Academic literature on the topic 'Strategic euroscepticism'
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Journal articles on the topic "Strategic euroscepticism"
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Shibkova, M. O. "IDEOLOGICAL AND STRATEGIC EUROSCEPTICISM IN EU POLITICS." Comparative Politics Russia 7, no. 4(25) (January 1, 2016): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18611/2221-3279-2016-7-4(25)-13-24.
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Statham, Paul, and Ruud Koopmans. "Political party contestation over Europe in the mass media: who criticizes Europe, how, and why?" European Political Science Review 1, no. 3 (November 2009): 435–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773909990154.
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This study examines political party contestation over Europe, its relationship to the left/right cleavage, and the nature and emergence of Euroscepticism. The analysis is based on a large original sample of parties’ claims systematically drawn from political discourses in the mass media in seven countries: Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland. It addresses questions concerning parties’ mobilized criticisms of European integration and the European Union (EU), specifically: their degree and form; their location among party families and within party systems; cross-national and diachronic trends; their substantive issue contents; whether their ‘Euro-criticism’ is more tactical or ideological; whether claims construct a cleavage; and their potential for transforming party politics. Findings show that a party’s country of origin has little explanatory power, once differences between compositions of party systems are accounted for. Also governing parties are significantly more likely to be pro-European, regardless of party-type. Regional party representatives, by contrast, are significantly more likely to be ‘Euro-critical’. Overall, we find a lop-sided ‘inverted U’ on the right of the political spectrum, but this is generated entirely by the significant, committed Euroscepticism of the British Conservatives andSchweizerische Volkspartei. There is relatively little evidence for Euroscepticism elsewhere at the core, where pro-Europeanism persists. Finally, parties’ Euro-criticism from the periphery mostly constructs substantive political and economic critiques of European integration and the EU, and is not reducible to strategic anti-systemic challenges.
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Kaeding, Michael, Johannes Pollak, and Paul Schmidt. "Europaskeptizismus und die Zukunft Europas. Ansichten aus den Hauptstädten." integration 43, no. 2 (2020): 136–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2020-2-136.
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Based on a new anthology on the future of Europe in the light of Euroscepticism, this article examines how the increasing prominence of Eurosceptic and nationalist parties is affecting the thinking of mainstream parties, their representatives in the European Parliament and the future of European integration. The publication of the anthology is timed to coincide with the strategic vision of the European Council, the Council, the Commission and the Parliament as well as with the next phase of the negotiations on the future relations between the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom and the Conference on the Future of Europe. It maps and analyses 39 national perspectives from all EU Member States as well as from neighbouring European countries and potential candidate countries.
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van Kessel, Stijn, Nicola Chelotti, Helen Drake, Juan Roch, and Patricia Rodi. "Eager to leave? Populist radical right parties’ responses to the UK’s Brexit vote." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 1 (January 3, 2020): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119886213.
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Populist radical right parties are naturally Eurosceptic. Many responded positively to the British referendum vote to leave the European Union; various observers even spoke of a potential populist radical right-instigated ‘domino effect’. We ask whether this Brexit-enthusiasm prevailed in the proximate aftermath of the UK referendum, by means of a comparative analysis of populist radical right parties’ national election campaigns in the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Italy. The analysis considers whether the UK referendum result served as an external stimulus for populist radical right parties to harden their Euroscepticism and politicise the issue of European integration. The results show that this has, generally speaking, not been the case, and that Brexit has also not stimulated or amplified calls for leaving the European Union. Relating our findings to literature on the politicisation of European integration and strategic party behaviour, we argue that populist radical right parties had few incentives to act differently given the uninviting political opportunity structure.
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Szöcsik, Edina, and Alina Polyakova. "Euroscepticism and the electoral success of the far right: the role of the strategic interaction between center and far right." European Political Science 18, no. 3 (May 2, 2018): 400–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41304-018-0162-y.
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BROŽIČ, LILIANA. "PESCO – MORE SECURITY FOR EUROPE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/3 (September 15, 2018): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.3.00.
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The end of this year, more precisely 13 December, will mark the first anniversary of the initiation of PESCO. The acronym PESCO is derived from the English name Permanent Security Cooperation. The objective of PESCO is to deepen defence cooperation of EU Member States (EU) in the development of common defence capabilities, joint projects and operational readiness as well as military contribution. In its early beginnings, the EU devoted most of its attention to the economic progress of its member states, which was a very logical goal in the decade following the end of World War II. Later on, the rudiments of security and defence appeared in the form of the Western European Union, Common Foreign and Security Policy and the like. Until the start of war in the former Yugoslavia, the EU did not have a serious need or reason to particularly focus on security. Security policy was just one of the policies that had mainly been present on paper and in various debates. This became particularly obvious in the case of the intensive developments in the Balkans. This case very well tested the functioning of the EU and revealed the need for fundamental changes. One of the results was also an increased engagement in the field of international operations and missions: an observation mission in Georgia, a police and the rule of law mission in Kosovo, mission to assist in the aftermath of a tsunami in Indonesia, a counter-piracy mission in Somalia, and a mission protecting refugees in Mali. The second key milestone in the EU's security and defence engagement was the European migration crisis in 2015. Here, the lack of appropriate policies at the EU level became most evident. More precisely, it revealed the contradictory application of the policies within the EU to member states and their citizens, and to those other countries and their inhabitants who do not benefit from the high values, ethical standards and social advantages when they arrive in unimaginably large numbers. Before the important EU bodies met, consulted, decided and acted, many problems in different areas had been identified. One of the key issues was the security problem. However, there were still many other influences that gave rise to the creation of PESCO. They are discussed by the authors in this issue. Nevertheless, let me just mention that the EU has in some way found itself at a turning point due to the increasingly present Euroscepticism, which was also discussed at this year’s Strategic Forum at Bled.
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Bressanelli, Edoardo, and Margherita de Candia. "Love, convenience, or respectability? Understanding the alliances of the Five Star Movement in the European Parliament." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 49, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.5.
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The Five Star Movement (M5S) formed the Eurosceptic Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy Group when it first elected its members in the European Parliament (EP) in 2014. Two and a half years later, the M5S sought, without success, to leave the Eurosceptics and join the Liberal group. This attempted a change of transnational affiliation is puzzling: why has the M5S tried to leave the Eurosceptic group to ally with the most Europhile group in the EP? How could this U-turn be explained? Relying on several different data – the EUANDI party data set, official EP data, and original interviews with members of the EP – this article provides a systematic answer to these questions. We test three general hypotheses on group membership in the EP, using the M5S as a case study. We show that neither policy congruence nor the pursuit of office fully explains the M5S’s observed or attempted alliances. We suggest, instead, that ‘domestic politics’ is the key driver of the M5S’s behaviour in the EP. Political group membership is functional to the Movement’s strategic objectives at home. This article shows that national-level explanations of transnational affiliation need to be given more consideration, and highlights the ‘second-order’ importance of the EU arena with respect to ‘first-order’ national strategic objectives.
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FORD, ROBERT, MATTHEW J. GOODWIN, and DAVID CUTTS. "Strategic Eurosceptics and polite xenophobes: Support for the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) in the 2009 European Parliament elections." European Journal of Political Research 51, no. 2 (May 17, 2011): 204–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2011.01994.x.
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Zinko, Ihor. "The Current Position of the Portuguese Republic in International Organizations." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series International Relations, no. 48 (January 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vir.2020.48.0.11036.
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The peculiarities of political and legal foundations and institutional support for the realization of the national interests of the Portuguese Republic at the level of international organizations, both global and European, are considered. Special advantages and disadvantages of the geopolitical and geostrategic position of Portugal are noted, which in the historical past have decisively influenced the foreign policy priorities of the country, but now have less importance. into Euro-Atlantic and Euro-integration structures. Portugal’s marked commitment to security policy at UN, NATO and EU level is underlined. The growing effects of Portugal’s involvement in the activities of the EU institutions were noted, as well as the increased interest of society by deepening cooperation with the EU against the background of the threatening trends of Euroscepticism in other countries. Highlighted are the country’s most notable initiatives in individual EU common policies that affect it most. The consequences for Portugal of the EU’s withdrawal from the EU are outlined, as London has traditionally been a strategic partner of Lisbon. Portugal’s active position in the Commonwealth of Portuguese-speaking Countries, where it has cultural and historical leadership, is highlighted, despite the lack of sufficient financial support for many initiatives. The country’s position in Ibero-American cooperation is also analyzed as a form of expanding EU relations with Latin American countries. It is noted that certain positions of Portugal’s experience in improving its own international political image and maintaining an active position in the activities of international organizations can be useful for Ukraine. Key words: Portuguese Republic; foreign policy; security policy; UN; NATO; EU; Commonwealth of Portuguese-speaking countries; Ibero-American cooperation; EU common policies; European integration; international relations.
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Abts, Koen, and Sharon Baute. "Social resentment, blame attribution and Euroscepticism: the role of status insecurity, relative deprivation and powerlessness." Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research, August 20, 2021, 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13511610.2021.1964350.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Strategic euroscepticism"
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Vasilopoulou, Sofia. "Euroscepticism and the radical right : domestic strategies and party system dynamics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/633/.
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The thesis analyses the phenomenon of party-based Euroscepticism with specific reference to radical right parties. It provides a bridge between the literatures on party behaviour, radical right parties and the study of Euroscepticism. Challenging the notion that parties belonging to the same party family display similar positions on European integration, it argues that radical right parties do not adopt a uniform EU stance. By putting forward a typology of radical right Euroscepticism, the thesis establishes that radical right European positions differ in terms of content, strength and motivation. In explaining this divergence, the thesis adopts a framework of party strategic behaviour and argues that party positions on Europe are related to the endogeneity of the party system and the dynamics of inter party competition. In particular, the thesis shows that a radical right party’s position on European integration as well as the way in which it accommodates the European issue in its discourse is a function of the party’s wider agenda in the national party system. The latter is developed with reference to (1) party type and (2) its predominant aims and objectives at the domestic level. The thesis demonstrates that the European issue is integral to the radical right’s discursive toolkit but the ways in which the party chooses to debate the issue and/or politicise it largely depend on the national context. This thesis employs a nested research design as a mixed methods strategy joining the study of the wider universe of European radical right parties with intensive case study qualitative analysis. It commences with an overview of the general patterns and dynamics of radical right Euroscepticism both across Europe and within the political arenas where the three party case studies operate. It proceeds by providing an in depth study of three radical right parties during the period 1999-2009, including the French National Front, the Greek Popular Orthodox Rally and the Italian National Alliance.
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Beránková, Barbora. "Euroskepticismus a jeho pozice ve Velké Británii." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-327490.
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Euroscepticism is considered as a stream of thoughts whch is typical of the EU distrust or of the European integration and its goals as such. The most common objections to joining the integration proces are loss of national sovereignty, not paying enough attention to national interests or too strict policy unification that does not allow for national particularities. This master thesis will focus on euroscepticism as a concept, il will analyze its ideological roots and the most frequent arguments in favour of this concept. Furthermore, it will analyze various classifications of euroscepticism as well as its potential to be called a new cleavage or even ideology as I suggest that there is no widely-accepted definition. Great Britain - a representative of traditionally very sceptical approach towards European integration project has been chosen as a model case. In this case study firstly, the development of potential eurosceptical thinking within the Conservative Party and the Labour Party will be explored. More importantly, it will concentrate on the (in)consistency of their European policies in time, analysis of their attitudes in the 21st century and finally it will try to derive the future development of their possible eurosceptical opinions from their current manifestos and public speeches. The...
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Laranjeira, Pedro Gonçalo Abreu Ribeiro. "Perpetuar o Passado ou Instrumentalizar o Presente? O posicionamento dos partidos políticos nacionais face à integração europeia nos 28 Estados-membros da União Europeia." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/12531.
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A transformação da relação entre os partidos políticos e a União Europeia, provocada pelo conturbado processo em torno da ratificação do Tratado de Maastricht e cujas repercussões se perpetuam até à contemporaneidade, foi sintomática da derradeira penetração da questão europeia nas agendas políticas domésticas. A presente investigação almeja responder à seguinte questão: qual a magnitude e quais os fatores que influenciam o posicionamento dos partidos face à integração europeia? Para o cumprimento destes desígnios, descritivos e explicativos, é utilizada a última versão do Chapel Hill Expert Survey (2014). Durante as últimas duas décadas, a literatura revelou-se fértil na apresentação de fatores explicativos das orientações adotadas pelos partidos face à integração europeia, designadamente, de índole ideológica e estratégica. Contudo, considerando a aparente cristalização, na literatura, de uma relação antitética, concorrencial e quási-antagónica entre o potencial explanatório de cada um destes fatores, procurou-se minimizar esta dinâmica de incompatibilidade, privilegiando-se, antes, uma abordagem conciliatória. No que concerne à contemplação da magnitude dos posicionamentos partidários, conclui-se que os partidos podem adotar orientações diametralmente opostas, em função da natureza específica – política, económica ou sociocultural – da política e dimensão da integração europeia analisada. Através de uma análise multivariada, confirma-se que ambos os fatores ideológicos e estratégicos contribuem significativamente para a explicação do posicionamento dos partidos face à integração europeia. Quiçá mais importante, demonstra-se, através da averiguação de efeitos de interação, que os dois grupos de fatores (ideológicos e estratégicos) interagem, poderosa e mutuamente, na explicação do posicionamento partidário face à integração europeia.The transformation of the relation between political parties and the European Union was triggered by the troubled process around the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty, whose consequences reverberate until the present day, and it was symptomatic of the irreversible penetration of the European issue within the domestic political agendas. This investigation aims to provide the answers to the following question: what is the magnitude and which factors explain the party positions towards the European integration? In order to fulfil both of these descriptive and explanatory goals, this work resorts to the latest version of the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (2014). For the past two decades, the literature has been fruitfully presenting multiple explanatory factors of the party positions towards the European integration, particularly those of ideological and strategic nature. Given the apparent crystallization of an antithetic and quasi-antagonistic relation surrounding the explanatory power of those factors, this investigation attempts to mitigate this competing dynamic. Firstly, it concludes that a single party may adopt diametrically opposed orientations towards different dimensions – political, economic or sociocultural – of the European integration process. Secondly, by conducting a multivariate analysis, it confirms that both ideological and strategic factors have considerably substantive power explaining party positions. Nevertheless, by analysing the interaction effects, this work’s most important finding revolves around the significant increment of the explanatory power of these factors when they are analysed through a conciliatory framework, rather than individually.
Books on the topic "Strategic euroscepticism"
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Lomazzi, Vera, and Isabella Crespi. Gender Mainstreaming and Gender Equality in Europe. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447317692.001.0001.
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The book provides a systematic scientific overview of gender mainstreaming in Europe. It recalls the main steps of the origins and the development of the European gender mainstreaming (GM) strategy. The book also connects this framework with the current situation of gender equality and explores the strength and weak points of the strategy. To do so, it provides a critical evaluation of the instruments used to measure gender equality and explores how societal aspects, such as the opportunity structure defined by work-family balance policies and practices, affect the individual values of gender equality supporting the development of gender egalitarian cultures. Further, it develops an outline of the current and future challenges of the gender mainstreaming strategy, that run in parallel with the general European Union’s challenges, such as the integration process, economic crisis, migration and refugees crisis, and the rise of right-wing Euroscepticism. In addition, the old but always current problem of conceptualizing gender equality in different ways leading to jeopardized results. The book offers a critical review of the GM strategy in Europe and analyses whether and how gender equality in Europe is improving, with a specific interest in the cultural differences between the European countries where this common strategy is implemented.
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De Vries, Catherine E., and Sara B. Hobolt. Political Entrepreneurs. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691194752.001.0001.
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Challenger parties are on the rise in Europe, exemplified by the likes of Podemos in Spain, the National Rally in France, the Alternative for Germany, or the Brexit Party in Great Britain. Like disruptive entrepreneurs, these parties offer new policies and defy the dominance of established party brands. In the face of these challenges and a more volatile electorate, mainstream parties are losing their grip on power. This book explores why some challenger parties are so successful and what mainstream parties can do to confront these political entrepreneurs. Drawing analogies with how firms compete, the book demonstrates that political change is as much about the ability of challenger parties to innovate as it is about the inability of dominant parties to respond. Challenger parties employ two types of innovation to break established party dominance: they mobilize new issues, such as immigration, the environment, and Euroscepticism, and they employ antiestablishment rhetoric to undermine mainstream party appeal. Unencumbered by government experience, challenger parties adapt more quickly to shifting voter tastes and harness voter disenchantment. Delving into strategies of dominance versus innovation, the authors explain why European party systems have remained stable for decades, but also why they are now increasingly under strain. As challenger parties continue to seek to disrupt the existing order, the book shows that their ascendency fundamentally alters government stability and democratic politics.
Book chapters on the topic "Strategic euroscepticism"
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Topaloff, Liubomir K. "Euroscepticism: Old Cleavages or New Strategies." In Political Parties and Euroscepticism, 69–101. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137009685_4.
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Avci, Gamze. "The Nationalist Movement Party's Euroscepticism: Party Ideology Meets Strategy." In Turkey and the EU: Accession and Reform, 227–39. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203721827-17.
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