the stability of the NASC. First is how Iran interacts strategically with the Gulf countries within the realm of altered political dynamics of the region. Second is contextualizing the Iran factor amid the competition between extra regional powers for expanding their footprint in the Western Indian Ocean implying China's growing footprint in West Asia and the United States attempting to assert its own role in the region as well.
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Colley, Christopher K. "The Sino/Indian Rivalry and Indian Naval Modernization." In The Nexus of Naval Modernization in India and China, 64—C3.N62. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192865595.003.0004.

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Abstract From 1991 to 2020 the Indian Navy transformed from a navy largely centred on protecting India’s immediate periphery to a force capable of projecting force to distant parts of the Indian Ocean Region. The key driver behind this modernization has been the Sino/Indian strategic rivalry. As Chinese naval visits increased in the Indian Ocean Region, calls increased in New Delhi to counter the Chinese navy. Of vital importance, multiple points of rivalry escalation between China and India constituted critical junctures in the rivalry, thus further exacerbating threat perceptions in India. Importantly, other explanations for India’s naval modernization such as arguments based on bureaucratic politics and nationalism are either insufficient, or are already embedded in the strategic rivalry.
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Stubbs, Matthew, and Dale Stephens. "Opportunities for Enhancing Naval Cooperation in the Indian Ocean Region in the Presence of Strategic Competition." In Maritime Cooperation and Security in the Indo-Pacific Region, 253–75. Brill | Nijhoff, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004532847_015.

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Conference papers on the topic "Strategic aspects of Indian Ocean Region"

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Mohite, S. D. D. "LNG Imports - A Strategic Choice for GCC Region." In SPE Energy Resources Conference. SPE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/spe-169980-ms.

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Abstract Although Middle East region is blessed with 43% of global proven gas reserves equivalent at 80 trillion cubic meters, of which 50 % are in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, apart from the challenge of historic under-investment, regional gas endowments have been highly uneven and unique. The region is responding to gas shortages by boosting supplies through a combination of E&P developments and imports. As per IEA, the current 240 billion cubic meters (BCM) demand is expected to rise to 300 BCM by 2020 and 600 BCM by 2030. About 90% of incremental energy demand for power generation would come from gas then. Strategic investment will have to focus on creating large volumes of storage capacity as well as peak deliverability to cope with rising imports and power demand requirements. Currently, Dubai and Kuwait import LNG through floating storage and regasification unit (FSRU) projects. At first these imports were seasonal (i.e. summer demand for electricity for air conditioning) and on a spot or short-term basis. Now, demand extends into all but the winter months and soon demand will be year round. The expansion of FSRU in Kuwait in to a permanent facility would increase capacity from 500 MMSCF/d to 3 BCF/d in two phases. This 11.0 million ton per annum (MMTPA) Kuwaiti LNG project under phase-I, is likely to replace the country's FSRU by 2020, mainly to replace the fuel oil firing in power plants. Abu Dhabi is developing a 8.7 MMTPA project in the Emirate of Fujairah on the Indian Ocean outside the Strait of Hormuz. Depending on supply-demand dynamics, Abu Dhabi may be both an importer and exporter of LNG, possibly relying on gas from the Shah and Bab fields. Bahrain has plans to develop 3.6 MMPTA shore-based import facility. Oman has combined Oman LNG and Qalhat LNG projects for integrated benefits, is developing unconventional gas reserves and would reduce gas subsidies to improve the demand equilibrium. Yemen continues to export LNG but has interruptions because of security issues. While Qatar gains geo-political benefits from its broader LNG export customers, with plans to expand its LNG capacity further, the possibility of it supplying gas to its neighbors is remote. Whereas, Saudi Arabia is better dedicated to its oil-field development, has realized benefits of developing and commercializing its gas fields, for both power and job generation. In view of the above, LNG thus remains a strategic choice for GCC countries mainly due to: Most environment-friendly and efficient option for rapidly escalating power demand at ~ 8% p.a.Techno-economics favoring fuel mix of LSFO and LNG for power and industries, instead of crude and dieselRefinery-Petrochemical integration becomes a more viable optionLimitations on geo-technical and geo-political contentious issues on developing non-associated gas fieldsChallenges on speeding up trade and strengthening exchange of power using 2009-set GCC grid, at full capacitySlow diversification into high-profile renewable power projects and its bold initiatives
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Reports on the topic "Strategic aspects of Indian Ocean Region"

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Sen Gupta, A. K. Strategic Importance of Indian Ocean Region. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada192367.

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Hashmi, Syed Kamran Hamid. Major Powers’ Interests in IOR including Partnerships like QUAD, AUKUS, etc., and Implications for the Region especially for Pakistan. National Institute of Maritime Affairs (NIMA), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53963/mpip.2023.978.969.nima003.

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Geo-economics and geopolitics are the indicators of competition between major powers in the pursuit of their strategic goals. The US, China, and India together make up about half of the world's GDP and are vying for dominance in the Indian Ocean. In this perspective, while being smaller than Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, Indian Ocean Region continues to be crucial because of its enormous oil and gas reserves, choke points, nautical traffic, and the interests of foreign powers. The US and Europe are heading for recession, and the Asian economic situation is better, China and India will be major engine of growth this year. Therefore, Indian Ocean will remain the focus of attention for the world. New alliances are taking place in which US and India are the key players, the sole aim being is to contain China. On the other end, China’s presence in Indian Ocean is increased in the last decade due to BRI/CPEC and military base in Djibouti. Chinese Navy is regularly patrolling and exercising with the littoral countries of the Indian Ocean. This paper endeavors to study major powers’ interests in IOR and how developing a strategic alliance requires Pakistan to be vigilant and adopt a strategy to safeguard its interests.
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