Academic literature on the topic 'Strict Baptists'

AbstractThis essay challenges the view that the early English Baptists who are often labeled as “Particular Baptists” always held a doctrine of strict particularism or particular redemption. It does so on the basis of the two London Baptist Confessions of 1644 and 1646. The main argument asserted here is that the two earliest confessions of the English Particular Baptists supported a variety of positions on the doctrine of the atonement because they focus on the subjective application of Christ’s work rather than his objective accomplishment. The first two editions of the earliest London Baptist confession represent a unique voice that reflects an attempt to include a range of Calvinistic views on the atonement. Such careful ambiguity reflects the pattern of Reformed confessionalism in the seventeenth century. This paper then goes on to argue that some individuals did indeed hold to “strict particularism”—which is compatible with, but not required by, the first two confessions.

The two hundred or so evangelical clergymen who seceded from the Church of England into Protestant Dissent during the first half of the nineteenth century often paid a considerable price for their action. By crossing the subtle social boundary between Anglican priesthood and Nonconformist ministry they forfeited status and often, no doubt, income. A number vanished into comparative obscurity as pastors of small chapels, whether as ministers of a major denomination, Strict and Particular Baptists, Christian Brethren, or preachers in some unlabelled and impoverished chapel. If not so severely penalised for their secession as many of their colleagues who went to Rome, particularly those with wives for whom entry into the Roman priesthood was closed, they usually came off the worse in temporal terms for following the dictates of conscience. This, no doubt, they fully anticipated. What was not anticipated, however, was the imposition of a legal penalty for their act of secession. Though Anglican secessions to Rome or Dissent were not infrequent, their legality was apparently seldom if ever questioned. Liberal Churchmen like Theophilus Lindsey, who had abandoned the establishment for Unitarianism during the eighteenth century, had set up their chapels with impunity. In 1831 the evangelical William Tiptaft received a threat from Thomas Burgess, the bishop of Salisbury, upon seceding from the parish of Sutton Courtney, Berkshire, but nothing came of it. Those who left the via media for Rome were assumed to be acting within the framework of the law when they took up a new ministry as priests of another apostolic confession.

O objetivo foi analisar três modelos de predição para a presença de sintomatologia depressiva em pós-graduandos a partir de variáveis acadêmicas, demográficas e de saúde mental. Participaram 2115 estudantes de mestrado (51,8%) e doutorado, de universidades públicas (57,9%) e privadas, com idade média de 28,91 anos que responderam a um questionário demográfico e a Escala Baptista de Depressão (versão adulto). A partir da análise de regressão de Poisson verificou-se que a sintomatologia ocorre mais em mulheres, discentes do mestrado e em estudantes que já apresentaram ideação suicida ao longo da vida. Além disso, observou-se que a prevalência de sintomatologia depressiva moderada e severa na amostra foi de 31%. Os achados reforçam a importância de serviços de saúde mental para este público.

Abstract Leading Particular Baptist theologian Benjamin Keach (1640-1704) came to prominence just as an antitrinitarian theology native to England gained a stronghold. What had previously been deemed off-limits by the Establishment became a commonplace by the end of the seventeenth century based on a strict biblicism that eschewed the extra-biblical language of trinitarian orthodoxy. As one who considered himself a strong biblicist, Keach deftly maneuvered his theological writings between what he saw as two extremes: the one that refused to consider any language that moved beyond the mere words of scripture, represented by many of his General Baptist contemporaries and the other that over-emphasized the role of tradition with no eye toward biblical truth, represented by the Roman Catholics. Keach’s explication of trinitarianism demonstrated that these two extremes did not have to be seen as competing with each other. Instead, the correct understanding of the Bible included ‘the just and necessary consequences’ that could be deduced from Scripture, and the ‘universal tradition’ aided the pastor theologian in ascertaining the truth. The result, for Keach and his audience, was an ancient view of trinitarianism that offered a way of peace between the the two extremes vying for the public ear in the late seventeenth century.

Abstract Leading Particular Baptist theologian Benjamin Keach (1640-1704) came to prominence just as an antitrinitarian theology native to England gained a stronghold. What had previously been deemed off-limits by the Establishment became a commonplace by the end of the seventeenth century based on a strict biblicism that eschewed the extra-biblical language of trinitarian orthodoxy. As one who considered himself a strong biblicist, Keach deftly maneuvered his theological writings between what he saw as two extremes: the one that refused to consider any language that moved beyond the mere words of scripture, represented by many of his General Baptist contemporaries and the other that over-emphasized the role of tradition with no eye toward biblical truth, represented by the Roman Catholics. Keach’s explication of trinitarianism demonstrated that these two extremes did not have to be seen as competing with each other. Instead, the correct understanding of the Bible included ‘the just and necessary consequences’ that could be deduced from Scripture, and the ‘universal tradition’ aided the pastor theologian in ascertaining the truth. The result, for Keach and his audience, was an ancient view of trinitarianism that offered a way of peace between the the two extremes vying for the public ear in the late seventeenth century.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Feb. 17, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a degree of doctor of philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.

Exploring human rights violations in areas of conflict is a very challenging endeavor as the consequences of conflict wreak havoc on communities and the built environment. When sacred space, specifically, has been intentionally and maliciously damaged, a group's right to cultural heritage has been potentially violated. As laid out by numerous international covenants, this is a denial of basic human rights. Therefore, using international human rights laws to set precedents, definitions and guidelines, the preservation of a sacred space after intentional damage can help protect those rights and rectify a wrong committed against a group. Studying the racially motivated bombing of 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham, Alabama as a case study and using human rights legislation to frame preservation work in general, the inherent yet complicated connection between historic preservation and human rights can be explored and understood.

In 1924 Shailer Mathews, dean of the University of Chicago Divinity School, published The Faith of Modernism. That was an answer to J. Gresham Machen’s Christianity and Liberalism. Mathews argued that Christian faith should be measured by its moral and social results. Other denominations, in addition to Baptists and Presbyterians, had fundamentalist controversies. These included the Disciples of Christ, the Protestant Episcopal Church, and the (northern) Methodist Church. In the South, fundamentalist concerns reinforced entrenched social and doctrinal conservatism. Canada also experienced some controversies such as those led by T. T. Shields in Toronto. In 1924 a group of northern Presbyterian leaders issued “The Auburn Affirmation,” arguing for tolerance. In both 1924 and 1925, fundamentalist Presbyterians came close to success but were undercut by evangelical conservatives who opposed strict doctrinal boundaries. Fundamentalist Baptists experienced similar setbacks in the Northern Baptist Convention.

Abstract Richard Crashaw’s verse points less to the limitations of specific liturgical forms than to those of strictly defined confessional belonging. Critics have tended to read his vivid descriptions of religious fervor as signifiers of a uniquely Catholic aesthetic, and sometimes as specifically intended to encourage denominational conversions in their readers. Chapter 3 instead examines these stylistic traits as Crashaw’s attempt to generate a poetics that is available and appealing across confessional boundaries. This reading takes a cue from Crashaw’s verse account of baptism as a rite that “blends” Christians “into a blood” rather than dividing them. The chapter argues that this notion of baptism shapes both his symbols and his verse form, as Crashaw’s lineation “baptizes” into more ecumenical devotional experience both the trope of the tear and the female figures who often produce it.

This chapter explores the influence of singing in Mount Zion Baptist Church on Armstrong’s development as a musician.Although we do not know exactly what Armstrong sang at his church there are transcriptions of the singing in New Hope Baptist Church just across the Mississippi River in Gretna. The transcriptions reveal a similar blues influenced tonality to the street songs and barbershop cadences sung elsewhere in New Orleans. This chapter explores the pentatonic tendency of melody in African American song; whereas the supporting lines tend to contain chromatic intervals and give rise to chromatic harmony.

During the Civil Rights Movement, many white churches in the South issued closed-door policies that prevented black people from entering their sanctuaries. Many white ministers who attempted to admit African Americans lost their churches. This chapter relates crisis incidents in three Alabama churches, First Presbyterian, Tuscaloosa, First Presbyterian, Tuskegee, and First Baptist, Birmingham; two Baptist churches in Georgia, Tattnell Square in Macon, and Plains Baptist in Plains, three churches in Jackson, Mississippi, Galloway Memorial Methodist, First Christian, and Capitol Street Church of Christ The chapter also includes an account of the sustained campaign in Jackson by black students from Tougaloo University who suffered pain and rejection. William Cunningham, one of the ministers forced to leave Galloway Memorial Methodist Church, commented, “There was agony for the churches outside and agony within…. The church could not change the culture; but the culture changed and carried the church along with it.”

One of Shilts’s last interviews, with Steve Kroft from CBS’ 60 Minutes, considers his breakthrough role as a gay journalist. Shilts’s future plans for a book about alleged sexual abuse inside the Catholic Church, and his desire for a national column are revealed. Shilts’s last interviews and written words reflect the fleeting nature of his life as he attempts to promote his final book, Conduct Unbecoming. Shilts’s health continues to deteriorate until he dies at his Guerneville, California home on February 17, 1994. Shilts’s death wins nationwide notice and his funeral becomes the first-ever picketed by members of the controversial Westboro Baptist Church. Shilts’s friends, colleagues and his partner, Barry Barbieri, offer insight into his last months of life.

Abstract Rachel speght’s date of birth is arrived at by counting back from The year of her marriage in 1621, when she was described as being 24. She was The daughter of a Calvinist minister, James Speght, who was The rector of two London churches, St Mary Magdalen in Milk Street from I 592, and St Clement, Eastcheap, from 16u, holding both appointments till his death in 1637. He had some association with The Goldsmiths company, and enjoyed some patronage from Sir Baptist Hicks. He also published some brief pamphlets, and was

Abstract In 2018, one thousand, one hundred people were murdered across six states of north- west Nigeria, in 2019, two thousand two hundred people and between January and June 2020, one thousand, six hundred people were killed. In addition, more than 200,000 have been internally displaced [Strife 2021]. These are what we read daily; and further alarming are that the attacks and abductions seem to be more targeted at educational institutions of all levels in recent times, particularly across north-western Nigeria. For example, the abduction of at least 20 college students and two staff from Greenfield University Kaduna in April 2021. In February 2021, gunmen seized 279 girls from a school in Zamfara state and the abduction of 200 students by some reports; from a school in Tegina, Niger state. In early July 2021, more than 100 students were also abducted from Bethel Baptist High School, Damishi, Kaduna. While these attacks are not restricted to girls and women alone, this report aims to explore what the effects and related trauma of this seemingly intractable violent conflict on girls and women in Nigeria are and answer how we can curb the continuous occurrences. We reflect with women activists across the country, on ways to address the violence, and support the healing and rehabilitation. The paper also outlines fifteen major recommendations in response to the key question of how to support recovery and the past everyone can play to halt the menace. KEYWORDS: Girls, Women, Violence, Nigeria, Abduction, Kidnapping, Rehabilitation, North-West Nigeria, Effects, Healing.

Крайняя малочисленность связанных с христианством находок и их неравномерное распределение во времени создает значительные трудности при восстановлении истории Фанагорийской христианской общины. Восполнить лакуны до некоторой степени помогают имеющиеся сведения об истории христианства в других центрах Северо-Восточного Причерноморья, неотъемлемой частью которого являлась Фанагория. Несомненно, новая религия проникает в Фанагорию, как и в другие центры Боспорского царства, в последней четверти 3 в. из Малой Азии, откуда готы, возвращаясь из своих пиратских набегов, привозили пленных христиан. Именно к периоду после морских походов варваров относятся первые зафиксированные на Боспоре признаки христианства: различные вещи с христианскими символами, христианские участки на некрополе в Керчи. Незначительное количество раннехристианских памятников говорит о том, что в этот период распространение религии в регионе происходило, главным образом, благодаря деятельности миссионеров, и число приверженцев христианства было невелико. С включением Боспора в сферу влияния Византийской империи церковь и государство предпринимают совместные усилия по христианизации региона: скорее всего, именно в это время по обе стороны Керченского пролива строятся церкви, в Фанагории учреждается епископская кафедра и строится христианский храм, внутреннему убранству которого, скорее всего, принадлежали два мраморных резервуара для воды, сигмовидный стол и рельеф с изображением Орфея, найденные при раскопках на «Нижнем городе». Форма и материал, из которого изготовлен один из найденных резервуаров, позво ляет интерпретировать его как крещальную купель. Причем небольшая глубина найден ной емкости не означает, что в ней крестили только детей, поскольку в большинстве случаев крещение совершалось без полного погружения: стоявшего в купели крещаемого просто обливали водой. Однако уже с 4 в. при крещении начали использовать стоячую воду, а наполнять купель предписывалось вручную. Поэтому объяснить назначение двух отверстий в фанагорийском резервуаре в случае его использования в качестве купели трудно. Лучше объясняет наличие двух отверстий другой возможный вариант использования резервуара: в качестве реликвария, в котором хранились мощи, их частицы или какие-то другие реликвии. Через верхнее отверстие в реликварий на хранящиеся в нем мощи наливали масло, которое выливалось через отверстие в нижней части. Что касается чаши с ручками-выступами вдоль края, то подобные емкости, как правило, определяют либо как купели для крещения детей, либо, чаще, как чаши для освященной воды, которую в раннехристианское время использовали для ритуального омовения рук перед входом в храм. Известные автору точные аналогии фанагорийскому сосуду происходят исключительно с территории провинций Мезия Секунда и Фракия. Не исключено, что именно оттуда фанагорийская емкость была привезена войсками, присланными на Боспор Юстинианом для подавления восстания против ставленника Византии Грода. Мраморный сигмовидной стол с арочной каймой также мог входить в состав инвентаря христианского храма. В церковном обиходе использование таких столов было вторичным, взятым из светской жизни и идет от раннехристианской традиции совместных поминальных трапез, совершавшихся над могилами мучеников. Позже их использовали в храмах в качестве престолов и столов для приношений, а также в трапезных монастырей. Несмотря на то, что сигмовидные столы, в частности столы с арочной каймой, использовали как в светском, так и христианском обиходе, их находки вне контекста обычно связывают с христианскими храмами. Однако в подобных случаях нельзя исключать возможность их использования и в качестве обычного обеденного стола. Наконец, с христианством может быть связана мраморная плитка с изображением Орфея, образ которого перешел в христианскую иконографию из языческого искусства. Незначительные размеры и сильная потертость фанагорийского фрагмента, к сожалению, не позволяют уверенно определить религиозный статус изображения, который, как правило устанавливают по составу «слушателей» и контексту. Строго говоря, из перечисленных находок только одну, мраморную чашу с вырезанным крестом, можно отнести к предметам интерьера христианского храмового комплекса безусловно. Сигмовидный стол могли использовать и в христианском культе, и по его прямому назначению – в качестве обеденного стола. Образ Орфея одинаково использовался как язычниками, так и христианами. Разным целям мог служить и мраморный резервуар. Но среди аргументов за и против их использования в христианском культе, все же превалируют первые. Кроме того, обнаружение всех предметов на довольно небольшом участке «Нижнего города» позволяет надеяться на то, что в ходе будущих раскопок здесь будет открыт христианский храм, и таким образом подтвердится предложенная интерпретация найденных предметов. Храм, к которому, возможно, относились перечисленные находки, по-видимому, был разрушен в середине 6 в. Тогда же, скорее всего, прекратила существование и Фанагорийская епархия. Какие-либо сведения о фанагорийских христианах более позднего времени полностью отсутствуют, но, судя по информации о христианских общинах, имевшихся в других центрах региона, а также в городах Хазарского каганата, были они и в Фанагории, которая в этот период, скорее всего, входила в состав Зихийской епархии. У нас нет сви детельств о притеснениях христиан в городах Хазарского каганата. Наоборот, согласно сведениям, содержащимся в письменных источниках, жизнь христиан там протекала до вольно спокойно. О благосклонном отношении хазарской элиты к христианству говорят и браки с византийским императорским домом, в частности брак Юстиниана II и сестры кагана Феодоры, после заключения которого он «уехал в Фанагорию и жил там с Феодорой» (Theoph. Chron. 704–705; пер. И.С. Чичурова). 2 Что же касается археологических свидетельств, то число связанных с христианством находок 8–10 вв. чрезвычайно мало, и их невозможно связать непосредственно с христианским населением Фанагории. Extremely low amounts of finds related to Christianity and their uneven distribution over time presents difficulties in reconstructing the history of the Phanagorian Christian community. The information on the history of Christianity in other centres of the North-Eastern Black Sea, a region where Phanagoria played a crucial part, can help fill the blanks to a certain extent. Without any doubt, the new religion arrived to Phanagoria, as well as to the other centres of the Bosporan kingdom, in the last quarter of the third century AD from Asia Minor, when the Goths brought Christians as captives from their pirate raids. The first recorded signs of Christianity in the Bosporos belong to the period after the sea campaigns of the “barbarians”. These include personal possessions with Christian symbols and Christian burial plots in the necropolis in Kerch. A small number of early Christian monuments points to the fact that during this period the spread of Christianity in the region heavily relied on the activities of missionaries, while the number of christians was still small. Later, after the inclusion of the Bosporos in the sphere of influence of the Byzantine Empire, the church and the state were making joint efforts to Christianize the region: most likely, it was at this time that Christian churches were built on both sides of the Kerch Strait, an episcopal chair was established in Phanagoria and a Christian church was built, decorated with two marble water tanks, a sigmoid table and a relief depicting Orpheus. All this was found during the excavations in the “Lower City” trench. 2 Чичуров 1980, 62. Христианство в Фанагории. Археологические свидетельства 71 The shape and material from which one of the found tanks is made allows for its interpreta tion as a baptistery. The small depth of the found container does not necessarily mean that only children were baptised in it, since in most cases baptism was performed without complete immersion. The baptised stood in the font and water was poured over him. However, from the fourth century AD stagnant water was used for baptism, and the font had to be filled manually. It is, therefore, difficult to explain the purpose of the two holes in the Phanagorean reservoir if it was used as a font. Their presence is better explained by another possible use of the tank – as a reliquary. Oil was poured into the reliquary through the upper opening to cover the relics stored in it, and then came out through the opening in the lower part. Regarding the bowls with protruding handles along the edge, such vessels are considered to serve either as fonts for child baptism, or, more often, as bowls for consecrated water, which, during the early Christian times, were used to wash hands before entering the temple. Their exact analogies, known to the author, come exclusively from the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Thrace. It is possible that it was from there that the Phanagorian container was brought by the troops, which were sent to the Bosporos by Justinian to suppress the uprising against the Byzantine ruler named Grod. A marble sigmoid table with an arched border could also be part of the inventory of a Christian church. In church life, the use of such tables was secondary. It comes from secular life, from the early Christian tradition of communal meals served on the graves of martyrs. Later they were used in temples and monasteries as thrones and tables for offerings. Despite the fact that sigmoid tables, particularly those with an arched border, were used both in secular and Christian everyday life, they are usually associated with Christian churches when found out of context. However, one cannot exclude the possibility of them being used as a regular dining table. Finally, a marble tile with the image of Orpheus, which came to the Christian iconography from pagan art, can also be associated with Christianity. Unfortunately, due to its insignificant size and severe damage, this fragment does not allow us to determine the religious status of the image with any degree of certainty. Usually such assumptions can be made based on the amount of depicted listeners and the find’s context. Strictly speaking, only one of the listed finds, a marble bowl with a carved cross, can be attributed to the items from the interior of the Christian temple. The sigmoid table could be used both in the Christian cult and for its original purpose, as a dining table. The image of Orpheus was used by both pagans and Christians. A marble tank could possibly also serve different purposes. However, between the arguments “for” and “against” its use in a Christian context, the former prevail. In addition, the discovery of all the objects together in a rather small area of the “Lower City” excavation site allows us to hope that, during future excavations, a Christian church will be discovered here, confirming our interpretations. The temple to which the finds may have belonged was apparently destroyed in the middle of the sixth century AD. At the same time, most likely, the Phanagorian diocese also ceased to exist. There is no information on Phanagorian Christians during later periods, but, judging by the information about the Christian communities that existed in other centres of the region, as well as in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate, Christians were present in Phanagoria, which, during this period was likely a part of the Zikhia diocese. So far, we have no evidence of the oppression of Christians in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate. On the contrary, according to the information from written sources, the life of Christians there was a rather calm one. The favourable attitude of the Khazar elite towards Christianity is also evidenced by marriages with the Byzantine imperial family. Of particular interest is the marriage of Justinian II and the sister of the Khagan, Theodora, after which he “left for Phanagoria and lived there with Theodora”. As for archaeological evidence, the number of finds associated with Christianity from the 8th to 10th centuries AD is extremely low, and it is impossible to connect them directly with the Christian population of Phanagoria.