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Journal articles on the topic 'Strict Baptists'
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1
Wenkel, David H. "The Doctrine of the Extent of the Atonement among the Early English Particular Baptists." Harvard Theological Review 112, no. 3 (July 2019): 358–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816019000166.
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AbstractThis essay challenges the view that the early English Baptists who are often labeled as “Particular Baptists” always held a doctrine of strict particularism or particular redemption. It does so on the basis of the two London Baptist Confessions of 1644 and 1646. The main argument asserted here is that the two earliest confessions of the English Particular Baptists supported a variety of positions on the doctrine of the atonement because they focus on the subjective application of Christ’s work rather than his objective accomplishment. The first two editions of the earliest London Baptist confession represent a unique voice that reflects an attempt to include a range of Calvinistic views on the atonement. Such careful ambiguity reflects the pattern of Reformed confessionalism in the seventeenth century. This paper then goes on to argue that some individuals did indeed hold to “strict particularism”—which is compatible with, but not required by, the first two confessions.
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Gouldbourne, Ruth. "Book Reviews : Strict and Particular Baptists." Expository Times 114, no. 1 (October 2002): 32–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460211400121.
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Briggs, John. "John Owen, baptism and the Baptists, The Strict Baptist Historical Society Bulletin." Baptist Quarterly 48, no. 3 (June 26, 2017): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0005576x.2017.1335925.
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Grass, Tim. "With mercy and with judgement: Strict Baptists and the first world war." Baptist Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 7, 2017): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0005576x.2017.1343922.
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Carter, Grayson. "The Case of the Reverend James Shore." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 3 (July 1996): 478–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900076065.
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The two hundred or so evangelical clergymen who seceded from the Church of England into Protestant Dissent during the first half of the nineteenth century often paid a considerable price for their action. By crossing the subtle social boundary between Anglican priesthood and Nonconformist ministry they forfeited status and often, no doubt, income. A number vanished into comparative obscurity as pastors of small chapels, whether as ministers of a major denomination, Strict and Particular Baptists, Christian Brethren, or preachers in some unlabelled and impoverished chapel. If not so severely penalised for their secession as many of their colleagues who went to Rome, particularly those with wives for whom entry into the Roman priesthood was closed, they usually came off the worse in temporal terms for following the dictates of conscience. This, no doubt, they fully anticipated. What was not anticipated, however, was the imposition of a legal penalty for their act of secession. Though Anglican secessions to Rome or Dissent were not infrequent, their legality was apparently seldom if ever questioned. Liberal Churchmen like Theophilus Lindsey, who had abandoned the establishment for Unitarianism during the eighteenth century, had set up their chapels with impunity. In 1831 the evangelical William Tiptaft received a threat from Thomas Burgess, the bishop of Salisbury, upon seceding from the parish of Sutton Courtney, Berkshire, but nothing came of it. Those who left the via media for Rome were assumed to be acting within the framework of the law when they took up a new ministry as priests of another apostolic confession.
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Breed, Geoffrey R. "The London Association of Strict Baptist Ministers and Churches." Baptist Quarterly 35, no. 8 (January 1994): 376–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0005576x.1994.11751953.
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Randall, Ian. "‘Amid this gigantic sorrow’: The First World War and the Strict Baptist Communities." Baptist Quarterly 50, no. 2 (October 10, 2018): 71–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0005576x.2018.1521598.
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Barros, Leonardo de Oliveira, Rodolfo Augusto Matteo Ambiel, and Makilim Nunes Baptista. "Sintomatologia depressiva em estudantes brasileiros de pós-graduação stricto sensu." Psico 52, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): e36161. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1980-8623.2021.4.36161.
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O objetivo foi analisar três modelos de predição para a presença de sintomatologia depressiva em pós-graduandos a partir de variáveis acadêmicas, demográficas e de saúde mental. Participaram 2115 estudantes de mestrado (51,8%) e doutorado, de universidades públicas (57,9%) e privadas, com idade média de 28,91 anos que responderam a um questionário demográfico e a Escala Baptista de Depressão (versão adulto). A partir da análise de regressão de Poisson verificou-se que a sintomatologia ocorre mais em mulheres, discentes do mestrado e em estudantes que já apresentaram ideação suicida ao longo da vida. Além disso, observou-se que a prevalência de sintomatologia depressiva moderada e severa na amostra foi de 31%. Os achados reforçam a importância de serviços de saúde mental para este público.
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Arnold, Jonathan W. "The Universal Tradition and the Clear Meaning of Scripture: Benjamin Keach’s Understanding of the Trinity." Perichoresis 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2022-0003.
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Abstract Leading Particular Baptist theologian Benjamin Keach (1640-1704) came to prominence just as an antitrinitarian theology native to England gained a stronghold. What had previously been deemed off-limits by the Establishment became a commonplace by the end of the seventeenth century based on a strict biblicism that eschewed the extra-biblical language of trinitarian orthodoxy. As one who considered himself a strong biblicist, Keach deftly maneuvered his theological writings between what he saw as two extremes: the one that refused to consider any language that moved beyond the mere words of scripture, represented by many of his General Baptist contemporaries and the other that over-emphasized the role of tradition with no eye toward biblical truth, represented by the Roman Catholics. Keach’s explication of trinitarianism demonstrated that these two extremes did not have to be seen as competing with each other. Instead, the correct understanding of the Bible included ‘the just and necessary consequences’ that could be deduced from Scripture, and the ‘universal tradition’ aided the pastor theologian in ascertaining the truth. The result, for Keach and his audience, was an ancient view of trinitarianism that offered a way of peace between the the two extremes vying for the public ear in the late seventeenth century.
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Arnold, Jonathan W. "The Universal Tradition and the Clear Meaning of Scripture: Benjamin Keach’s Understanding of the Trinity." Perichoresis 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2022-0003.
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Abstract Leading Particular Baptist theologian Benjamin Keach (1640-1704) came to prominence just as an antitrinitarian theology native to England gained a stronghold. What had previously been deemed off-limits by the Establishment became a commonplace by the end of the seventeenth century based on a strict biblicism that eschewed the extra-biblical language of trinitarian orthodoxy. As one who considered himself a strong biblicist, Keach deftly maneuvered his theological writings between what he saw as two extremes: the one that refused to consider any language that moved beyond the mere words of scripture, represented by many of his General Baptist contemporaries and the other that over-emphasized the role of tradition with no eye toward biblical truth, represented by the Roman Catholics. Keach’s explication of trinitarianism demonstrated that these two extremes did not have to be seen as competing with each other. Instead, the correct understanding of the Bible included ‘the just and necessary consequences’ that could be deduced from Scripture, and the ‘universal tradition’ aided the pastor theologian in ascertaining the truth. The result, for Keach and his audience, was an ancient view of trinitarianism that offered a way of peace between the the two extremes vying for the public ear in the late seventeenth century.
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Frolova, Elena Vladimirovna. "September 11 — All-Russian Day of Sobriety." Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), no. 8 (August 22, 2023): 62–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2308-08.
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In 1913 in Russia, at the insistence of the ministers of the Russian Orthodox Church, it was decided to celebrate the All-Russian Day of Sobriety for the first time, and this was done in St. Petersburg with the participation of a group of public people. This date coincided with the day of strict fasting, when the Orthodox world celebrates a great church holiday — the Beheading of St. John the Baptist: according to the new calendar, this day falls on September 11th. Legend has it that being in a drunken stupor, Herod Antipas cut off the head of the holy Prophet during a feast. In all the Orthodox churches of the country, a procession is held on this date, and prayers are read to John the Baptist with a request to free all those who suffer from the disease of insobriety and send them healing. On this day, it is customary to pray to the Icon of the Inexhaustible Chalice, which, as legend has it, is able to save from alcoholism, and priests call on relatives to come and light a candle for the healing of all the unfortunate heavy drinkers. On September 11, not a single tavern traditionally worked, wine shops were closed, and the most severe punishment was envisioned for the sale of alcoholic beverages.
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Hryhorchuk, Yuliіa. "INTERPRETATION OF THE BIBLICAL PROTOTEXT IN LEONID MOSENDZ’S NOVEL “THE LAST PROPHET”." Слово і Час, no. 3 (May 26, 2021): 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33608/0236-1477.2021.03.60-75.
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The paper deals with the biblical prototext in L. Mosendz’s novel “Th e Last Prophet”. This work focuses on the figure of John the Baptist making the most full coverage of the prophet’s personality in Ukrainian literature. Besides the historical sources, the novel is based on the ideological and aesthetic pattern of the Holy Scripture. However, the canonical text has been significantly rethought. The specifics of interpreting the biblical prototext in L. Mosendz’s novel have not yet been the subject of special research, although many scholars paid attention to the biblical basis of the work. Therefore, the purpose of the present paper is to highlight the peculiarities of the biblical prototext embodied in the novel “The Last Prophet”. The analysis of the plot, figurative and stylistic levels was necessary for achieving this goal. At the plot level, the common and distinctive features of the biblical and fictional stories of the John the Baptist’s life have been indicated. The distinctive features appeared to be more numerous as the text of the novel complements rather than repeats the prototext (the Gospel of Luke). Psychologization, the scholarly motivation of events, the manner of filling “semantic gaps” with both oneiric visions and historical narrations are the specific features in reproducing the biblical story. The main characters of the work Jehohanan and Elizabeth, unlike original biblical characters, are endowed with portrait characteristics and shown in the dynamics of age and spiritual growth. Creating them, the author combines the Old and New Testament prototypes: Eliseba — Sarah, the Mother of God; Jehohanan — David, Elijah, Isaiah, Moses, and Messiah. In this context, the figure of Elizabeth appears as a generalized image of the Mother, and the figure of Jehohanan — as a common image of the Prophet. Th e sacred vocabulary, biblical anthroponyms, toponyms, aphorisms, stylistic figures of inversion, amplification, gradation, etc. form the stylistic level of implementing the aesthetic means of the Holy Scripture. Some biblical quotations are given as poetically modified and emotionally characterized by the writer. The biblical prototext secures ideological and aesthetic integrity for the novel but doesn’t give the plot a strict direction. Although deeply rooted in the Holy Scripture, the novel by Mosendz is a completely independent work on the search for values of a man, people, and humanity.
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de Lespinois, Jérôme. "Jean-Baptiste Manchon, L’Aéronautique militaire française outre-mer 1911-1939 , préface Jacques Frémeaux, Paris, Presses universitaires Paris-Sorbonne, 2013, 799 p., 26 €." Stratégique N° 104, no. 3 (June 1, 2013): III. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/strat.104.0211c.
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Langloit, Philippe. "Julian Fernandez et Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer (Dir.), Les Opérations extérieures de la France , Coll. « Biblis », CNRS Editions, Paris, 2020, 335 p." Stratégique N° 126-127, no. 2 (March 2, 2022): VIII. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/strat.126.0199h.
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Lewis, Andrew R. "Abortion Politics and the Decline of the Separation of Church and State: The Southern Baptist Case." Politics and Religion 7, no. 3 (July 18, 2014): 521–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048314000492.
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AbstractBetween the late 1970s and early 1990s, the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) altered its First Amendment advocacy, shifting from being an ardent supporter of the strict separation of church and state to being a champion of the government accommodation of religion. At the same time, the denomination also became unswervingly pro-life. In this article, I use the SBC case to identify a previously under-analyzed link between abortion politics and church-state politics. I suggest that pro-life politics played an important role in the SBC's shift away from the separation of church and state. I focus on three areas where abortion politics aided this shift: (1) opposing separationists’ assertions that anti-abortion policies violated the Establishment Clause; (2) becoming allies rather than foes with Catholics; and (3) promoting a greater emphasis on the free exercise of religion. I conclude by discussing the implications for the relationship between religion, law, and politics.
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Haines, David. "Christian Citizens in a Democratic State: Is a True Separation of Church and State Really Possible?" Religions 15, no. 3 (February 21, 2024): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15030262.
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In many North American Protestant circles, especially those with Baptist or Free Church roots, the notion of the total separation of church and state is presented as the ideal to be attained in all church and state relations. We are told that the state should have no legislative power to ordain anything in relation to church doctrine or practice, and that the church should be entirely excluded from all political, secular, or state actions. In this paper, we are going to suggest that such an approach to church–state relations (even though some might think that it flows from or is necessary for democracy) is, in fact, impossible in a true democracy. We will first consider the nature of the church and the state, and present three principles that Maritain suggests are first principles in this debate. We will then look at the classical notion of the “Citizen”. We will conclude by arguing that based upon the nature of a citizen, of the church, and of the state, a strict separation of church and state is, in fact, impossible.
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Parmentier, S., and B. Sillano. "Sanctuaire à répit ou inhumations clandestines ? Le cas des sépultures des xviie–xviiie siècles de très jeunes immatures de la chapelle Saint-Laurent de la Capelette (Marseille, Bouches-du-Rhône)." Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société d'Anthropologie de Paris 29, no. 1-2 (November 8, 2016): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13219-016-0169-2.
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La chapelle Saint-Laurent de la Capelette (Marseille) a fait l'objet d'une fouille archéologique préventive réalisée par l'Inrap. La fonction funéraire de cet édifice, construit en 1654, est attestée dans les archives, d'abord par la mention d'inhumations réalisées à l'intérieur jusqu'en 1776, puis par la création d'un cimetière à l'extérieur, fonctionnant jusqu'au milieu du xixe siècle. La fouille de l'espace intérieur de la chapelle a mis au jour 24 inhumations primaires, datées entre le milieu du xviie siècle et le début du xviiie siècle. Ces inhumations, en pleine terre ou en cercueil, ont livré les restes de 25 individus parmi lesquels de nombreux fœtus et périnataux. La forte proportion d'inhumations de très jeunes immatures à l'intérieur de la chapelle permet de s'interroger sur la fonction de cette dernière et notamment sur une possible utilisation comme un « sanctuaire à répit ». Cependant, il convient de rester prudent quant à son utilisation comme un sanctuaire à répit au sens strict. En effet, il est tout à fait possible que des enfants morts puissent avoir été amenés dans la chapelle afin d'attendre le miracle du retour à la vie leur permettant ainsi d'être baptisés et ensuite enterrés dans le sol de la nef. Toutefois, l'absence d'un prêtre résidant sur place, jusqu'au début du xviiie siècle, peut aussi avoir facilité la pratique d'inhumations clandestines réalisées, avec ou sans l'accord du fossoyeur, par les parents soucieux du devenir de leur enfant décédé.
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Dashkovskiy, Petr K., and Aylaana V. Mongush. "Влияние изменения вектора государственно-конфессиональной политики СССР на положение религиозных общин в Туве в конце 1940-х – начале 1950-х гг." Oriental studies 16, no. 5 (December 25, 2023): 1152–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2023-69-5-1152-1166.
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Introduction. The government’s turn toward relative liberalization of religious life and somewhat moderated positions on religious freedom witnessed since 1943 were replaced by a new trend in the late 1940s. The new vector implied an increased state control over activities of religious communities, and would introduce a variety of deterrent mechanisms aimed at reducing religiosity, limiting possibilities for official registration, increasing taxation of clergy, intensifying atheistic propaganda, etc. Goals. The article attempts an insight into the situation resulting from the Soviet religious policy of the late 1940s / early 1950s ― and faced by Tuva’s religious communities. Materials and methods. The study focuses on documents housed at the State Archive of Russia. The employed research methods include the retrospective, comparative historical, and chronological ones. Results. Since the late 1940s, religious communities of Tuva came under strict control and limitations. The paper reveals the actual Soviet post-war religious policy in Tuvan Autonomous Oblast was specifically characterized by that only Russian Orthodox Christians would enjoy somewhat relatively official status and activities, while other faiths and their groups remained as illegal regardless of the central government’s proclaimed agenda and changing sentiments. Local authorities and the Commissioner of the Soviet Council for Religious Cults in the region would turn to various excuses to avoid any legal registration of such communities. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the intensified restrictive measures (heavy taxation) finally undermined the once intensive activities of Buddhists. Furthermore, Evangelical Baptist Christians failed to reopen their prayer house in Kyzyl, while Old Believers of Belokrinitskaya Hierarchy never resolved the issue of a prayer building in Medvedevka (Kaa-Khemsky District).
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Sukamto, Sukamto, Nina Herlina Lubis, and Kunto Sofianto. "SIKAP KRISTEN CALVINIS TERHADAP KELOMPOK AGAMA LAIN DI BATAVIA PADA ABAD KE XVII." Patanjala Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 12, no. 1 (April 18, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v12i1.514.
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Artikel ini meneliti sikap Kristen Calvinis terhadap agama-agama yang ada di Batavia pada abad ke-XVII. Dengan menggunakan Metode Sejarah, didapat beberapa kesimpulan: (1) VOC hanya mengakui satu agama yang sah (publieke kerk) yaitu Kristen Calvinis, (2) Dengan menggunakan VOC, sikap Kristen Calvinis terhadap komunitas Katolik Roma sangat tegas, banyak pastor Katolik Roma yang dipenjara. Untuk membatasi perpindahan penduduk Batavia ke Gereja Katolik Roma, dibuat peraturan bahwa sakramen Katolik Roma (Baptisan) dianggap tidak sah secara hukum dan tidak bisa dijadikan sebagai syarat pernikahan, (3) Islam dan Kong Hu Cu di Batavia tidak diakui sebagai agama resmi, namun karena secara politik dan ekonomi mereka kuat, VOC menjadi sangat berhati-hati dalam membuat kebijakan-kebijakan, khususnya yang berkaitan dengan hidup keagamaan mereka.The article presents the findings of the research of Calvinistic Christianity’s attitude towards the other religion groups in Batavia during the 17th century. By using the Historical Method, the conclusions are obtained as follows: (1) The VOC recognized exclusively the Calvinistic Christianity as the only legitimate religion (publieke kerk), (2) The Calvinistic Christianity manipulated the VOC to behave strict towards the Roman Catholics so that many Roman Catholic priests were consequently imprisoned. To prevent the Batavia citizens from embracing the Roman Catholics, the Calvinistic Christianity had the Roman Catholic's sacrament of Baptism considered as as not legally valid by the VOC so that it could not fulfill the marriage requirements, (3) Meanwhile, Islam and Confucianism in Batavia remained unrecognized as official religions. However, their political and economic influence forced the VOC to be very careful in decision-making, especially concerning their religious lives.
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Carol, Ignacio, Egidio Rizzi, and Kaspar Willam. "Discussion on the paper: Application of some anisotropic damage model to the prediction of failure of some complex industrial concrete structure [Pierre Badel, Vincent Godard, Jean-Baptiste Leblond, Int. J. Solids Struct. 44 (2007), 5848–5874]." International Journal of Solids and Structures 45, no. 16 (August 2008): 4600–4602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijsolstr.2008.03.021.
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Rajavee, Holger. "Kaks geeniust. Lomazzost Diderot'ni." Baltic Journal of Art History 11 (November 30, 2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2016.11.04.
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The goal of the article is to examine the theoretical and aesthetical views related to art and concerning painters, mainly in the French tradition, from the early 17th to the mid-18th century, starting with works by Gian Paolo Lomazzo and ending with the viewpoints of Denis Diderot. Using different examples from the texts of the key authors of their day, the article’s aim is to show how, starting in the early 17th century, the type of painter who can be described as a “learned genius” starts to develop; and from the beginning of the next, 18th century, this type gradually starts to transform into the subject that can be called a “mad genius” with all the main features of a modern artist.With the introduction of the neo-Platonic Mannerist doctrine of Lomazzo and Federico Zuccari the “learned genius” is now in its embryonic stage of development, differing greatly from the Renaissance painters of an earlier era. The “painter-mystic” is a self-centred person, whose “inner eye” is directly connected through contemplation with the Divine. In the middle of the 17th century, Charles Alphonse du Fresnoy, and especially Giovanni Pietro Bellori, by synthesizing Platonic and Aristotelian ideas, introduce us to the painter who possesses genius. He is freed from Mannerist mysticism and his main goal is to improve the imperfect Nature created by God through mind and reason. And to produce the perfect version of it in art – la belle nature – to achieve the result the artist has constantly developed himself – to learn and observe. The neo-classicist doctrine gradually burdens the genius with certain strict rules to follow; a process that is referred to here as “taming the genius”. So by the end of the 17th century, it is possible to talk about the “learned (but tamed) genius” – a noble, well-taught, reasonable and aesthetically high-minded artist.At the beginning of 18th century changes start occurring in the theoretical art paradigm, starting with Jean-Baptiste Du Bos and his Reflexions critiques sur la poësie et sur la peinture, written in 1719. This marks a new beginning in the development of the painter-genius figure and undoubtedly has significant influence on the writings that will follow on same subject. Du Bos starts to depart from the “reason-centred” painter, emphasizing the moment of sensory perception as the main criteria in the art of painting. There are two main differences from earlier times. Firstly, the author is now talking about a person who already is genius rather than possessing genius, as was the understanding earlier. Secondly, the person is already born a genius, which means that this quality is no longer taught. There aren’t any strict rules to harass the individual inventiveness and creativity of the artist.In the middle of 18th century many theoreticians, such as Jean le Rond d’Alembert, Etienne de Condillac, Voltaire etc, emphasized such important and very individualistic qualities of the painter as inventiveness, imagination, originality, enthusiasm. And they started to connect these to the centuries-old Platonic idea of poetic fury – furor poeticus – a state of mind in which the artist is almost maddened, insane and fully spontaneous while creating art. Denis Diderot is the first author who says outright that a painter-genius “is mad” (qu‘il est fou) and in doing so summons up the ideas of his predecessors.One could say that the different qualities mentioned above have guided the theoretical art narrative to the point where we can talk about the “mad genius”, who is recognized as the creator of art and this is the point where the modern painter-genius, whom we know today, comes to life.
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Yakunin, Vadim N. "RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS OF TOGLIATTI IN 1989–2001." Historical Search 5, no. 2 (June 25, 2024): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2024-5-2-69-84.
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The period of 1989–2001 is of interest for the study of church life in Russia, including in Togliatti, since it was at this time that the legislation on religious cults was radically changing, and religious organizations were given freedom for their activities. In Togliatti, this was reflected in the fact that since 1989 unregistered religious organizations came out of hiding and new ones were formed. Religious organizations had the opportunity not only to worship, but also to engage in social activities and to go to the media. The city authorities, instead of strict restrictions and regulation of religious organizations’ activities, were obliged, according to the new legislation, to assist them. The purpose of the research is to study the situation and activities of religious organizations in Togliatti in 1989–2001, to evaluate the results of their interaction with municipal authorities. Materials and methods. The study implementation was achieved through the use of materials from the municipal public institution “Togliatti Archive”, periodical press data, memoirs of contemporaries, materials from the current archive of Samara Diocesan Administration closed to the public (reports of the ruling bishop of Samara Diocese to the Moscow Patriarchate), materials from the author’s personal archive: reports of officials on the religious situation in Togliatti. The sources were analyzed to identify patterns in changes in religious life that took place and trends in its formation. The research methodology includes the method of analyzing documents, and the method of synchronous comparison with documentary material was used in working with periodical press materials. The statistical method is used to analyze the data related to the emergence of new religious organizations and opening religious buildings for worship by them. In order to solve the issue of the reliability and representativeness of the sources put into circulation, the history of the origin and the fate of these sources was studied using a content-related and correlation analysis. The scientific novelty of the research lies in disclosure of the forms and methods of work carried out by Togliatti municipal authorities with religious organizations and believers, the study of the number of religious organizations and their numberedness in 1989–2001. Research results. Religious organizations effectively took advantage of the new religious legislation, multiplying the number of parishes in Togliatti, as well as forming new religious communities. Togliatti municipal authorities preferred Orthodox religious organizations in religious policy, which is confirmed by their financing, allocation of land plots to construct temples, and media coverage of intra-church events. Most Protestant organizations appeared after visits to Togliatti paid by domestic and foreign missionaries and preachers. Some of them stayed in Togliatti and headed these communities. Conclusions. In 1989-2001, the number of parishes of various religious organizations in Togliatti increased from 4 to 40. If before 1989 there were registered Orthodox and Baptist parishes and unregistered Muslim and Pentecostal religious organizations in the city, then since 1989 there appeared parishes and communities of the Roman Catholic Church, the Old Believer Church (3 directions), the New Apostolic Church, the Molokan spiritual Christians, the Evangelical Lutheran Church, the Seventh-day Adventists, the Mormons, witnesses the Jehovah’s Witnesses*, the Buddhists, the Krishnaites, the Sahaja yogis, followers of Vissarion and others. Not all of them were registered. The number of Orthodox parishes increased from 1 to 13, Baptist parishes from 1 to 3, Pentecostal parishes from 1 to 4, and Muslim organizations from 1 to 4. Representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church and the diocesan leadership were not satisfied with the status of Orthodoxy as one of the religions, they claimed a special status, attitude and funding from the state and local authorities. It follows from here – creation of a dozen church departments covering all aspects of the society’s life and activities, from interaction with the media to presence in correctional facilities. The diocesan and city church leaders opposed the increased activity of non-Orthodox church organizations, sending appropriate letters to the municipal authorities of Togliatti, publishing articles in the media. Togliatti authorities took into account the opinion of the Orthodox leadership even in such cases as allocation of land plots to non-Orthodox religious organizations.
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Hołasek, Andrzej. "Żołnierz i służba wojskowa w świetle kościelnych źródeł normatywnych z IV i V wieku." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3568.
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At the beginning of the fourth century the legal situation of Christians in the Roman Empire changed dramatically. Thanks to the Emperor Constantine they were no longer persecuted, and their faith became religio licita. From that point onwards the views of Christians on the state began to evolve. It was a long-term process, and happened at a varied pace. One of the aspects of this transformation was the change of Christian attitude to military service. It needs to be said that, from this perspective, the Church legislative sources have not been examined in a great detail. This article aims to take a closer look at several of the sources that include Church regulations relating to military service of the fourth and fifth centuries. These include, i.a., Canons of Hippolytus; Letters of St. Basil; Apostolic Constitutions and Canons of the Apostles. In addition, the article discusses the relevant contents of synodal and council canons from said period. These regulations show the adaptation of Church legislature to the new circumstances, in which the Roman state stopped being the persecutor and became the protector of Christianity. The analysis of numerous documents confirms that Christians were present in the Roman army already in the third century. Because of the spilling of blood and the pagan rites performed in the army, the Church hierarchs strongly resisted the idea of allowing Christians to serve in the military. Church regulations from the third century strictly forbade enlisting in the army, or continuing military service for those who were newly accepted into the community, for the reasons mentioned above. From other documents, however, we learn that the number of Christians in the army was nonetheless increasing. Many were able to reconcile military service with their conscience. At the beginning of the fourth century emperor Constantine granted Christians religious freedom. He allowed Christian soldiers to abstain from invoking pagan gods while swearing military oath (sacramentum), and to participate in Sunday services. The empire was slowly becoming a Christian state. It is for this reason that in the Church regulations from the fourth and fifth century we find acceptance for the presence of Christians in the army. Even though killing of an enemy required undertaking penance, it was no longer a reason for excommunication with no possibility of returning to the Christian communion. The Church expected Christian soldiers to be satisfied with their wages alone, and to avoid harming others through stealing, forced lodging or taking food. The Church in the East no longer considered it wrong to accept gifts for the upkeep of clergy and other faithful from the soldiers who behaved in a correct manner. From the mid-fourth century performing religious services started being treated as separate from performing a layperson’s duties. For this reason the bishops, in both parts of the empire, decided that clergy are barred from military service. In the West, those of the faithful who enlisted with the army after being baptised could no longer be consecrated in the future. In the East, the approach was less rigorous, as the case of Nectarius, the Archbishop of Constantinople, shows. By the end of the fourth century, the West adopted very strict rules of public penance for soldiers – the Popes reminded in their letters to the bishops in Spain and Gaul that after performing the public penance, the soldiers were forbidden to return to the army. We should not forget that the change in the attitude of the Church to military service was also affected by the political-military situation of the Empire. During the fourth and fifth centuries its borderlands were persistently harassed by barbarian raids, and the Persian border was threatened. Let us also remember that the army was not popular in the Roman society during this period. For these reasons, the shifting position of the Church had to be positively seen by the Empire’s ruling elites. The situation became dramatic at the beginning of the fifth century, when Rome was sacked by barbarians. Developing events caused the clergy to deepen their reflections on the necessity of waging war and killing enemies. Among such clergymen was St. Augustine, in whose writings we may find a justification of the so-called just war. Meanwhile, in the East, the view that wars can be won only with God’s help began to dominate.
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"Editorial: Varieties of Strict Baptist." Baptist Quarterly 40, no. 8 (October 2004): 450–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/bqu.2004.40.8.001.
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Hale, Frederick. "‘Fundamentalism’ and ‘fundamentalist’ semantically considered: Their lexical origins, early polysemy, and pejoration." In die Skriflig/In Luce Verbi 47, no. 1 (November 29, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ids.v47i1.672.
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The words fundamentalist (as both a noun and an adjective) and fundamentalism were coined in 1920 within the Northern Baptist Convention when that and other American Protestant denominations were experiencing theological turmoil due to the advance of theological modernism. It is argued in the present article that both terms initially had positive meanings when used by defenders of orthodoxy. However, within weeks of their birth both were criticised by less conservative Christians. Like many other theological terms they underwent semantic change – in this case pejoration and lexical extension. Moreover, by 1923 ‘fundamentalist’ had been extended into political journalism to refer to strict adherents of one ideology or another. The greatest change, however, and one that fixed these neologisms in the public mind in both North America and the United Kingdom, came with the widely published ‘Scopes monkey trial’ of 1925, when the association of ‘fundamentalists’ and ‘fundamentalism’ with anti-intellectualism and obscurantism reached its apogee.Die terme fundamentalis (as ’n selfstandige sowel as byvoeglike naamwoord) en fundamentalisme het binne die Noordelike Baptiste-tradisie ontstaan toe hulle en ander Amerikaanse Protestantse denominasies onrus op teologiese gebied beleef het as gevolg van die opkoms van teologiese modernisme. Die betoog in hierdie artikel is dat albei hierdie terme aanvanklik positiewe betekenis gehad het toe dit deur die beskermers van die ortodoksie gebruik is. Albei terme is egter binne weke na hulle ontstaan deur minder konserwatiewe Christene gekritiseer. Soos vele ander teologiese terme, het hierdie woorde ook semantiese veranderinge ondergaan, in hierdie geval met ongunstige betekenis en leksikale uitbreiding. Boonop is die term fundamentalis teen 1923 ook in die politieke joernalistiek gebruik om na die rigiede navolging van een of ander ideologie te verwys. Die grootste verandering, en een wat hierdie neologismes algemeen in Noord-Amerika sowel as in die Verenigde Koninkryk gevestig het, het egter gekom met die wyd gepubliseerde ‘Scopes monkey trial’ in 1925 toe die assosiasie van fundamentalis en fudamentalisme met anti-intellektualisme en verkramptheid ’n hoogtepunt bereik het.
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"George Edward Raven Deacon, 21 March 1906 - 16 November 1984." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 31 (November 1985): 112–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1985.0005.
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Although he devoted his life to the service of marine science, becoming an internationally famous oceanographer, George Deacon had no family connection with the sea. He was born in Leicester on 21 March 1906, the second child of George Raven Deacon and his wife Emma, born Drinkwater. His father was also born in Leicester: one of six children, he often said he would have liked to have studied medicine but he was obliged to leave school at 14 to work in a boot and shoe factory. His mother was the eldest of five children: after her father died when she was ten she took what was then called the ‘labour exam’ and left school when she was about twelve to work in a hat and cap factory until she was married. The Deacons were devout nonconformists, of the Strict Baptist faith, so Ted Deacon (as he was then called to avoid confusion with his father) and his sister Grace, who was 18 months older, were brought up in a Christian home, with strict but kind discipline. They were given every encouragement to work hard: their mother often quoted from Ecclesiastes ‘Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with all thy might’. She was extremely deaf, so must have missed much of her children’s chatter, but they had a great love for her and their childhood was a very happy one.
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"Frank Dickens, 15 December 1899 - 25 June 1986." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 33 (December 1987): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.1987.0007.
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Frank Dickens was born on 15 December 1899 in Northampton, the youngest of six children, five boys and a girl. His father, William John Dickens, was a master currier and leather merchant, whose family all came from Walgrave or the adjacent Northamptonshire village of Holcot. According to some notes written by one of his brothers, the village church records show that ‘in 1750 a Stephen Dickens paid five shillings for No. 9 pew in Walgrave church’. His mother, Elizabeth Ann ( née Pebody), came from a long line of millers and farmers who, from about 1630 onwards, had lived only a few miles outside Northampton, at Rothersthorpe and later Harpole Mill. His father’s family were firmly nonconformist, whereas his mother’s side was Church of England. Frank has recorded that ‘this did not seem to have caused any difficulties’, but his upbringing was strict and he was taught to think that alcoholic beverages were very wrong. His father was a lay preacher in the Baptist church at Walgrave and took an active part in all the affairs of the church, including playing an instrument in, and conducting, the village band. He must also have had considerable business abilities and ambition, for by the time he was 43 years of age he had gathered together from very small beginnings enough resources to build a fair-sized leather factory in Northampton, to which town the family had moved a couple of years earlier.