Academic literature on the topic 'Strikes and lockouts, coal mining'
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Journal articles on the topic "Strikes and lockouts, coal mining"
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Bowd, Gavin. "Franco-British communist solidarity in the miners' strikes of 1926, 1948 and 1984-85." Twentieth Century Communism 23, no. 23 (November 10, 2022): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322836165544.
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The British and French communist movements have rarely been an object of comparison, partly because of the huge difference in fortunes enjoyed by the two parties. However, one important similarity between these neighbours was the size and importance of the countries' coal industries, as well as the militancy of their mining communities, where communism took root as a serious political and cultural force. This article examines acts of solidarity by British and French Communists during the most important miners' strikes of their parties' existence: the General Strike and Lockout of 1926, the French miners' action of 1948, and the British miners' last great struggle of 1984-1985. Through the study of archival documents, the press and other sources, we explore how these disputes constitute important moments in the history of British and French communism, as well as of their countries' respective labour movements. The dispute of 1984-1985 marks a culminating point that confirms the strengths and weaknesses of British and French communism's relationship with the miners.
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Campolieti, Michele. "Strikes in British Coal Mining, 1893–1940: Testing Models of Strikes." Industrial Relations: A Journal of Economy and Society 60, no. 2 (March 31, 2021): 243–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/irel.12276.
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Kim, Hyun Woo. "Work environments and workers’ grievances: Accounting for variation in wildcat strikes in the US coal mining industry, 1970–1977." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 1039–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x16681484.
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This article examines the role of work environments and workers’ grievances as factors generating wildcat strikes in the US coal mining industry from 1970 to 1977, a period of intense worker–management conflict. Drawing on historical and empirical evidence, it argues that the classical wage-bargaining model of authorized strike activity fails to account for variation in the incidence of wildcat strikes in general, and those in the coal mines in particular. The analysis employs a unique data set on wildcat strikes in the coal industry during the period. This article brings the analysis of the causes of wildcat strikes into closer dialogue with social and labor movement theory.
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Cohn, Samuel, and Adrienne Eaton. "Historical Limits on Neoclassical Strike Theories: Evidence from French Coal Mining, 1890–1935." ILR Review 42, no. 4 (July 1989): 649–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979398904200413.
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This study analyzes the determinants of strikes in French coal mining over the period 1890–1935. The results indicate that factors emphasized by traditional bargaining power models were more important determinants of strikes in that setting than was economic variability. This finding supports the hypothesis that neoclassical theories of strikes—Hicksian theories that strikes are a function of the parties' lack of information about the economic environment in which bargaining takes place—are inappropriate in some historical and political contexts. Specifically, the authors argue that the many settings where (as in the case considered) strikes are politically motivated, firms have simple economic structures, and collective bargaining is poorly institutionalized should provide evidence discontinuing neoclassical predictions.
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Church, Roy, Quentin Outram, and David N. Smith. "The ‘Isolated Mass’ Revisited: Strikes in British Coal Mining." Sociological Review 39, no. 1 (February 1991): 55–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1991.tb02969.x.
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Church, Roy, Quentin Outram, and David N. Smith. "British Coal Mining Strikes 1893-1940: Dimensions, Distribution and Persistence." British Journal of Industrial Relations 28, no. 3 (November 1990): 329–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.1990.tb00999.x.
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Rössel, Jörg. "Industrial Structure, Union Strategy, and Strike Activity in American Bituminous Coal Mining, 1881-1894." Social Science History 26, no. 1 (2002): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001227x.
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The goal of this article is to describe and explain the specific strike pattern of American bituminous coal miners in the last part of the nineteenth century (between 1881 and 1894).The central thesis is that the evolution of strike patterns in bituminous coal mining differed substantially from the development of strike patterns in other industries during this period. According to scholars like Gerald Friedman (1988) and Kim Voss (1993), the evolution of the American labor movement until 1886 was strongly determined by the Knights of Labor’s strategy of inclusive unionism, which sought to increase worker power through solidarity and broad-based strikes. As this strategy proved unsuccessful—especially in 1886—American labor unions later conducted a different type of walkout: planned, small strikes of strategically located, skilled workers, which were more successful.
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Laugen, R. Todd. "Struggles for the Public Interest: Organized Labor and State Mediation in Postwar America." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 4, no. 1 (January 2005): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003662.
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In his 1906 Annual Message to Congress, President Theodore Roosevelt urged support for a bill to mandate the government investigation of labor disputes before allowing workers to strike. In an “age of great corporate and labor combinations,” the president insisted “the public has itself an interest which can not wisely be disregarded; an interest not merely of general convenience, for the question of a just and proper public policy must also be considered.” Congress at the time was unmoved. Yet Roosevelt's proposal signaled a growing movement to compel the investigation and arbitration of major labor conflicts. This movement peaked in the years soon after World War I. Advocates for government mediation insisted that an impartial commission of experts could peacefully negotiate workplace disputes and spare the consuming public the contests of will and force associated with major strikes. The Progressive Era arbitration of railroad and mining conflicts established important precedents and have received significant attention from scholars. National mediation boards, however, rarely assumed the power to order participation. Such efforts were more prominent at die state level. In 1915 Colorado legislators largely implemented Roosevelt's proposal, creating the first government board with powers to ban strikes and lockouts pending an investigation in industries affected with a public interest. Soon after the war, Kansas expanded upon the Colorado precedent with a compulsory arbitration board to regulate a host of indus-tries deemed essential to the public. Programs for state mediation of labor conflicts in the postwar period were particularly bound up with questions of compulsion in the public interest.
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Church, Roy, Quentin Outram, and David N. Smith. "DOWN AND OUT IN WIGAN AND BARNSLEY: BRITISH COAL MINING STRIKES UNDER PRIVATE OWNERSHIP." Scottish Journal of Political Economy 42, no. 2 (May 1995): 127–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9485.1995.tb01150.x.
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Conell, Carol, and Samuel Cohn. "Learning from Other People's Actions: Environmental Variation and Diffusion in French Coal Mining Strikes, 1890-1935." American Journal of Sociology 101, no. 2 (September 1995): 366–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/230728.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Strikes and lockouts, coal mining"
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Bailey, Rebecca J. "Matewan before the massacre : politics, coal, and the roots of conflict in a West Virginia mining community /." Morgantown : West Virginia University Press, 2008. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0903/2008936435.html.
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Borisov, Vadim. "Strikes in Russia : the case of the coal-mining industry." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4025/.
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This thesis presents an analysis of the character and significance of strikes in post- Soviet Russia on the basis of a series of case studies of strikes in the coal-mining industry. The central argument of the thesis is that the patterns of strike activity have been conditioned by the forms of management and financing of the coal-mining industry and by the strategy of the mining industry trade unions. Following a review of the sociological and industrial relations literature on strikes, the thesis opens with a detailed study of the 1989 miners' strike in Kuzbass. Here it is shown that the original demands of the miners were taken up and generalised by the structures of branch and local administrative power, and the strike was thereby assimilated into the traditional structures of branch and regional lobbying for resources in Moscow. This set the pattern for the subsequent organisation of strikes in the state and state-subsidised sectors of the economy. The coincidence of interests of miners with the branch and regional authorities in 1989 was determined by the centralised management and financing of the coal-mining industry. The system of subsidies to the industry reproduced this structure even after the `transition to a market economy', although the financial and political weakening of the state amid intensified competition for resources made it increasingly difficult for the state to meet all the demands put on it. An analysis of the 1993 miners' strike in Ukrainian Donbass shows how these constraints meant that the miners were used by the directors to achieve their own ends. This is followed by an account of the relationship between the lobbying activity of the coal-mining industry, conflicts within the government apparatus, changing forms of financing of the industry and the organisation of nation-wide miners' actions, centred on the 1995 and 1996 miners' strikes. The changes in the system of management and financing of the coal-mining industry meant that the trade unions sought to contain conflict within the enterprise in the attempt to concentrate their efforts on regional and national campaigns in collaboration with management. The final three substantive chapters of the thesis explore the implications of the increasing isolation and fragmentation of the miners through a series of case studies of strikes in Kuzbass and Rostov over the period 1997-9. The final chapter draws together the general themes addressed in the thesis.
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Sihlahla, Kyllikki Taina Niita Ndangi. "Perceptions on the impact of strikes on productivity at selected mines in the mining sector of Namibia." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2081.
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Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2016.The mining sector has been the backbone of the Namibian economy since Namibia attained its independence. However, the disruptive nature of the numerous strikes that are experienced in the mining sector has prompted this study that explores the perceptions held by different stakeholders on the impact of strikes on the productivity of three selected mines in Namibia. The selected mines are Langer Heinrich mine, Navachab Gold mine and Skorpion Zinc mine. Labour disputes in Namibia’s mining sector have a long history dating back to the colonial era. A myriad of factors that include, amongst others, poor remuneration, unfair labour practices, poor social and housing amenities, perceived discrimination and harsh working conditions are major triggers for mining sector strikes. Strikes are mostly conducted by employees when they fail to amicably resolve a labour dispute with their employers. Employees are normally perceived as the backbone of any organisation. Conflicts, however, are part of human nature and can only be avoided, in most cases, if people are conscious of the consequences of their actions and reactions, hence, the need to explore the perceptions of stakeholders on the impact of strikes on the productivity of the selected mines. Human perceptions are dynamic in nature. Irrespective of this fact, in this research questionnaires were administered to obtain the perceptions of mine management, miners and trade union members on the effects of strikes on the productivity of the three selected mines. A different questionnaire was designed to gather the views of the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare (MLSW) officials since in most cases they are involved in conciliating the disputing parties. Generally, strikes have negative impacts not only on the organisation concerned, but also on the Namibian economy at large. The mines selected for this research are situated in the Khomas, Erongo and Karas regions of Namibia. Most mining companies in Namibia are located in Erongo and Karas, whereas Windhoek, which is in the Khomas region, mainly houses some of these mines headquarters. A five-point Likert scale was used to gather data in the survey. Specialised software called Statistical Program for Social Scientists (SPSS) was then used to analyse the data. Although the results indicate that in most cases the striking parties are aware of the adverse effects of strikes on productivity of the mines, they still opt to use strikes as a bargaining weapon. Since conflicts are always bound to arise where two or more parties interact, this study recommends that there should always be a conciliator who tries to amicably resolve disputes by sensitising each party on the consequences of strikes. The study also recommends a model which emphasises the need to thoroughly inform the mineworkers and the mine management on the ripple effects of strikes and on the need to achieve a win-win situation for all the parties that are involved in a conflict. The model emphasises that although the employees and the employers can individually and separately approach the official, which is the MLSW, such official should always provide open feedback to the feuding parties through a tripartite negotiation forum, otherwise any other type of covert feedback may be misinterpreted as bias by one of the feuding parties. The model further explains that at all times direct negotiations between employees and their employers must be kept open, as it is possible that agreements that can reduce strike action may be reached without necessarily engaging a third party.
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Butjie, Boitumelo Cordelia. "The effect of the Marikana events on the collective bargaining process in South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/9239.
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The basic structures of collective bargaining in South Africa have evolved since industrialisation, through the Wiehahn-Commission era until the Farlam one and beyond, resulting in a number of legislative changes from 1924 to 2014. While dealing with collective bargaining, it is not possible to divorce the powerful history of mining from the South African story, from the diamond fields in Kimberley to the discovery of gold on the Witwatersrand in 1886, where the mine employees’ focused on cheap, unskilled labour and migrant system in the 1900s to the tragic events at Marikana in 2012. In the advent of the industry revolution, employment relationships changed as competitive demands placed a great need for advancing economic developments which are often expressed through collective-bargaining. The objective of collective bargaining is to arrive at an agreement between the employer and employees to determine mutually beneficial terms and conditions of employment such agreement may prohibit unions to embark on an industrial action for as long as it is in place. Strikes became important during the Industrial Revolution, when many worked in factories and mines. Often when employees’ demands are not met, they resort to strike action. Strike action is when a number of employees stop rendering their service in protest to express their grievances. These strikes are usually led by labour unions to get better pay, working hours or working conditions during collective bargaining as a last resort. While trade union leadership fails to advance employees’ cause, employees resort to informal alternative structures to negotiate on their behalf. South Africans have a tradition of taking to the streets in protest when unhappy about issues and this tradition did not spring up during the apartheid era but has been around from as early as 1922 to date. Protests in South Africa today draw from past repertoires and at the same time push for new political practices and directions. Strikes are often used to: Pressure governments to change its policies like in the Rand Revolt; Strikes can destabilise the rule of a particular political party like a series of strikes by blacks in the 1970s and 1980s including the 1973 Durban dockworkers and the 1987 miners’ strikes; Strikes are often part of a broader social movement taking the form of a campaign of civil resistance like Treatment Action Campaign and community struggles such Abahlali Base Mjondolo. On the strike issues in South Africa, the researcher draws from the terrible incident that transpired in August 2012 at Lonmin Mine-Marikana and how it has affected the collective bargaining landscape in South Africa. The first real and significant labour unrest, the Witwatersrand miner strike rocked South Africa to the core in 1922 and in 2012, ninety years later the violent strike by the Rock Operational Drillers at Lonmin following the Marikana massacre and as such did not enjoy statutory protection under the LRA because was classified as wildcat strike. Normally, a wildcat strike constitutes a violation of a collective bargaining agreement in place and as such is not protected unless a union joins it and ratifies the protest. The union may, however, discipline its members for participating in a wildcat strike and impose fines. Among other things miners mainly demanded a wage increment of R12500 per month. The fight between AMCU and NUM for organisational rights also found its way into the equation. A strike wave, not only linked to the mining sector, made 2012 the most protest filled year since the end of apartheid, rolled out across South Africa, closing some industrial operations and crippling others. Commentators argue that the strike wave emerged from a landscape of extreme inequality and poverty, made intolerable by the additional financial burdens arising from the migrant labour system. These factors influenced the industrial action and institutions of collective bargaining comprising of both company and union structures and processes, were found wanting in their ability to address the root causes of the crisis. The post-Marikana strike wave made a mark in the workers struggle movement as it drew in thousands of workers to join AMCU and at the same time weakening NUM, the then majority union. The strike led to the rise and growth of AMCU which was seen by miners as the driver for change. The 2012 strike wave and the Marikana massacre not only changed the balance of forces on the ground against the NUM, but also generated divisions within COSATU. The divisions were between those who decided to remain deaf to the workers’ call for transformation and those who had already realised that a decisive turn in economic policy was needed to avoid a social, economic and political crisis. In the aftermath of the strike, a number community struggles increased as 2012 began and on the other side, a number of splinter groups from COSATU mushroomed which was hobbled by in fights. NUM’s collapse is indeed part of a series of recent failures for COSATU.
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Twala, Mandla Alfred. "A sociological analysis of the impact and management of strike action in South Africa Mining Industry : with specific reference to Spitzkop Coal Mine in Breyten (Mpumalanga Province)." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/205.
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Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Zululand, 2002.The main focus of the study will be based on strike action. Strikes cannot exist without conflict. This reflects that "strike action" and "conflict" are two related concepts. Labour disruptions have been the single most important contributing factor to the record low production figures in the mining industry in the last five years. Prior to the 1994 elections, most strikes were politically inspired and therefore little attention was paid to the needs of the workers. However, management have since realised the importance of seeing to the needs of the workers. A worker who is satisfied with the job and working conditions is less likely to strike than one who is not satisfied. The importance of labour and specifically labour relations has been realised. Labour relations cannot be regarded in isolation. There are a number of external factors which influence labour relations and have to be brought into consideration when reviewing the labour relations climate. The study device certain general guidelines for management to follow when handling strike situations. Amongst the more important findings was the fact that there must be a greater awareness of worker needs, values and objectives. The best way to handle strikes is to prevent them from occurring in the first place. To do this management need to proactively investigate and manage the grievances of the workers. The diversity of cultures in the mining industry contributes to labour unrest in various ways. Workers become frustrated by what some groups consider as the norm. Furthermore, in chapter five research methodology. The questionnaires was distributed to respondents in Spitzkop coal mining industry. Stratified sampling technique was also applied in this research to minimize loss of data from respondents and economize in terms of spending money. This method only uses the readily available respondents (stratum form). In data analysis frequency and chi-square statistics was used to demonstrate management and worker responses and attitudes to the strike. Management need to have a formalised strike plan, which would contribute towards more efficient handling of strikes. Management should be proactive in their approach to strikes, rather than reactive. Part of this proactive process by management is the constant monitoring of working conditions to see what further types of improvements can be introduces to minimize adverse effects of strike. There should be good communication between management and workers at all times. Open communication is strengthened by worker involvement in decision-making.
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Mumford, Karen. "Wage determination and strike activity in the New South Wales coal industry : trade union and employer bargaining." Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/131457.
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The New South Wales (NSW) coal industry has been one of the most strike torn industries in the world, with violent and bitter battles between trade union and employer. This thesis seeks a greater understanding of the determination of wages and strike activity in this industry.
The thesis is presented in two parts. Part one considers difficulties encountered when modelling the objectives of a trade union, and the outcome of bargaining between a trade union and firm. Part two applies models of the objectives of trade unions, and bargaining, to issues of wage determination, and strike activity in the NSW coal industry.
The process of wage determination in the NSW coal industry is investigated using the reduced form of Svejnar's (1986) model. The major prediction of Svejnar's model, that there is a positive relationship between the industry surplus and the industry wage, is strongly supported. The results are improved upon by adapting Svejnar's model. A first-order dynamic adjustment model is used to allow for a more complicated dynamic structure than that assumed in the theoretical model. Furthermore, by taking into account some of the aspects of the bi-sectoral (open cut and underground) structure of the coal industry and the heterogeneity of its labour force, Svejnar's model is generalised from its specific reduced form.
The thesis also provides a survey of the major, and more influential, models of strike activity. Some of these models are then applied to data from the NSW coal industry, resulting in three major conclusions: (i) with the exception of the Hayes' (1984) model, the theories considered do not provide acceptable explanations of strike activity in the NSW coal industry; (ii) there are common empirical relationships that are predicted by authors of very different theories; and (iii) there is a need to treat measures of strike activity as potentially different, rather than alternative, indicators of strike. An eclectic model of strikes is then developed. This eclectic model is based on Tracy's (1986) world-wise approach and was greatly influenced by: the theoretical survey of strike models; the empirical application of these models to the NSW coal industry; and familiarity with the NSW coal industry. Each of the different measures of strike activity is modelled using a common set of explanatory variables in an attempt to ascertain the commonality, or uniqueness, of the relationships determining strike activity.
The results suggested that the explanations for strike frequency, the size of strike, strike intensity, and the average duration of strikes are not the same. Indeed, the only variable which was found to have a significant effect on all four of these measures of strike activity is the level of market concentration in the NSW coal industry. (This variable also had the highest elasticity, at the sample mean, of all the significant variables in the regressions for strike frequency, average duration, or strike incidence in the NSW coal industry.) The explanation for this dominance of market concentration on the results is unclear. From both empirical and theoretical perspectives, there appears to be a need to consider the role of industrial relations more fully. Despite this common theme that runs through the regressions for strike frequency, average duration, and strike intensity, it should be stressed that each of these regressions also exhibits combinations of significant empirical relationships which are unique to itself. This result rejects the use of these measures of strike activity as simple alternatives for each other.
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Engelbrecht, Jennifer Esme-Louise. "A stakeholder analysis of the Marikana mining incident : implications for HR management." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13772.
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M.Com. (Leadership in Performance and Change)In August 2012 the South African mining industry was the focus of attention due to an illegal strike at Lonmin Platinum mine that resulted in the police shooting striking employees on 16 August 2012. Thirty-four employees lost their lives on that day. An additional ten people died in violent protests in the build-up to the main shooting incident. This strike period has become widely known as ‘Marikana’. This historical incident illustrates how a single incident within an organisation can have an impact at various levels and affect multiple stakeholders. The main objective of this study was to identify the effect that the Marikana mining incident had on Lonmin (the organisation) and its main stakeholders as well as to identify the effect the stakeholders and Lonmin had on each other. In order to reach these objectives an historical timeline of the sequence of events surrounding the Marikana incident was constructed. The main stakeholders involved in the Marikana incident were then identified, and the relationships and the relative strengths between these stakeholders were mapped. The methodology used in the study was Quantitative Narrative Analysis (QNA) as applied by Franzosi (2010). In particular, the content from English newspaper articles sourced from South Africa and England relating to the Marikana mining incident for the period 1 to 24 August 2012 were reviewed, coded and analysed. All relevant data from the articles were recorded in a manual database, coded according to the semantic triplet of ‘actors’, ‘actions’ and ‘subjects’ (S-V-O) (Franzosi, 1989) and analysed based on QNA principles (Franzosi, 2010). First, a sequence analysis was conducted, identifying the roles (consequences) that the respective actors (stakeholders and subgroupings of stakeholders) enacted as well as the order in which they unfolded. The analysis was used to produce a series of network graphs to visually depict the sequence of events and the respective effects of the sequencing of these events. These graphs take the form of stake maps and visually tell the story of how events unfolded and the effects of these events on all the actors involved ...
Books on the topic "Strikes and lockouts, coal mining"
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John, McIlroy, Campbell Alan 1949-, and Gildart Keith, eds. Indstrial politics and the 1926 mining lockout: The struggle for dignity. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2004.
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Seifert, Roger V. Struggle without end: The 1984/85 miners' strike in North Staffordshire. Newcastle, Staffs: Published for North Staffs. Trades Council by Penrhos Publications, 1987.
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Altman, Jason S. Work stoppage patterns in Virginia's coal counties, 1973-1988. Blacksburg, Va: Economic Development Assistance Center, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1990.
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Cohn, Samuel. When strikes make sense - And Why: Lessons from Third Republic French coal miners. New York: Plenum, 1993.
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Hanley, Beth. Lockout: Weston and its mines, 1928-30. Charlestown, Newcastle, N.S.W: Loani, 1992.
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Bequet, Roger. Montceau, 1948. Château de la Vérrérie: Institut Jean Baptiste Dumay, 1987.
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Samuel, Cohn. When strikes make sense--and why: Lessons from Third Republic French coal miners. New York: Plenum Press, 1993.
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Council, Wales TUC General. Mining dispute: A supplementary report from the Wales T.U.C. General Council. [Cardiff]: Wales TUC, 1985.
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Sentis, Georges. Chronique de la grève générale insurrectionnelle dans le bassin minier du Pas-de-Calais, 21-31 août 1944. [Lille?]: Editions Marxisme-régions, 1994.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Strikes and lockouts, coal mining"
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Phillips, Jim. "Miners and the Scottish Nation: from the 1950s to the 1970s." In Scottish Coal Miners in the Twentieth Century, 158–94. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474452311.003.0006.
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Economic security in the coalfields was strengthened after the closure of Scotland’s largest colliery, Michael in East Fife, in 1967. The moral economy was enforced vigorously by the New Mine generation. Mobilisation averted a significant erosion of employment. Increased coal burn at new power stations was secured. As the creation of jobs in new industries slowed, so did the rate of employment loss in coal. Pits closed only where the interests of mining localities were carefully protected. Security was also pursued through industrial action for improved wages. The New Mine generation in Scotland was instrumental in shifting union politics to the left, and Scottish miners were prominent in major unofficial strikes in 1969 and 1970. Miners across Britain won significant pay increases in 1972 and 1974. These struggles reflected ambitions for more trenchant resistance to deindustrialisation, but the trend to unity across the coalfields was countered by the NCB’s introduction of area incentive schemes. The prominence of territorial divisions reinforced the Scottish labour movement’s argument that deindustrialisation and economic security were phenomena with distinct national features in Scotland.